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Archaeological data on the foundation of Hyblaea. Certainties and hypotheses Henri Treziny

To cite this version:

Henri Treziny. Archaeological data on the foundation of . Certainties and hypotheses . DONNELAN L.; NIZZO V.; BURGERS G.-J. Conceptualising early Colonisation, Brepols, pp.167- 178, 2016, 978-90-74461-82-5. ￿halshs-01434820￿

HAL Id: halshs-01434820 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-01434820 Submitted on 13 Jan 2017

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C onceptualising early colonisation

L ieve Donnellan, ed. Valentino Nizzo Gert-Jan Burgers

B ruxelles - Brussel - Roma Belgisch Historisch Instituut te Rome Institut Historique Belge de Rome Istituto Storico Belga di Roma

2016

98110_Donnellan_voorwerk.indd 3 17/03/16 09:45 © 2016 IHBR - BHIR

No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form, by print, photoprint, microfilm or any other means without written permission of the copyright owner.

D/2016/351/2 ISBN 978-90-74461-82-5

98110_Donnellan_voorwerk.indd 4 17/03/16 09:45 Table of content

Acknowledgments...... 7

L. Donnellan & V. Nizzo, Conceptualising early . Introduction to the volume .... 9

R. Osborne, Greek ‘colonisation’: what was, and what is, at stake?...... 21

I. Malkin, Greek colonisation: The Right to Return...... 27

J. Hall, Quanto c’è di “greco” nella “colonizzazione greca”?...... 51

A. Esposito & A. Pollini, Postcolonialism from America to ...... 61

G. Saltini Semerari, Greek-Indigenous intermarriage: a gendered perspective...... 77

R. Étienne, Connectivité et croissance : deux clés pour le VIII e s.? ...... 89

F. De Angelis, E pluribus unum: The Multiplicity of Models...... 97

V. Nizzo, Tempus fugit. Datare e interpretare la “prima colonizzazione”: una riflessione “retro- spettiva” e “prospettiva” su cronologie, culture e contesti...... 105

M. Cuozzo & C. Pellegrino, Culture meticce, identità etnica, dinamiche di conservatorismo e resistenza: questioni teoriche e casi di studio dalla Campania...... 117

O. Morris, Indigenous networks, hierarchies of connectivity and early colonisation in Iron Age Campania...... 137

L. Donnellan, A networked view on ‘Euboean’ colonisation...... 149

H. Tréziny, Archaeological data on the foundation of Megara Hyblaea. Certainties and hypo- theses...... 167

F. Frisone, ‘Sistemi’ coloniali e definizioni identitarie: le ‘colonie sorelle’ della orientale e della Calabria meridionale...... 179

E. Greco, Su alcune analogie (strutturali?) nell’organizzazione dello spazio : il caso delle città achee ...... 197

D. Yntema, Greek groups in southeast during the Iron Age...... 209

G.-J. Burgers & J.P. Crielaard, The Migrant’s Identity. ‘’ and ‘Natives’ at L’Amastuola, Southern Italy ...... 225

P.G. Guzzo, Osservazioni finali...... 239

M. Gras, Observations finales...... 243

98110_Donnellan_voorwerk.indd 5 17/03/16 09:45 Archaeological data on the foundation of Megara Hyblaea. Certainties and hypotheses Henri Tréziny

