Adivasis, Hindutva and Post-Godhra Riots in

Though Gujarat has a history of communalism, adivasis were the last to be communalised. This paper attempts to explore the participation of adivasis in the riots that followed the Godhra carnage. It highlights the fact that the character of riots in adivasi areas was different from that in non-adivasi areas and attempts to reconstruct the developmental cycle of communalisation of adivasis from late 1980s onwards. It links this communalisation with the political economy of adivasis whose aspirations and problems are kept distorted and their attention diverted under the garb of religion and party politics.

LANCY LOBO

I Historically, the Bhils have had interac- of the imposition on adivasis for the Overview of Adivasis tion with the Rajputs. There were small purchase of liquor from Parsee taverns princely states of Bhils, at times consisting [Hardiman 1996]. of Gujarat of one village or more. The chiefs of these Two things have happened to adivasis he adivasis are spread in the eastern states married their daughters to low rank- as a result of state action in the post- districts of the state of Gujarat and ing Rajputs, who for a variety of reasons Independence period. First, Bhil physical this adivasi belt ranges from south- sought women from outside their caste. and social geography has been decimated T One can thus speak of the Bhil-Rajput/ by the linguistic division of states. Some ern Rajasthan in the north, Madhya Pradesh in the east and to Maharashtra in the south. Kshatriya continuum just as Koli-Rajput Bhils are parcelled off to Rajasthan, some The adivasis of Gujarat account for 15 per continuum. Besides, the Bhils were also to Gujarat and others to Madhya Pradesh. cent of the total population. They are employed in the militia of the Rajput kings. In Gujarat they were ‘Gujaratised’. Ignor- specially spread in the districts of Even some of the names such as Dungri ing their own languages and dialects the Sabarkantha, Panchmahal, Vadodara, Garasia and Garasia Bhils suggest that the adivasis had to do their schooling in the Bharuch, Narmada, Surat, Navsari, Valsad Garasia prefix belongs to the Rajputs. The state language. They were at a disadvantage and Dangs. 32 talukas of these districts state of Idar populated by adivasis for in speaking and writing in Gujarati with have an adivasi population of over fifty instance, was a Rajput state. Thus all along the mainstream non-adivasis. They could per cent. The government has classified the eastern adivasi belt one observes pres- easily be identified as adivasis from the them as adivasi talukas for the sake of ence of Rajputs living alongside predomi- accents and pronunciation. Secondly, the developmental programmes. nantly adivasi areas. Even in south Gujarat adivasis were Hinduised by the state. In About a hundred years ago the adivasis one finds Rajput landowners called each of the decennial census the column of Gujarat were called the Bhils of the ‘Mahidas’, eg, Valia taluka of Bharuch for religion was increasingly filled up as hills. Gujarat had two major substratum of district which is predominantly adivasi. Hindu. For instance, Gamits were prefixed population known as Bhils and Kolis. The The Bhils were not unfamiliar with as Hindu Gamits, Chaudhris as Hindu Kolis (OBCs) were 20 per cent of the assertion, protest and revolts. In 1856 Bhils Chaudhris. Secondly, during admission to population. The Kolis were known as the of Gujarat revolted against the British. The schools this Hindu identity was reinforced tribals of the plains. Kolis lived in the Bhils of Panchmahals led by Guru Govind in the school records. Different Hindu sects plains while the Bhils lived in the hills. rose against veth (free labour). In 1912 his have contributed to the Hinduisation of the Even today Kolis in Kutch are classified blind challenge to British took the lives adivasis. The Bhagat or the Bhakti move- as adivasis. The Kolis largely claim to be of 3000 Bhils. Gandhi’s freedom struggle ment and later a host of other movements Kshatriyas have named groups in different too found an echo among the adivasis in quickened the process of Hinduisation. The sub-regions of Gujarat [Lobo 1995]. The Bardoli, Salt March, and Quit move- upwardly mobile adivasis took to Hindu Bhils too have been differentiated into ment of 1942. Kisan Sabha organised a sects faster than the others ([Lobo 1992]. numerous (29) named tribes spread along rally of ten thousand adivasis to abolish The adivasis are now stratified on ac- the eastern belt of hilly Gujarat. Some of bonded labour (‘hali pratha’) among the count of the numerous interventions of the the major names are Gamit, Chaudhri, Dubla tribe of south Gujarat. In 1940, government, non-government agencies, Vasava, Kokna, Warli, and a few have 5,000 adivasis met and resolved to put an missionaries and adivasi organisations. retained the name of Bhil, eg, in Dangs, end to British rule at the Haripura Con- Divisions like ‘Mota’ (big) Chaudhris and or use the suffix of Bhil like Dungri Bhil. gress meeting [Patel 2001:11-12]. ‘Nana’ (small) Chaudhris are found among Many of these tribes are endogamous. A Interaction with other non-adivasis the Chaudhris. There are Bhagats and non- few tribes like the Kotwalia, Kolgas, etc, viz Hindu, Muslim and Parsee traders, Bhagats within a tribe. There are differences have been given the status of ‘Primitive businessmen, and money-lenders has been of language among them. For instance, the th Tribes’. Primitive Tribes are the tribes who noted since the 19 century. Devi move- Vasavi Bhil language varied from one site are very backward and get more assistance ment was a protest against the transfer of to another though having a contiguous from the state for their development. land from adivasis to Parsees on account geographical space. There has been little

