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On Petronius' Bellum Civile Author(S): Georg Luck Reviewed Work(S): Source: the American Journal of Philology, Vol On Petronius' Bellum Civile Author(s): Georg Luck Reviewed work(s): Source: The American Journal of Philology, Vol. 93, No. 1, Studies in Honor of Henry T. Rowell (Jan., 1972), pp. 133-141 Published by: The Johns Hopkins University Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/292907 . Accessed: 14/03/2012 23:14 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. The Johns Hopkins University Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The American Journal of Philology. http://www.jstor.org ON PETRONIUS' BELLUM UIVILE.* Why did Petronius insert the epic fragment dealing with the war between Caesar and Pompey into his novel? Did he want to parody Lucan? Did he merely want to imitate him? Or was it his intention to show how such a subject should have beei treated ? All these views have been held, from J. G. Mossler (184e, to H. Stubbe (1933), as we see from J. P. Sullivan's recent book, The Satyricon of Petronius (London, 1968), pp. 165-86. It is hardly necessary to summarize the various aproaches once more. In my view, the epic fragment represents Petronius' persona) and highly original reaction to the posthumous publication by a brilliant young writer of a probably unfinished epic poem which enjoyed immediate acclaim in Rome. If we take it to- gether with Petronius' remarks on epic style (ch. 118) which serve as an introduction, we might call it a piece of literary criticism in verse. Petronius as a literary critic not only tells us what he dislikes (as in ch. 118): he also shows us (in his Bellum Civile) how he would have dealt with the subject. In other words: he supplements his objections with a piece of truly constructive criticism. Of course he does not rewrite the whole poem; a specimen to indicate his own way of handling the material was enough. This procedure may seem strange to us. A modern critic might parody the style of a novel-and parody can be a very effective form of criticism-but to compete with it by a special creative effort would be very unusual today. And yet this is exactly what Petronius has done, or part of what he has done, for there is an element of parody or pastiche which is necessary to identify his target. Hellenistic and Roman poets often pass critical judgments by picking up a theme or motif and giving it a new turn. They may rewrite a whole passage in another poet, because they feel that the same idea could be expressed more effectively in a * I am grateful to Gareth Schmeling for his help. 133 134 GEBORGLUCK. different way. The poet as critic is one of the themes of Rudolf Pfeiffer's History of Classical Scholarship (Oxford, 1968); he shows, for instance, how Callimachus and Apollonius of Rhodes interpreted earlier poetry in their own verse (pp. 140; 146 ff.). The poeta doctus expresses his criticism, but also his approval, by imitating, in his own style, a few lines or a whole poem. This explains, I think, the relationship between Theocritus' Hylas (Id. 22) and Apollonius' Argonautica, II, 1 ff., or Vir- gil's Fourth Eclogue and Horace's Sixteenth Epode. This chal- lenge or competition does not have to be hostile or negative; it can be done in a friendly spirit, as a sort of game. What does this mean for Petronius? First of all, I think, it means that Lucan's Pharsalia had been published shortly before Petronius wrote the part of his novel that we are discussing here. Second, it means that Petronius had read the Pharsalia but did not share the admiration of many readers. And yet he must have felt that he could not ignore the literary sensation of the day. We can trace the controversy whether Lucan was an epic poet or not back to antiquity. Petronius makes his position clear: in his view an epic poem should be constructed differently. This, I think, is the significance of his own epic fragment, com- bined with his critical remarks in prose. There can be little doubt that all ten books of the Pharsalia were available to Petronius, though I do not believe that the last lines of his Bellum Civile reflect the last lines of the Pharsalia. The resemblance pointed out by Kenneth Rose in one of his important articles 1 does not convince me, though I agree with him that Petronius wrote this part of his work soon after Lucan's death, which took place on the 30th of April 65 A. D. Actually, there is no need to prove that Petronius had read the 1 Kenneth Rose, C. Q., LXI (1962), p. 167. I am well aware of the con- sequences for the dating of the Satyricon, but I feel that any theory which does not take into account the relationship between the Bellum Civile and the Pharsalia should be discarded. A very interesting relation- ship of a different kind has been established by Henry T. Rowell, "The Gladiator Pertraites and the Date of the Satyricon," T. A. P. A., LXXXIX (1958), pp. 14-24; the evidence presented there is so clear that I feel fully confident about the chronology I have assumed. Inci- dentally, Petronius must have been at work for a fairly long period of time; in its original form the novel had vast dimensions. ON PETRONIUS' " BELLUM CIVILE." 135 Pharsalia from beginning to end. If it can be shown that he knew, for example, Book VII (the acount of the battle) or Book VI (the Erichtho episode), it becomes very likely that he had read through the whole work. It is almost certain that Petronius knew at least these two books and Book I; hence he probably knew the work, as it stood then and now, for Books IV-VII were published posthumously. In other words, Petronius must have written his Bellum Civile shortly after Lucan's death. If this is true, he was not motivated by jealousy or rivalry in the ordinary sense of the word. He did not have to compete with Lucan for the favour of the court or the Roman public. What mattered now was simply the question whether Lucan deserved this posthumous recognition, and whether he really was as great as Virgil or even greater. His work invites com- parison with Virgil, and there can be little doubt that Lucan, in the eyes of his more enthusiastic admirers, had surpassed the Aeneid,-a view shared by Shelley. Petronius' Bellum Civile makes excellent sense if we assume that this question was debated in Rome at the very time when he was at work on his novel. He justifies his unfavourable opinion in three different ways: First, in the more theoretical remarks of ch. 118; second, by a clever parody of some of Lucan's mannerisms; third, by demonstrating how an epic poem devoted to this subject should have been conceived. The final decision rests, of course, with the reader, but Petronius, like a good advocate, has argued his case as skilfully as possible. Let us look briefly at each point. First, the introductory remarks of ch. 118.2 Eumolpus, the speaker, has definite views on the requisites of the epic poem: the gods should play an active role; there should be not too many glittering epigrams; the poet himself should be well-read; the poem should not proceed like a controversia, etc. All this is aimed straight at 2 The last sentence is difficult. What can per ambages deorumque ministeria et fabulosum sententiarum tormentum praecipitandus est liber spiritus mean? Konrad Miiller puts tormentum between daggers and lists various suggestions in his apparatus, none of them convincing. I feel that tormentum in the sense of " catapult" would be satisfactory; the imagination is shot through space like a missile. But fabulosum remains puzzling, and the first part of the sentence hardly yields sense. 136 GEORG LUCK. Lucan, even though his name is not mentioned. Lucan dispenses with the traditional divine machinery; he loves epigrams; he was too young, too one-sided, too much in a hurry to succeed to be plenus litteris and to have acquired the severa lectio which Petronius recommends in a different context (ch. 4, 3). Second, the element of parody. As I said before, it is unmis- takably there, but not quite in the sense that Oscar Wilde had in mind when he wrote: "Parody, which is the Muse with the tongue in her cheek, has always amused me; but it requires a bright touch . ., and, oddly enough, a love of the poet whom it caricatures. One's disciples can parody one-nobody else." Petronius could hardly be called a disciple of Lucan. On the other hand, it is not necessary to hate someone to become aware of his failings; one may find him merely disappointing or boring. Petronius is simply stating his opinion. Parody of this kind can provide quick relief for a critical hangover. It is also a convenient way of describing, by means of cari- cature, what you consider the main features of an author. Ovid's Amores, III, 12 seems to me a striking example.3 In this poem which belongs to the second edition of the Amores Ovid seems to parody the lofty elegiac style as cultivated by Propertius.
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