Le texte est un résumé des principaux kilometres to the North of Syracuse, on a apports des publications des fouilles de coastal site, almost completely flat. According Mégara Hyblaea, revus à la lumière de travaux to the literary sources, the Megarians settled on récents encore inédits. Le plan d’urbanisme de fields given to them by the Sicule king Hyblon. MH est structuré sur deux grandes rues Est- Rather than in Pantalica, as suggested by Ouest, A et B, dont nous savons aujourd’hui L. Bernabò Brea, we think today that king qu’elles sont parfaitement rectilignes de Hyblon and the Hyblaioi resided in Villas- l’ à la fortification occidentale. Aucune mundo, less than 10 km to the Northwest of des deux ne semble directement en relation Megara Hyblaea. The site contains a fortified avec la porte Ouest. Les lots (oikopeda) sur les- village from the end of the Neolithic Age, quels sont construites les maisons sont à peu ­excavated by P. Orsi, then by G. Vallet and Fr. près égaux. La mise en place du plan d’urba- Villard, and more widespread traces of occupa- nisme est un acte cohérent, qui comprend tion from the Eneolithic period and the Bronze aussi l’agora et se date vers la fin du VIIIe s. Age. But the Megarian plateau did not seem to même si la documentation archéologique est be occupied at the time of the Greeks’ arrival.1 encore très partielle pour la moitié Ouest du Delineated in the North by the valley of site. On suppose dans la deuxième moitié du the Cantera river and in the South by the tor- VIIIe s. une phase préalable à la mise en place rent of the « small San Cusmano », the site is a du plan, que l’on appelle « phase des campe- vast limestone plateau of triangular shape. It is ments ». L’espace urbain est séparé du terri- divided on the sea side by a central depression, toire (chora) par une fortification construite the Arenella, in two parts, called convention- entre la fin du VIIIe et le milieu du VIIe s. av. ally “Northern plateau” and “Southern plateau”, J.-C. Dans la chora, les tombes les plus but both plateaus are united in the Western anciennes (deuxième moitié du VIIIe s.) part (fig. 1). semblent déjà occuper l’emplacement des After the work of F.S. Cavallari and P. Orsi nécropoles archaïques. at the end of the 19th and at the beginning of the 20th centuries (fortification, necropolis, sanctuary), the archaeological exploration of Megara Hyblaea was founded, according the city and of its necropolis only resumed to around 728 BC, some twenty in 1949 with the intervention of the École

1 Recent overview in Tréziny, ‘Grecs et Indigènes’.

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CANTERA VALLEY

5

5

10

10 15

HARBOUR ? 10

North-West 15 Sanctuary West Necropolis

street A street A 5 AGORA streets E streets C streets E streets D

NORTHERN PLATEAU 10

street B street B C1 D1

10 5 J

15 ARENELLA

10

5 10

SOUTHERN PLATEAU

10 9 8

7 5

6 0 200m 5

South 4 3 2

Necropolis 1 10

10

Fig. 1: The street network of Megara Hybleae. In green, excavated areas, in red Neolithic ditch. Both circles indicate the changes in orientations of the streets A and B

­française de Rome, in collaboration with the In the wake of the archaeological publica- Soprin­tendenza archeologica per la Sicilia Ori- tions of Georges Vallet and François Villard, entale. Megara Hyblaea is, with and and in particular the monumental Megara Heloros, one of the rare Sicilian cities from the Hyblaea 1 published in 1976, with architect end of 8th century which has not been covered Paul Auberson, the field researches have been by a modern town, and the only one which has limited to a series of drillings in the central been explored archaeologically fairly exten- depression2 and on the Southern plateau.3 sively. It still constitutes today a unique case. Other work in 2005-2006, still unpublished,

2 Vallet, Voza, 1990-1992, unpublished. 3 Gras, Tréziny and Broise, 1978-1983, published in 2004 in Gras et al., Megara Hyblaea 5, where a complete history of the researches can be found.