4844 Economic and Political Weekly November 30, 2002 horizontal solidarity within a tribe leave The creamy layer among the adivasis has Hindutvisation of the adivasis was alone across tribes. Some efforts particu- been caught up in a very ambivalent posi- begun by the Sangh Parivar. This was a larly during socio-religious movements tion. They exclude themselves from the planned process. The Sangh Parivar sur- have been made to establish horizontal ordinary adivasis and want to include them- veyed, selected and targeted villages, solidarity among them. selves among Hindus or at least pass off as planted its men, recruited local people and non-adivasis. This creamy layer has be- began its anti-missionary campaigns. They Table 1: Incidents of Violence – March to come highly Hinduised. This layer has also also built their institutions for children. May 2002 been co-opted by the government bureau- With a view to speedy Hindutvaisation Date Incident cracy, contractors, forest officials, police, they used Advani’s ‘rathyatra’, ‘ramshila- March 2002 politicians, and other non-adivasi volun- pujan’ and collection of bricks from 3 Arson in rural Baroda. Chhotaudepur tary organisations. Having found their own adivasis for the construction of Ram temple under curfew. 4 Mob attack on 4 people in Sanjaynagar, upward mobility they care little for the rest in Ayodhya. Warasia. Admitted at Civil hospital with of their tribe. Non-adivasi value system has The Hindutvisation process in Dediapada burns. People shifted from Central Gujarat in crept into the adivasis such as caste hier- and Sagbara was initiated in the following Baroda Range especially from Sanjeli, archy, puritanism, emulation of non-adivasi manner. Events such as ‘Ramshilapujan’, Fatehpura and Randhikpur. 5 Tension in Tejgadh, Chhotaudepur fol- dress, entertainment, food, and individu- mini ‘rathyatras’, Ramjyoth and ‘kar seva’ lowing clashes between police and tribals. alism. Communitarian values are given a were spaced over a year and a half in these Night curfew in Dabhoi, Bodeli, Pavi go by. Christianisation too has brought in areas. A collection of rupees 1.25 per Jetpur, Tejgadh and Chhotaudepur. Mob attack police convoy carrying changes, some positive and others negative. household was made from villages along Muslims from Chhotaudepur to Baroda. Hold of upper castes in Gujarat politics the highway. “If you do not contribute you One constable shot, 3 injured. Tribals fromTejgadh admitted in civil has been hardly shaken except during prove that you are from the Muslim womb!” hospital, victims of ‘private firing’. Madhavsinh Solanki’s chief ministership Provocative speeches were made en route 6 Participation of tribals in rioting reported who came to power relying on the numeri- of the mini-rathyatras. Organisers of these from Tejgadh, Chhotaudepur, Jabugam, Bodeli and Dabhoi. cal dominance of his Kshatriya commu- yatras were non-tribals. In Devmogra a 7 Army flag march in Chhotaudepur. nity, along with Muslims, Dalits and pilgrim centre for adivasis, a Muslim dargah Clashes between police and tribals in Panwad, Kawant taluka. Adivasis. His announcement of further was vandalised. Following the kar seva By March 8 property worth Rs 8 crore was reservations undid his hold on Gujarat event, a Bharat Bandh call was given on damaged in Baroda city and rural areas. politics. Anti-reservation riots by upper October 24, 1990 and its echoes were felt 411 shops set on fire. In the city 175 houses, 47 vehicles damaged and 346 castes undid his reign. Gujarat politics in in adivasi area, with trees being cut and shops set afire. 13 factories and 4 hotels the past relied on caste politics and now placed as road blocks. Harassment of worth Rs 7.5 crore damaged. Largest casualty, 32 people. with the resurgence of Bharatiya Janata passers-by was also indulged in. Flares used in tribal belt. One person Party increasingly on religious politics. In November of the same year some killed in police firing. villages were singled out and Muslim 9 700 Muslim residents leave Kosamba road in Tejgadh. II traders and shopkeepers were told to quit 10 Violence erupts in Panwad village as the village. The Muslims sent their women tribals attack shops and houses. 1 killed Communalisation of Adivasis and 12 injured. About a dozen policemen and children to a big village called injured. Hindu-Muslim riots have taken place in Akkalkuva where there was a large popu- 11 Rumours of tribals surrounding Kawant. Additional police force, SRPF rush to tribal areas without involving the tribals. lation of Muslims. Subsequently a house Kawant according to Dy SP B L Parmar. There are towns in tribal areas where Hindu or two each of Muslims in nearly 15 villages Looting, 8 houses set ablaze. of Sagbara taluka were destroyed. 12 Violence in Panwad village. 45 shops are and Muslim traders live such as Virpur, set afire. ARCH Vahini, an NGO, says it Bardoli, Sanjeli, Randikpur, Modasa, The sitting MLA of the area was a BJP had repeatedly requested the Collector Khedbrahma, Lunawada, Meghraj and so on. man. Persons who galvanised these events and DSP Keshav Kumar for additional forces. For instance, in Virpur in 1987 riots be- were members of BSS, VHP, and RSS. Collector ordered 1 company of BSF to be tween Hindus and Muslims have been docu- BSS has been operating since six years sent to tribal belt. RAF withdrawn from from its headquarters in Dediapada sup- Kawant to Baroda due to Mahashivratri. mented by Ahmedabad Ekta (1987). Such 13 Looting and arson in and around Tejgadh riots have given a demonstration to adivasis posedly to counter the activities of the and Kawant. Police firing in retaliation to as to how riots can be conducted. But missionaries. The complicity of the tribal firing. Army conducts flag march. Collector Bhagyesh Jha and DSP Keshav communal riots involving adivasis directly Mamlatdar and police was well-known. Kumar attacked by tribals in Kawant. is a recent phenomenon dating to 1990. The fall-out of the disturbances was that 14 Tension in tribal belt of Gujarat. the adivasis tasted that loot was rewarding, Police fire to disperse mobs in Kawant. 14 arrested, 1 tribal injured in firing. Violence First Communal Disturbances and anti-normative behaviour such as stop- spreads to Chhotaudepur by afternoon. ping the passing vehicles, breaking their Curfew in Chhoteudepur, 20 arrested. Involving Adivasis (in 1990) Police recover looted goods. windscreens was giving them a sense of Hindu traders get together to guard against Communal conflicts were first recorded power. “Ame shakti Batavi (We showed attackers in Kawant. 16 Army flag march in Chhottaudepur. in Dediapada and Sagbara of Bharuch our strength)”. 17 2 tribals killed in police firing in Bodeli Districts in 1990 as a result of Hindut- 20 Vadodara district police arrest army jawan, Atrocities on Adivasi Christians Sarpanch and primary school teacher for visation [Lobo 1990]. Hindutvisation is involvement in violence in Panwad. slightly a different process than in South Gujarat 1997-1999 April 2002 Hinduisation. Hindutvisation of adivasis 14 Tension in Panwad in Kawant taluka. Police action prevented violence in began in late 1980s. Till then there was Then during 1997-1999 the Sangh Panwad. Hinduisation which was a natural, spon- Parivar relentlessly perpetrated atrocities 21 Tribal attack in Chhotaudepur reported. 24 Violence continues in Chhotaudepur. taneous process, an outcome of interaction on adivasi Christians of South Gujarat. A May 1, 02 Stone-pelting on Muslim refugees when between the advasis and the Hindu traders, list of these atrocities, such as burning of they go back to Panwad. and later through the Hindu sects. churches, prayer halls, beating up adivasi

Economic and Political Weekly November 30, 2002 4845 Christians, performing forcible purifica- held on the days of Christian festivals. ating a divide between tribals and Chris- tion (‘shuddhikaran’) ceremony and other Hindus were persuaded to vote for the tians in parts of south Gujarat, the saffron forms of harassments, etc, are documented Bharatiya (BJP) during elec- brigade was engaged in doing the same [Lobo 2002:182 ff]. Of the 51 instances tions [Lobo 1999]. with the adivasis and Muslims in the adivasi of atrocities, 41 took place in the Dangs, Congress Party had a stronghold among belt of Vadodara, Panchmahals, Dahod nine in Surat and one in Valsad districts the adivasis for decades. Under the Con- and Sabarkantha for political gains. These of south Gujarat. Of 41 atrocities in Dangs, gress the adivasis have experienced further areas of the state, which had until recently 24 were to do with burning of churches marginalisation. And this space was ex- remained devoid of any major communal and prayer halls, eight with beatings, and ploited by the BJP to get a foothold among tension suddenly seem to have been caught four of various kinds of harassment. Of adivasis. Hindutva moblisation of the in an inferno. Adivasis moved around with nine instances in Surat district four had to tribals in late 1980s through modes and bows and arrows and bill hooks (‘dharias’) do with burning churches, two with beat- means explained earlier and the atrocities on the streets. People went on a looting ings and three with other forms of harass- on adivasi Christians helped BJP wrest a spree of houses, shops and vehicles mov- ments. When adivasi Christians were in few seats in adivasis areas of south Gujarat ing in the area. They went screaming in intense anguish there came the prime in the elections of 1997. large numbers to loot a premise and then minister of India to Dangs, not to console The Hindutvavadis succeeded in forg- set it on fire. Having accomplished this the victims of atrocities but to score a point ing unity between the ujaliat and pachchat mission they would disappear in the sur- for the Sangh Parivar saying a national categories in Gujarat particularly co-opt- rounding forests or fields. Trees were cut debate on conversions was the need of ing the upwardly mobile adivasi stratum. and placed as road blocks on the road. The the hour. Besides, the Sangh Parivar recruited four intention in most cases seemed to have In a relatively peaceful