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concerned the Cantera lighthouse in the North- street A is absolutely rectilinear towards the east angle of the Archaic and Hellenistic city (L. West from its crossroad with the street D1, at Guzzardi), the West gate of the Archaic ram- the Northeast angle of the Agora, up to the part (H. Tréziny), the Northwest angle of the archaic fortification, at the North of tower nr 3 Archaic city (M. Musumeci). Geophysical of the excavations of Cavallari. Street A runs prospections, begun in 2008, enable to com- along the great sanctuary of the Northwest, plete the layout of the streets on the North pla- implanted on the levels of the Neolithic Age. teau of the city. This presentation will then Based on current knowledge, it does not seem include few entirely new data: the aim is rather to have extended beyond the fortification. More to expose as simply and as clearly as possible all to the South, the street B is also rectilinear the archaeological data in our possession today towards the West from its crossroad with the to reconstruct the genesis of a colonial city from street C1 to the “tempietto B” and runs along the end of the 8th century BC. the South side of it (which we already knew thanks to ancient excavations). It runs along a straight line towards the West at least up to the 1. The streets limit of a lemon tree field, which for the moment prohibits geophysical prospection. The Western The map of Megara Hyblaea is famous for end of street B is not known precisely yet, but the trapezoidal shape of the agora, enclosed we can say that, contrary to the hypothesis sug- between two networks of North-South streets, gested in Megara 1 (drawing 1), and as we envis- the streets D in the East and C in the West and aged already in Megara 5,4 street B does not major East-West streets, A in the North and B extend towards the West archaic gate.5 in the South. The streets C1 to 3 are parallel to Both streets A and B are hence rectilinear one another (axial spacing of the streets 28 m, at the West of the Agora, which may suggest insulae 25 m) as well as the streets D1 to 10 in that they were set up at a single time, but they the East (axial spacing of the streets 25 to 28 m, are not parallel, whereas their spacing varies insulae 22 to 25 m). The width of the streets is from 180m at the rampart to 110m at the West regular, around 3 m, except for the street C1 of the Agora at the street C1. Their orientations and the two streets A and B, between 5 and 6 m. change at the East of the streets C1 and D1, but The streets C1 and D1, surrounding the public they always run closer up to a theoretical spac- square, join up in the North near the fortifica- ing of 80m by the seaside. tion wall, in a position where we can be tempted The groups of plots included between the to situate a “Marine gate”, connecting the city streets A and B, groups which, for convenience, with its harbour. we shall call insulae, even if the notion of insula The East-West streets A and B have long is only second,6 have all been built with a differ- been considered to form the backbone of the ent North-South measurement, but we have Northern plateau’s urbanism, but their layout also seen that their widths were variable, in any could only be delineated quite recently, thanks case from one sector to the other, between 22 to geophysical prospections. In the North, the and 25m. It is in that context of high regularity

4 Gras et al., Megara 5 p. 529, note 30 and drawing out of 5 Tréziny, ‘Megara Hyblaea’, p. 258-259. text. 6 Gras et al., Megara 5, p. 534.

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(parallel streets, groups of insulae of same never in the centre of a plot (fig. 2).8 It is hence width) and of irregularities (non-orthogonal certain that this land-division was set up, at system, variable length of the insulae) that least in the two sectors mentioned, in the late we must endeavour to understand as the 8th century. The insulae delineated by the ­conditions under which the building plots were streets were most improbably major primitive set up. plots, kleroi granted to the first generation set- tlers, and which were only subdivided in a sec- ond stage, as has sometimes been suggested.9 2. The lot-sizing procedure The division into plots is primary and consti- tutes the base of the urban plan.10 The sizes of The other major feature of the Megarian the plots vary between 110 and 140m2, around urbanism was indeed the existence of building 120m2, and we think that the variations are not plots, particularly clear in the sector of the sufficient to say that these plots had different Agora, but it can be seen also in all the other surface areas. It is undoubtedly the conse- excavated sectors, both in the West portion of quence of the difficulties encountered by the the North plateau and on the South plateau.7 In surveyors to set up a regular subdivision in a the sector of the Agora, the plots of the 8th cen- non-orthogonal space. tury measure approximately 12.50m by 9.70m We endeavoured in Megara 5 to offer at the West of the square (group of the streets hypotheses on the mode of construction of the C), 12.45 by 11m at the East (streets D) in a plots. I shall add here that there are at least two ­sector which, admittedly, has hardly been ways of developing the plot, two “processes” ­excavated. On the South plateau, the plots seem I would say. The former (fig. 3a) consists of a to measure 11m (in the North-South direction) base line (for example the street A or the street by 11m to 11.50m in the East-West direction. B) to carry out a measurement (for instance Comparable measurements are likely at the 11 m) along a determined axis (for instance West of the railway, in a sector still little the street D1), with next the drawing of perpen- explored (streets E). dicular lines to the street D1. This method It has also been shown, and I shall not defines equal quadrangular plots, except at dwell upon it, that, if the plots from the late 8th both ends of the insula, and because the streets century were not materialised by walls, all the are not orthogonal, causes on the median axis houses from the late 8th century identified on an offset which is all the greater since the angle the sector of the Agora or on the South plateau of the streets is acute. In the cases observed, were perfectly aligned with the street network that offset varies between 0.5 and 1m approxi- and integrated in the theoretical grid of the mately. building plot, as it can be established for the 7th In the second process (fig. 3b), the method century. It should be reminded indeed that, is the same as above, but lines are drawn paral- contrary to what was suggested in Megara lel to the baseline, which produces plots in the Hyblaea 1, the houses of the 8th century are form of a parallelogram or of a trapezium,

7 Tréziny, ‘Lots et îlots’; Gras et al., Megara 5, p. 535-539. 10 On this score, see already Fusaro, ‘Note di archittetura’ 8 Gras and Tréziny, Megara Hyblaea 1, p. 266, fig. 34. and Vallet, ‘Topographie historique’. 9 Villard, ‘Le cas de Mégara Hyblaea’.