south Gujarat educated unemployed youth from each been that of looting. One could see a adivasi area these atrocities shook the village. They were given training and an nefarious design behind this unusual people. They said, “Baharthi loko aveene honorarium of rupees 250 per month. Their phenomenon of tribals attacking the mi- dhamal kare chhe, ame to shantithi raheta jobs involved collecting information about nority community members in this part of hata” (outsiders have come and created their own village and passing it to the the state. That a free hand was given to disturbances when we were living in peace). Sangh Parivar centres. Generally 20 vil- the armed tribal mobs indulging in arson It must be noted that these atrocities were lages constituted a centre. Information and looting in the very presence of the preceded by the certain activities of Sangh collected included, names of opinion police lends credence to the belief that the Parivar in the adivasi areas. makers in the village, leaders, Christians present saffron dispensation in Gujarat The Parivar began by propagating and non-Christian adivasis, movements of had launched a well planned operation. Hindutva through various existing Hindu the missionary in the village, factions and Violence erupted in the areas along the sects in the area. Swadhyay Parivar too quarrels in the village and so on. For north-eastern border of the state sympathised with Sangh Parivar. Sangh instance, the Dang district being small was Sabarkantha, Panchmahals, Dahod and Parivar established branches of the Bajrang divided into four centres: Subir in the Chhotaudepur a full week after the Godhra Dal (BD) and Vishwa Hindu Parishad north, Ahwa in the south, Waghai in the Carnage. The mob struck at Kawant, (VHP). Attempts were made to visit each east and Narkadi in the west. Each centre Panwad, and adjoining villages and moved village and make non-Christian adivasis was headed by leaders known for their on to Chhotaudepur and so on. There members of the BD. Deeksha was given notoriety in the area. seemed to have been a well planned strat- to persons joining the BD in which ‘trishuls’ egy engineered by some tribal groups for (tridents) and saffron headbands were Post-Godhra Riots attacking villages. They moved from one distributed. Non-Christian sarpanchs of village to another seemingly in a system- the villages were made members of The post-Godhra riots had an echo in the atic manner and then gathered in towns for Hindutva organisations. Economically adivasi belt of north eastern Gujarat. A arson and loot. better-off persons were made members of chronology of events (February 27-May 5, The adivasis were incited by outsiders. Sangh Parivar outfits. Unemployed youth 2002) is gathered from the headlines from It is said that liquor was freely distributed of villages were enrolled as members. the Times of India and Indian Express in among the adivasis and in an inebriated Sangh Parivar published and widely dis- tribal areas. It shows that it took a few days and receptive state of mind they were tributed a calendar depicting the Hindu for things to flare up in tribal areas. It warned of an impending attack by Mus- god Hanuman. Idols of Hindu gods and shows that the rioting limited itself to lims to avenge the attack on their fellow goddesses were distributed by the BD and arson and loot and not so much rapes, religionists. The miscreants also high- VHP during Navaratri and Ganapati fes- murders or burning people alive as in other lighted the adverse economic prospects tivals. Financial help also given. Dangs parts of Gujarat. In non-tribal areas both they would face once the Muslims re- alone saw construction of 41 Hindu shrines aspects of a community, viz, production turned. These briefings point to a well during the last three years most of which and reproduction were made the target of planned strategy. The economic factors were dedicated to Hanuman. Sangh Parivar attack while in tribal areas only the former, which have been the root of violence in distributed anti-Christian pamphlets. It ie, economic interests. Devy referring to the recent riots. This led to a spree of spread anti-Christian charade through Baroda district tribals concludes, “the looting and rioting in the tribal belt. newspapers. It showed open hostility tribals were made to fight a proxy war on According to activist Devy (2002) “tribals against Christians after instalment of BJP behalf of the baniyas” (2002:41). But then are socially vulnerable and while they government. Anti-Christian meetings were Hindutvaisation has also contributed to would not be bothered much by Hinduism organised. Personal conflicts in the vil- create a mind-set that Muslims are dis- and Islam, liquor would play a role in lages were converted into Hindu-Christian pensable. The tribal in many ways feels inciting them to violence.” In the tribal communal conflicts by these outfits. Pro- closer to Hindus today than to Muslims. areas of Panchmahal and Sabarkantha, there vocative meetings of the Hindus were After its successful experiment in cre- has been a history of economic exploita-