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house 23,10-11 house 23,14 plot 6W-12

house 23,8 «heroon» plot 6E-12 plot 6W-11

plot 6W-10

Fig. 2: The houses and the plots at the West of the Agora in the th7 century (insula 6); in black, layout of the houses in the end of the 8th century (see Megara 1, fig. 47, modified)

0 10 rue B

ILOT 18 HT 2013 ILOT 9 ILOT 11

rue D1 N W01 E01

W03 E03

W02 E02

rue D2 W02 E02 rue D4 ILOT 21 W03 E03

rue D3 ILOT 8

W01 E01 W04 E04

rue B

W05 E05 ILOT 17 a b

Fig. 3: Lot-sizing procédés: a - at the East of the Agora, insula 18 (Procédé n°1); b - in the South of the Agora, insula 9 (Procédé n°2)

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which are all equal, except perhaps at the end, that the majority of the cups published without any offset on the median axis, which in Megara 2 in 1964 originated from the exca- might form a broken line. This method was vations of the 1950s, before the beginning of apparently used in the North (insula 16) and in the exploration of the Agora district.13 The the South (insula 9) of the Agora and perhaps in excavation of 2006 on the carriage gate of the the sector of the streets E at the tempietto B Western rampart has again delivered a few (insula 131). ancient fragments (Aetos 666, Thapsos cup), The existence of circular platforms in cer- which demonstrates a significant occupation. tain plots of the habitat the West of the Agora11 But to this day, no wall with large stones (“mur has aroused all the more interest so since simi- à orthostates”, type 1 of Megara 1), characteris- lar constructions were discovered more recently tic of that period, has been found in this por- in .12 They were construed as places of tion of the city. To be specific: I am not saying heroic worship in the honour of the ancestors, that the Western half of the city was not occu- probably of ancient date (late 8th century for pied at the end of the 8th century, but only that the platform 13,20 of Megara Hyblaea), and the current state of researches does not provide perhaps linked with the setting up of the build- us with the archaeological evidence. ing plots. The recent development of the geophysical prospections on sites like Selinunte or Megara Hyblaea demonstrates (for Selinunte) and sug- 3. Th e chronology of the gests (for Megara Hyblaea), that there is no sig- ­implantation nificant space left void intra-muros, with the exception of the Agora or of certain sacred As we saw, in sector of the Agora and on spaces.14 But, in the absence of stratigraphic the South plateau, the setting up of the street verifications, this is valid for the end of the network and of the subdivision certainly dates period (beginning of the 5th century in Megara back to the late 8th century.l Hybleae, end of the 5th century in Selinunte) In the Western part, to the West of the and obviously does not say anything of the railway, the small extension of the excavations ancient phases. does not enable a sound conclusion. A number Besides, even if the space was divided from of houses found during the excavations or the late 8th century, it is probable that certain through geophysical prospections suggest that plots were not immediately occupied but kept the Western part of the site was already inhab- as reserves, whose legal status would be inter- ited in the 7th century. As for the end of the 8th esting to know. century, the pottery is abundant and we noted

11 Gras et al., Megara 5, p. 512-519; a third platform was 14 The thesis developed by G. Nenci, ‘Spazio civico’, ‘Il discovered in the meantime in the insula 6: Gras and Pelargico’ of the “spazio di rispetto”, i.e. districts left empty Tréziny, ‘Mégara Hyblaea’, fig. 2. inside the rampart, for population growth or for 12 Mertens, ‘Selinunte’. accommodating inhabitant of the chora, does not seem to 13 Gras et al., Megara 5, p. 569. be verified here.

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4. Districts, villages, to the middle or the third quarter of the 8th ­encampments century, which could be backed up by the recent re-examination of certain material of the It has been attempted once to explain the Southern necropolis.19 Perhaps, one has to variety of the orientations of Megarian urban- imagine during this “encampment phase” sev- ism with reference to the Megarian komai eral groups of huts (“villages”), which probably attested by the sources. Today, this hypothesis ought to be situated rather in the sector of the has been abandoned, and we prefer to empha- Archaic Agora, and which might have served as sise the unity of the Megarian society, even if starting points for plotting axes of the urban the existence of different Megarian groups, or plan. We agree here with a hypothesis already groups of other ethnic origins can still be con- formulated in particular by A. Di Vita20 but templated.15 But it has also been suggested that limiting it to the ancient phase, prior to the the urban plan of Megara Hybleae took some ­setting up of the urban plan. time to be set up, and that it had been preceded by a “proto-colonial” implantation, also called “encampment phase”. Several types of evidence 5. Agora and sanctuaries can be related to the “encampment phase”. First of all, post holes recently found by L. Guzzardi Fr. de Polignac has suggested that the under the Cantera lighthouse, whose dating is major public areas of the city, the agora and the unfortunately quite uncertain (Neolithic? sanctuary of the North-West, were only organ- Bronze Age? Geometric era?).16 Subsequently, ised around the middle of the 7th century. For- bottle-shaped silos, abandoned or transformed merly, the city would have been surrounded in the first half of the 7th century.17 These silos, with a corona of sanctuaries.21 We suggested in whose date is quite difficult to fix, were grouped Megara 5 that the sanctuary of the North-West in the Northeast angle of the Agora (for three of was probably older than the 7th century and them) or in the settlement area in the South- probably implanted at the centre of the Neo- west. They were quite probably prior to the lithic village whose contour (ditch and agger?) installation of the urban plan (last quarter of was still visible at the Greeks’ arrival.22 The geo- the 8th century) and we note with interest that graphical location of the first place of worship both groups are quite close to the inflection (“temple B”) and the delineation of the temenos points of street A in the Northeast and of street would then be attributable to the first settlers, B in the Southwest. Finally, ceramic material perhaps during the setting up of the urban plan, listed in the past by Fr. Villard18 seems to date maybe even during the “encampment phase”.23

15 Discussion and bibliography in Gras et al., Megara 5, 21 Polignac, ‘L’installation’. p. 556-557. 22 Gras et al., Megara 5, p. 339-341. 16 L. Guzzardi et al., ‘Rinvenimenti nel santuario’, p. 293. 23 This hypothesis shall be corrected in the light of the data 17 Gras et al., Megara 5, p. 524-526. on the Neolithic village (excavations 1950-1952) being 18 Villard, “La céramique géométrique”. re-examined by a team of the Museum and of 19 Corinthian amphoras dated in the third quarter of the recent findings regarding the Eneolithic period and the 8th century (work in progress, information J.-C. Sourisseau). Bronze Age. The most recent clarification is in Tréziny, 20 Di Vita, ‘Urbanistica’, p. 268. “Grecs et indigènes”.

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As for the agora, which occupied the Northern half of the trapezoidal space between the streets A, B, C1 and D1, it was limited in the South by a line perpendicular to street D1.24 street A This line cannot be the result of the construc- street A tion from street B of the insulae 15, 12, 10, but, on the contrary, is the starting point of that construction from the North to the South street D1

(fig. 4). The shape of the agora hence resulted street C1 from a contemporary construction of the urban plan. Obviously, this does not rule out that its monumental arrangement and the definition of its functions are the result of a gradual con- struction during the 7th century.25

6. The Megarian urbanism street B

We have used on several occasions the expression “urban plan” to designate the land Fig. 4: The Agora around 700 BC. The asterisks indicate division. Indeed, we cannot consider any places of worship, the black circles three silos in the longer the Megara Hybleae plan as a simple Agora “allocation of plots” in opposition to a “true urban design”26, nor imagine that the insulae delineated by the streets are ancient kleroi toward the end of the 8th century did not subdivided in a second stage.27 The aim of the undergo any significant modification during primary division of the ground into 120 to the lifetime of the city, and its “rigidity” has 130m2 plots was to build houses. They were been mentioned as one of the causes of the col- oikopeda, and not gepeda.28 This was indeed onisation of Selinunte.29 Stability also because, an urban plan inasmuch as it allowed to define if there are no major empty spaces inside the plots for building urban houses and not fields city, there were no suburbs outside the city. The to cultivate corn or vineyards. separation between two divided spaces, city This urban plan is also striking because of and countryside, was marked by a fortification its stability. The building plot established at an early stage.