4846 Economic and Political Weekly November 30, 2002 tion between Bohra Muslim traders and mobilised them for participating in com- III tribal people. This has been exploited by munal riots in an overarching manner. But Rehabilitation of Muslims the Hindutva brigade, who gave it a com- at local levels many other contributory munal colour. In many places tribal people factors have played their part in adding in Adivasi Areas had been instigated to loot. The Bhil people fuel to the fire, such as factions, conflicts, Relief camps have emerged as the only in this area are extremely poor. This dis- economic rivalry, property clashes, litiga- shelter for the thousands who escaped trict has suffered drought conditions. tions, private revenge and so on. There death. However, the journey both to and The politicians and Hindutvavadis with again the Sangh Parivar has cleverly used out of the camps was very difficult for the the complicity of government bureaucracy such factors to their advantage. The post– riot affected people. In rural Gujarat many carried out the entire operation of using Godhra riots seem to indicate a pattern in people fled their homes and hid in the hills adivasis to loot and arson. Though there pitting the local groups against the Muslim and jungles for days without food or water was criminality among the Rathwas they – the Vaghri caste in Viramgam, the Wankar before being rescued by the police. Mus- had not dared to come into conflict outside caste (dalit) in Gomtipur (Ahmedabad), lim charities, pooling contribution from their tribe. In each village the political and the adivasis in the adivasi belt. The within the community had set up these leadership, including the sarpanch rests on Muslims were projected as the demons camps. Neither the government nor non- the shoulders of relatively young people responsible for their woes. The end result governmental organisations (NGOs) had who are co-opted by politicians and easily of this strategy has been the near elimi- taken such an initiative. The morsels of controlled by them. For instance, loot and nation of the Muslims in certain areas and relief that the government handed out were arson against Muslims were experimented imprisonment of Vaghris, Dalits and also delayed. The collector’s offices started at village level and when they tasted success adivasis caught in the act of rioting. supplying provisions to the camp one week the adivasis were encouraged to come to after the violence began. town centres like Kawant, Panwad and so Vernacular Media Reporting Muslim charities, which always man- on in large numbers. The Muslims were of Riots in Adivasi Areas aged to mobilise resources during riots, being projected as exploiters of adivasis. were finding it difficult to do so this time Secondly, the adivasis were given assur- A content analysis of two vernacular as even the middle class Muslims were ances that the BJP government would see dailies is undertaken for March and April destroyed economically. The refugees to it that no harm would ever visit them. 2002. Looking at the reported figures for themselves worried about when they could The complicity of the police and taluka a period of two months after the Godhra get back to their normal lives. Many lost officials is apparent from the report filed incident, it was found that Gujarat Today their breadwinners, homes, and they have by Rajesh Mishra (2002) of the Arch (a daily published by Muslims) had covered lost all their belongings. The traders among Vahini, Mangrol with reference to Kawant, the riot incidents extensively compared to them have lost their shops, and vehicles, Panvad and Chhotaudepur areas. No Gujarat Samachar (Hindutva-biased and the farmers among them worried about amount of appeals for police protection daily). Gujarat Samachar reported just the land that is ready for being grabbed made by Muslims and leading NGOs would half of the total number of the incidents in the villages. In many places the refugees move the authorities. Either the police Gujarat Today had reported. (CCD, 2002). /victims were told that they would not be were far outnumbered or they preferred to Gujarat Samachar reported just about allowed to come back to their houses unless look the other way. Now the adivasis have half the total number of incidents reported they shave off their beards, discontinue the become initiated to launch out into public by Gujarat Today as is shown in Table 2a. ‘azaan’ and promise that they will not space for crime with certain confidence. One can possibly place greater credance insist on the religious customs that the The Sangh Parivar has systematically on the victims’s version in Gujarat Today Hindus find annoying. In some places it worked among the exploited tribes and than on Gujarat Samachar was made clear to the refugees that if they wished to go back they would have to Table 2a: Damages as Reported by Gujarat Today and Gujarat Samachar forswear any trade that would hurt the Damages to Gujarat Today Gujarat Samachar interests of the Hindu competitors. In some Vehicles 20 5 places obscene slogans had been scribbled Residence 282 77 on the walls of idgahs, dargahs and masjids Income generating premises 236 59 Hindu religious places 1 2 which escaped demolition. Muslim religious places 44 7 In the district of Sabarkantha one of the worst riot-hit rural districts the refugees Table 2b: Number of Deaths, Injured and Missing from 12 talukas amounted to 2,257. The Aman Welfare Trust run by the Memon Gujarat Today Gujarat Samachar Muslims in Idar town of Sabarkantha has Deaths 41 51 conducted a survey of the riot affected Injured 78 115 Missing 6 1 villages in and around the Idar taluka. It No of affected villages 168 73 carries a list of affected households by villages, specifying if house or shop or Table 3: Distribution of Total Loss and Compensation Given to the Memon Muslims both have been destroyed, and estimates of Idar Taluka of the damages. It also specifies the (in Rupees) government compensation provided for Total Losses Government help house/shop or both. Table 3 gives the total Villages Households No Houses No Shops No Houses No Shops figures. 91 325 281 2,75,29,750 216 13,05,01,126 127 7,90,850 31 2,62,500 Three hundred and twenty five house- holds were severely affected in 91 villages Source: Aman Welfare Trust, July 25, 2002. in and around Idar taluka. Of these 91

Economic and Political Weekly November 30, 2002 4847 villages 56 are from the Idar taluka alone. shows the scars of recent trauma. They with the intention of looting the Hindu The 281 houses suffered a loss of 2.75 claim that the adivasis are not to be blamed traders (see chronology of events as on crore of rupees while the 216 shops lost but it is the work of politicians and March 14). But then police were called and 13 crore, amounting to a total of 16 crores. Hindutvavadis. In fact the adivasis vouch a prompt response and firing by the police However the government help received till that Bohra Muslim traders were more kind dispersed the adivasi mobs. July 25, 2002 was a mere eight lakhs for and lenient to them than the Baniya trad- Another impact of recent riots in tribal 127 houses and 26 lakhs for 31 shops. This ers. However, one must question how areas is that the political nexus that was works out to be a paltry 0.6 percent of the Bohras have been allowed to return and forged among dalits, adivasis, Muslims total estimated damages suffered by the not other Muslims in some other parts of and Kshatriyas has suffered adversely. The victims. Even if the figures are bloated by tribal areas. What kind of negotiations ability of adivasis to protest against wrongs the victims one can imagine the pittance have taken place between Sangh Parivar and assert themselves at the right targets they have received from the government and Bohras? Bohras claim that they are has been numbed. The Sangh parivar has even after five months to put their lives different from the other Muslims. But this also taken this as a long term strategy to together. difference is not always seen and respected ruin the chances of the Congress Party. There is ghettoisation of Muslims taking by others be they Muslims nor Hindus. For During Madhavsinh Solanki’s time the place after the riots. It is reported that the instance, in the 1992 post-Babri Masjid KHAM (Kshatriya, Harijan, Adivasi and Memons have bought around four hun- riots in Surat Bohras were singularly made Muslim) theory was successful in bringing dred acres of land near the talukas of Idar the target of attack. It puts the Bohras in the party to power. These bonds between and Himmatnagar where they intend build- a peculiar situation. They want to exclude Muslims on the one hand, and Harijans ing their residences. They intend continu- themselves from Muslims, while Hindu and Adivasis on the other, have been blown ing their shops in their original sites. extremists want to include them. After the to bits in these riots. Muslim victims sim- Therefore they will have one foot for Surat riots the Muslims gave a dig at Bohras, ply could not understand how Harijans and business purpose in one location and “Now you see are you different from us”? adivasis could indulge in such mindless another for residential purposes in a There has been relative silence and a violence against them. Many Muslims who ghettoised locality. This is a strategy to kind of helplessness faced by the secular- have stood by the side of Dalits during riots safeguard lives disregarding loss of prop- ists, opposition party (Congress), non- and other atrocities now feel let down and erty and income generating means. This Hindutva organisations, Gandhians and alienated. is one way of negotiating anxiety or in- other NGOs in the face of the recent riots. Hindutva has been thrust down the throats security in future riots regarding families Many have questioned the existence of of adivasis and it appears that many have viz, women and children. civil society in Gujarat. Why has Gujarat swallowed it. The Ramshilapujan incident This ghettoisation, one must note, had succumbed to fascism so easily? More mentioned earlier when Rs 1.25 per brick taken place in urban areas of Gujarat. enquiry needs to be undertaken in this was paid and letting Hindu shrines be built Ahmedabad is a clear case of polarised or domain. on tribal areas, and ‘shuddhikaran’ are ghettoised Hindus and Muslims. For in- examples. One may mention here the dis- stance, the old city on one side of Sabarmati Impact of Riots on Adivasis course between missionary turned anthro- river has predominantly Muslim popula- pologist Verrier Elwin and the Gandhian tion and on the other side Hindu popula- The impact of these riots on the adivasis A V Thakkar (popularly known as tion. Some well-to do Muslims had has been very damaging. Few adivasis Thakkarbapa) with reference to adivasi ventured into Hindu areas but in the last have been killed and many have been assimilation and