24 Gras et al., Megara 5, p. 440. 26 Vallet, ‘Topographie historique’, p. 643. 25 We have incidentally suggested in Megara 5 that the 27 Villard, ‘Le cas de Mégara Hyblaea’. public area of the Agora had extended first of all to the 28 About this distinction and the meaning to give to North of the street A, in the Southern portion of the insulae gepedon (rural plot and not “small town garden”), see 13 and 16, which probably contained places of worship. Megara 5, p. 533-534. Contra, Nenci ‘Oikopedon’. That sector became physically separated from the public 29 Gras et al., Megara 5, p. 577, 586-588. square only when the Northern stoa was built.

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7. Th e city wall the absence of archaeological material inside the agger and of archaeological structures or Th e excavations on the Southern wall have levels abutting the rampart, it is not possible to enabled to defi ne three main phases of the ram- specify the date of the fi rst rampart further, part (fi g. 5).30 It was fi rst of all a simple ditch which may hence be contemporary with the together with an agger with an external facing, fi rst town planning or slightly posterior. We datable to the middle of the 7th century, at the could observe in the Southern city-wall that the latest, but which might be older. Th en, toward oldest sewers matched the streets, which might the end of the 7th century, the agger was com- advocate contemporaneity of the enclosure and pleted on the city side with an internal facing. the setting up of the urban plan.32 Conversely, Th us, it became a wall with a double facing, of as said previously, the hypothesis of a corre- approx. 6 to 7m in width, sometimes more. spondence between street B and the West gate During the 6th century, the rampart was rebuilt has now been abandoned. in heavy masonry. Th e excavation of 2006 on the West gate, already explored by P. Orsi31, has fully confi rmed these fi rst hypotheses without 8. Town and necropolis enabling to specify the chronology. Th e fi rst enclosure is certainly older than the second one Th e oldest tombs of Megara Hybleae were (last quarter of the 7th century) and contempo- found in the Southern necropolis (fi g. 6). Th e rary with the digging of the ditch, which was largest groups are thus quite remote from the fi lled around the middle of the 7th century. In city and the fortifi cation. Based on the current

E W 0 1 2 3m

3

2 1

Fig. 5: Sectional view of the West fortifi cation at the driveway gate: in orange (1), fi rst agger; in green (2), wall with a double facing of the last quarter of the 7th century; in light grey (3), wall with heavy masonry of the 6th century

30 Gras et al., Megara 5, p. 157-231. 32 Gras et al., Megara 5, p. 229. 31 Orsi, ‘Megara Hyblaea’; the excavation of 2006 has not been published yet, but see the «excavations chronicle» Tréziny, ‘Mégara Hyblaea’.

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Marcellino North necropolis

Cantera

West necropolis

South necropolis

S. Cusmano

0 1km

Fig. 6: Th e archaic necropolis of Megara Hyblaea

state of knowledge, no tomb originates with nifi cance still remains to be verifi ed.33 Th e s e certainty from the intra-muros space, with the would be isolated tombs anyway. exception of four unpublished sets of the begin- Th e material of the oldest tombs in the ning of the 7th century, from the central depres- Southern necropolis exists mainly of globular sion of the Arenella, whose topographical sig- aryballoi from early Proto-Corinthian period,

33 Gras et al., Megara 5, p. 558.

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which we suggest dating rather from the last Despite the deficiencies of our docu­ quarter of the 8th century and the first quarter mentation, the organisation of the space which of the 7th century.34 No tomb from Megara can be seen fairly clearly today in the layout of Hybleae contains Thapsos cups, but this has no Megara Hybleae, seems to be quite close of that chronological meaning: the Thapsos cups were seen in or in Naxos at the end of the 8th found in the settlement or in indigenous tombs, century:37 the same building plot system, prob- practically never in Greek tombs.35 Certain ably equalitarian along parallel streets, but tombs without material and some tombs at forming several different and non orthogonal enchystrismos could be, as seen above, contem- systems (or “districts”).38 It is the solution that porary to the oldest pottery found in the city, seems to have been adopted in most of the and maybe hence contemporary to the “encamp- known sites (with the exception probably of ment phase”. This would imply that the tombs of Leontinoi, due to a rugged topography) around the first Megarians of the “encampment phase” the same time (end of the 8th century) and are already installed in the sector which will independently from the assumed origin of the become the cemetery (or one of the cemeteries) first settlers. of the city at the time of the first building plots.36