integration into the main- few riots they had to distress-sell their booked as criminals and sent to jail. They stream [Guha 1996:2380 ff]. Thakkar was houses and look for Muslim pockets. Thus have developed a kind of disregard for the in favour of assimilation. The Hindutva beyond the Hindu areas one finds again state machinery. The newspapers have brigade has appropriated that agenda and a Muslim ghetto eg, in Juhapura, Vasna carried headlines of their activities during attempted to realise Thakkar’s vision for etc. Ghettoisation that had taken place in riots. Hence some of them are even enjoy- the adivasis in its own way. Communalis- the urban areas is now taking place in ing a false sense of importance. Their thirst ation of tribals is one of the fall-outs of some rural areas too. Muslims have little for violence and revenge has been ignited. this trajectory. One needs also to question chance to act otherwise as many of them Their emotive attachment to Hindutva has if religion be it Hindu, Christian, or Islam are not welcome to their original villages. willy-nilly increased and the adivasi iden- could resolve the problem of adivasis? Newspapers have consistently reported tity has taken a beating. The adivasis have Five years ago I was boarding a bus from that the known victimisers of Muslims in lost to some extent the sympathies and Kawant to Surat. The non-adivasis were the villages have put pressure on them to paternalistic benevolence of the Muslims. entering the bus from the door and the withdraw the FIRs filed against them as Serious fears have been expressed that by adivasis from side windows with their a pre-condition for their return. Many elimination of the Muslim traders and bundles of fuel and clothes. This was the Muslim homes, shops and other properties money lenders the adivasis may have to unwritten law in Kawant. It struck me hard have been taken over by anti-social face greater exploitation at the hands of how non-adivasis be they Muslim or Hindu elements. the Hindu traders. On the reverse, the traders, who come to adivasi areas for But the scenario in Baroda district is adivasis have experienced what a riot can business and trade, treat the adivasis with slightly different. There is no sign of bring them: loot, goodies, and a sense of disgust and contempt. The bus conductor’s ghettoisation among the predominantly false power. They have tasted blood in the behaviour towards the adivasis was as if Bohra Muslims of Panwad, Kawant and recent riots. Will they spare the Hindu they were some beings closer to animals. Chhotaudepur. Most of them have reverted traders once they have finished off with No wonder Hindutvavadis prefer to call to their houses-cum-shops. Tribals are the Muslim ones? And they actually did adivasis as vanvasis (those who live in the frequenting these shops as if nothing has not. After looting the Bohra Muslims of jungle perhaps thereby implying that they happened. The Bohra body language still Kawant they began gathering on the hills are junglies).

4848 Economic and Political Weekly November 30, 2002 IV tution bit by bit. In India too we see BJP’s vote bank of adivasis? Can it undo to Conclusion consolidation of power by attacking and some extent the damage done to the breaking the Constituion and wanting to relationship between adivasis and Mus- Verrier Elwin had suggested in his change it. Extremist Hindutva leaders can lims? Shankersinh being a Kshatriya may autobiography a tribal bias in developmen- utter things against the Constitution, perhaps take advantage of the Bhil- tal activities, Supreme court, Presidency, Election Kshatriya continuum. That we recognise and honour their way Commission and minorities and get away of doing things, not because it is old and with it. They are not challenged. How and Address for correspondence: picturesque but because it is theirs, who is going to stop them from doing so? [email protected] and they have as much right to their own The politics of Gujarat have been long culture and religion as anyone else in controlled by Patidars, Banias and Brah- [I thank J S Bandhukwala and Priyavadan Patel India. It means that we must talk their mins called the upper castes, or ‘ujaliats’, for their comments on an earlier draft of this language, and not only the language that who are less than 20 per cent of the total article.] is expressed in words but the deeper lan- population. The rest consists of backward guage of the heart. It means that we will References not make the tribes ashamed of their past ‘pachhat’ viz, dalits, and adivasis, Mus- lims and others. The former have never or force a sudden break with it, but that Ahmad, Riaz (2002): ‘Gujarat Violence: Meaning we will help to build upon it and grow allowed the latter to enjoy the fruits of and Implications’, Economic and Political by a natural process of evolution” [Elwin political power except symbolically. They Weekly, May 18. 