Bibliography

9. The foundation of Megara Cébeillac Gervasoni, Mireille, ‘Les nécropoles de Hybleae and the Megarian Mégara Hyblaea’, Kokalos XXI (1975), 3-36. «model» Cébeillac Gervasoni, Mireille, ‘Une étude systéma- tique sur les nécropoles de Mégara Hyblaea: In the late 8th century, the site of Megara l’exemple d’une partie de la nécropole méridion- was occupied by an urban-type land-division, ale’, Kokalos XXII-XXIII (1976-1977), 587-597. inasmuch as it consisted of dividing the land Di Vita, Antonino, ‘Urbanistica della Sicilia greca’, in into small-sized plots, for accommodating I Greci in Occidente, ed by AA.VV (Milano: Bom- piani, 1996), pp. 263-308. houses. That land-division may quite likely Fusaro, Daniela, ‘Note di architettura domestica have covered all of the sixty hectares of the ­greca nel periodo tardo-geometrico e arcaico’, archaic city, even if the state of the archaeologi- ­Dialoghi di Archeologia, N.S. 4 (1982), 5-30. cal exploration does not enable to assert that it Gras, Michel, ‘Nécropole et histoire. Quelques réflex- was the case everywhere. That “urban” space, ions à propos de Mégara Hyblaea’, Kokalos 21 inside which public areas (agora, sanctuaries) (1975), 37-53. are delineated, is separate from the “rural” Gras, Michel, Tréziny, Henri, ‘Mégara Hyblaea: le space or chora and from the necropolis by a domande e le risposte’, in Alle origini della Magna Grecia: mobilità, migrazioni, fondazioni. Atti del boundary, i.e. the present or future fortifica- cinquantesimo convegno di studi sulla Magna Gre- tion, whose date (between the end of the 8th cia, 1-4 ottobre 2010 (Taranto: Istituto per and the middle of the 7th century) cannot be la Storia e l’Archeologia della Magna Grecia, 2012), fixed with accuracy. pp. 1133-1147.

34 About these tombs, Cébéillac, ‘Une étude’; for lowering 37 The apparent differences between the houses of Megara, the chronology of the Aryballes, Neeft, Protocorinthian. of Ortygia (Pelagatti, ‘I più antichi materiali’) and of Naxos 35 See the inventory suggested by P. Pelagatti, ‘I più antichi (, “Sicilian Naxos”) rather concern details and materiali’, p. 164-171. ought to be specified by intensified excavations and 36 The Southern necropolis is being published under the publications. direction of M. Gras and H. Duday. 38 Tréziny, ‘De Mégara Hyblaea’.