1964: 245]. have not only blocked the reservation AIDWA report (2002): Ahmedabad: Concerned Not only has this bias failed to creep into benefits but also conducted anti-reserva- Citizens Tribunal, Gujarat. tion stirs against the dalits and adivasis. Bhalabhai (2002): ‘Panchmahal’ in Communalism developmental activities but adivasis have Combat, March-April, pp 45-54. lost their life supporting system to non- In 1985 for the first time the backward Centre for Culture, and Development (2002): adivasis. Adivasis in Gujarat have lost castes under KHAM were mobilised and Spatial Spread Patterns of Communal Riots lands to non-adivasis due to dams. Most enjoyed political power for a short period in Gujarat: A Temporal Analysis (project in of Gujarat’s major dams – Madhuban, but got dislodged under the tactical pres- progress). sures strategically exerted by the upper Devy, Ganesh (2002): ‘Tribal Voice and Violence’ Ukai, Sardar Sarovar, Karzan are in adivasi in Seminar 513, May, pp 39-48. areas. One senior adivasi leader said, “with castes [Patel 2001]. The BJP (an upper caste Ekta Ahmedabad (2002): ‘Komi Ramkhangrast the growing industrialisation non-adivasis party) with its religious card began taking Virpurni Mulakat Jat Mahitino Aheval’, pp 2-9. are moving into occupy adivasi land. In under its wings the ‘pachhat’. They have Elwin, Verrier (1964): The Tribal World of Verrier the last decade, in just two blocks of Surat succeeded in directing the anger of the Elwin, An Autobiography, Oxford University lower social stratum away from a dysfunc- Press, Delhi. district 40,000 acres of land have changed Guha, Ramachandra (1996): ‘Savaging the hands” [Setu 1999:11]. Most of the forest tional state machinery to Muslims and Civilised, Verrier Elwin and the Tribal cover of Gujarat is in adivasi areas. De- Christians in the last ten years. The com- Question in the Late Colonial India’, Economic forestation, due to forest-based industries, munalisation provoked by Hindutva in and Political Weekly, Vol XXXl, Nos 35,36 mining and agro-industries is depriving adivasi areas has a fascistic orientation. and 37, pp 2375-2389. Coming elections are crucial. BJP is Lobo, Lancy (1990): ‘Communal Riots in Tribal these communities of the means of live- Dediapada and Sagbara during October- lihood and also cash income. Industries desperate as they have lost power in most November 1990: A Report’, Centre for Social in the adivasi areas at best generate skilled states where elections were held. The BJP’s Studies, Surat. employment for which the adivasis do not central leadership is putting everything it – (1999): ‘Atrocities on Tribal Christians of South qualify. Nearly 60,000 adivasis migrate to has in Gujarat for the coming elections. Gujarat’, Centre for Social Studies, Surat, is using every vile trick up (Mimeo). Baroda in search of employment between Mishra, R (2002): ‘Eye Witness Account of Looting October and March [Devy 2002:39]. Per- his sleeve to ensure BJP’s success. He has and Burning in Kawant’, Arch Vahini, haps more than this number migrate to appointed ‘sahayaks’ (helpers) to local level Mangrol. Surat from adjoining tribal areas. Tribal government bureaucracy actually to mobi- NHRC Report (2002): Concerned Citizens areas have become cheap labour colonies lise people for BJP in the next elections. Tribunal, Ahmedabad, Gujarat. Thousands of local ‘gram mitras’ (friends of Patel, Priyavadan (2001): ‘Politics and for the non-tribals of the plains and cities. Mobilisation of the Lower Classes’ (mimeo). Thus the problems of adivasis are related village) have been appointed by the Modi Chaudhri Ashok and Rameshchandra Parmar to ‘Jal’ (water), ‘jungle’ (forests) and government at the cost of state to moblise (1998): ‘At the Turn of the Century’ in Seminar ‘jameen’ (land). The transfer of their resour- villagers for BJP. The Sangh Parivar is 470, October, pp 63-68. ces to non-tribal areas is the question. recruiting educated unemployed youths at PUDR (2002): ‘Maaro! Kaapo! Baalo! (State, village level especially in tribal areas to Society, and Communalism in Gujarat)”, May, Religion is not their problem. Instead of Delhi. addressing issues of political economy the gather information about the village. Setu (1999): ‘The New Economic Policy and Sangh Parivar and BJP whose social base Shankersinh Vaghela, the newly Adivasi Communities in India with Special is among upper castes and middle classes appointed pradesh Congress president (an Reference to Gujarat and Maharashtra’ in divert the attention of adivasis to mis- ex-RSS man) is perhaps the best answer Development, Equity and Justice, April 6-9, to the challenges posed by BJP, Modi and pp 10-11, Minority Rights Group, New Delhi. guided targets like Muslims and Chris- Sindhi, Arjubehn Ayubbhai (2002): ‘Sabarkantha’ tians. Commenting on the recent riot his cohorts. But then Congress has kept in Communalism Combat, March-April, Ahmed (2002: 1873) notes, “Extensive the tribals in poverty for forty years and pp 55-56. mobilisation of tribals for the sake of viol- lately BJP (Hindutva) has introduced hatred Shah, Ghanshyam (1998): ‘Polarised Com- ence against Muslim lives and properties is among them. One cannot but agree with munities’ in Seminar 470, October, pp 30-35. Devy (2002:47) that poverty and hatred Summary of incidents in Baroda (2002): yet another new feature which distinguishes Concerned Citizens Tribunal Gujarat. the present one from the 1969 case.” are a deadly mixture directed towards Yagnik, Achyut (2002): ‘Whither Gujarat? Hitler’s consolidation of power was perceived enemies, the Muslims and Violence and After’, Economic and Political marked by breaking the Weimar Consti- Christians. Can the Congress win back the Weekly, March 16.

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