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Guzzardi, Lorenzo, Germanà, Giancarlo and Mon- Sicilia Orientale’, in La céramique grecque ou de do, Angelo, ‘Rinvenimenti nel santuario sul porto tradition grecque en Italie centrale et méridionale, di Megara Hyblaea’, in Ceramica da santuari Cahiers du Centre Jean Bérard 3 (: Centre della Grecia, della e dell’Italia, Atti Convegno. Jean Bérard, 1982), pp. 113-180. Perugia 2007, ed. by S. Fortunelli and C. Masseria Pelagatti, Paola, ‘Siracusa: le ultime ricerche in (Venosa: Osanna, 2009), pp. 693-702. ­Ortigia’, Annuario della Scuola Archeologica di At- Lentini, Maria Costanza, ‘Sicilian Naxos: evidence ene e delle Missioni in Oriente 60 (1982), 117-163. from the Dark Age’, in The Dark Ages revisited, Polignac (de), François, ‘L’installation des dieux et la Acts of an International Symposium in memory of genèse des cités en Grèce d’Occident, une question William D. E. Coulson, Volos 2007, ed. by A. Maza- résolue? Retour à Mégara Hyblaea’, in La colonisa- rakis-Ainian (Volos: University of Thessaly Press, tion grecque en Méditerranée occidentale, ed. by 2011), pp. 529-540. Vallet, G. (Rome: École française de Rome, 1999), Mégara 1: Vallet, Georges, Villard, François, and Aub- pp. 209-230. erson, Paul (avec la collaboration de Gras M. et Tréziny, Henri, ‘Lots et îlots à Mégara Hyblaea. Tréziny H.), Mégara Hyblaea 1. Le quartier de Questions de métrologie’, in La colonisation l’Agora archaïque (Rome: École Française de Rome, grecque en Méditerranée occidentale, ed. by Vallet, 1976). G. (Rome: École française de Rome, 1999), pp. 141- Mégara 5: Gras, Michel, Tréziny, Henri, Broise, Henri, 183 (summary in American Journal of Archaeology Mégara Hyblaea 5. La ville archaïque, Mélanges 101 (1997), 381). d’Archéologie et d’Histoire de l’École Française de Tréziny, Henri, ‘Mégara Hyblaea’, in Activités Rome, Supp. 1, vol. 5 (Rome: École Française de ­archéologiques de l’École française de Rome. Rome, 2004). Chronique. Année 2007. Mélanges de l’ École Fran- Mertens, Dieter, ‘Selinunte: l’eredità di Megara Hy- çaise de Rome. Antiquité 120-1, (2008), 256-260. blaea e tante domande aperte’, in Alle origini della Tréziny, Henri, ‘De Mégara Hyblaea à Sélinonte, de Magna Grecia: mobilità, migrazioni, fondazioni. Syracuse à Camarine: le paysage urbain des colo- Atti del cinquantesimo convegno di studi s­ ulla Mag- nies et de leurs sous-colonies’, in Colonie di colonie: na Grecia, Taranto 1-4 ottobre 2010 (Taranto: le fondazioni sub-coloniali greche tra colonizzazione Istituto per la Storia e l’Archeologia della Magna e colonialismo. Atti del Convegno inter­nazionale Grecia, 2012), pp. 1151-1170. (, 22-24 giugno 2006), ed. by M. Lombardo Neeft, Cornelius W., Protocorinthian subgeometric and F. Frisone (Galatina: Congedo Ed., 2009), aryballoi (Amsterdam: Allard Pierson Museum, pp. 161-181. 1987). Tréziny, Henri, ‘Grecs et indigènes aux origines Nenci Giuseppe, ‘Spazio civico, spazio religioso e de Mégara Hyblaea’, Mitteilungen des Deutschen spazio catastale nella ’, Annali della Scuola Archäologischen Instituts (Römische Abteilung) 117 Normale Superiore di Pisa 9/2 (1979), 459-477. (2011), 15-34. Nenci Giuseppe, ‘Il “Pelargico” e la “zona di rispetto” Vallet, Georges, ‘Topographie historique de Mégara nelle città greche arcaiche’, in Aparchai. Nuove Hyblaea et problèmes d’urbanisme colonial’, dans ­ricerche e studi sulla Magna grecia e la Sicilia antica Chronique d’une journée mégarienne, Mélanges de in onore di P. E. Arias, I, ed. by Gualandi, M.L., Set- l’ École Française de Rome. Antiquité 95/2 (1983), tis, S., Massei, L. (Pisa: Giardini, 1982), pp. 35-43. 640-647. Nenci Giuseppe, ‘Oikopedon e gépédon. Contributo Villard François, ‘La céramique géométrique im- al lessico urbanistico greco’, in Mélanges Lévêque, portée de Mégara Hyblaea’, in La céramique 7, ed. by Mactoux, M.-M. (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, grecque ou de tradition grecque en Italie centrale 1992), pp. 273-286. et méridionale, Cahiers du Centre Jean Bérard 3 Orsi, Paolo, in Megara Hyblaea. Storia - Topografia - (Naples: Centre Jean Bérard, 1982), 181-185. Necropoli e Anathemata, Monumenti Antichi 1 Villard François, ‘Le cas de Mégara Hyblaea est-il (Roma: Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei, 1889 exemplaire?’ in La colonisation grecque en Méditer- (1892)), pp. 690-710. ranée occidentale, ed. by Vallet, G. (Rome: École Pelagatti, Paola, ‘I più antichi materiali di impor- française de Rome, 1999), pp. 133-140. tazione a Siracusa, a Naxos e in altri centri della

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