Artificial Wombs, Frozen Embryos, and Abortion: Reconciling Viability's Doctrinal Ambiguity
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Summary of Roe V. Wade and Other Key Abortion Cases
Summary of Roe v. Wade and Other Key Abortion Cases Roe v. Wade 410 U.S. 113 (1973) The central court decision that created current abortion law in the U.S. is Roe v. Wade. In this 1973 decision, the Supreme Court ruled that women had a constitutional right to abortion, and that this right was based on an implied right to personal privacy emanating from the Ninth and Fourteenth Amendments. In Roe v. Wade the Court said that a fetus is not a person but "potential life," and thus does not have constitutional rights of its own. The Court also set up a framework in which the woman's right to abortion and the state's right to protect potential life shift: during the first trimester of pregnancy, a woman's privacy right is strongest and the state may not regulate abortion for any reason; during the second trimester, the state may regulate abortion only to protect the health of the woman; during the third trimester, the state may regulate or prohibit abortion to promote its interest in the potential life of the fetus, except where abortion is necessary to preserve the woman's life or health. Doe v. Bolton 410 U.S. 179 (1973) Roe v. Wade was modified by another case decided the same day: Doe v. Bolton. In Doe v. Bolton the Court ruled that a woman's right to an abortion could not be limited by the state if abortion was sought for reasons of maternal health. The Court defined health as "all factors – physical, emotional, psychological, familial, and the woman's age – relevant to the well-being of the patient." This health exception expanded the right to abortion for any reason through all three trimesters of pregnancy. -
<I>Personhood Under the Fourteenth Amendment</I>
Marquette Law Review Volume 101 Article 2 Issue 2 Winter 2017 Personhood Under the Fourteenth Amendment Vincent J. Samar Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.marquette.edu/mulr Part of the Civil Rights and Discrimination Commons, Constitutional Law Commons, and the Human Rights Law Commons Repository Citation Vincent J. Samar, Personhood Under the Fourteenth Amendment, 101 Marq. L. Rev. 287 (2017). Available at: http://scholarship.law.marquette.edu/mulr/vol101/iss2/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Marquette Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Marquette Law Review by an authorized editor of Marquette Law Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. SAMAR - MULR VOL. 101, NO.2 (PDF REPOSITORY).DOCX (DO NOT DELETE) 2/24/18 1:04 PM MARQUETTE LAW REVIEW Volume 101 Winter 2017 Number 2 PERSONHOOD UNDER THE FOURTEENTH AMENDMENT VINCENT J. SAMAR* This Article examines recent claims that the fetus be afforded the status of a person under the Fourteenth Amendment. It shows that such claims do not carry the necessary objectivity to operate reasonably in a pluralistic society. It then goes on to afford what a better view of personhood that could so operate might actually look like. Along the way, this Article takes seriously the real deep concerns many have for the sanctity of human life. By the end, it attempts to find a balance for those concerns with the view of personhood offered that should engage current debates about abortion and women’s rights. -
Could Artificial Wombs End the Abortion Debate?
Philosophy Faculty Works Philosophy Summer 2005 Could Artificial ombsW End the Abortion Debate? Christopher Kaczor Loyola Marymount University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lmu.edu/phil_fac Part of the Philosophy Commons Recommended Citation Christopher Kaczor, “Could Artificial ombsW End the Abortion Debate?” National Catholic Bioethics Quarterly 5.2 (Summer 2005): 73-91. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Philosophy at Digital Commons @ Loyola Marymount University and Loyola Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Philosophy Faculty Works by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons@Loyola Marymount University and Loyola Law School. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Could Artificial Wombs End the Abortion Debate? Christopher Kaczor Although artificial wombs may seem fanciful when first considered, certain trends suggest they may become reality. Between 1945 and the 1970s, the weight at which premature infants could survive dropped dramatically, moving from 1000 grams to around 400 grams.1 In 1973, the U.S. Supreme Court, in deciding Roe v. Wade, considered viability to begin around twenty-eight weeks. In 2000, premature babies were reported to have survived at eighteen weeks.2 Advanced incubators already in existence save thousands of children born prematurely each year. It is highly likely that such incubators will become even more advanced as technology progresses. Researchers are working to make super-advanced incubators, “artificial wombs,” a reality. Temple University professor Dr. Thomas Schaffer hopes to save premature infants using a synthetic amniotic fluid of oxygen-rich perfluorocarbons. Lack of funding has thus far prevented tests on human infants born prematurely, but Shaffer has successfully transferred premature lamb fetuses from their mother’s wombs and used the synthetic amniotic fluid to sustain their lives.3 At Cornell University, Dr. -
The Political and Moral Battle Over Late-Term Abortion
CROSSING THE LINE: THE POLITICAL AND MORAL BATTLE OVER LATE-TERM ABORTION Rigel C. Oliverit "This is an emotional,distorted debate. We are using the lives ofa few women to create divisions across this country... -Senator Patty Murray' I. INTRODUCTION The 25 years following the Supreme Court's landmark decision in Roe v. Wade2 have seen a tremendous amount of social and political activism on both sides of the abortion controversy. Far from settling the issue of a woman's constitutional right to an abortion, the Roe decision galvanized pro-life and pro- choice groups and precipitated many small "battles" in what many on both sides view to be a "war" between fetal protection and women's access to reproductive choice. These battles have occurred at the judicial, grassroots, and political levels, with each side gaining and losing ground. Pro-life activists staged a nation-wide campaign of clinic protests, which led to Congress's 1994 enactment of the Federal Access to Clinic Entrances law creating specific civil and criminal penalties for violence outside of abortion clinics.3 State legislatures imposed limitations on the right to abortion, including mandatory waiting periods and requirements for parental or spousal notification. Many of these limitations were then challenged before the Supreme Court, which struck down or upheld them according to the "undue burden" standard of review articulated in PlannedParenthood of Southeastern Pennsylvania v. Casey.4 Recent developments have shifted the focus of conflict from clinic entrances and state regulation of abortion access to the abortion procedures themselves. The most controversial procedures include RU-486--the "abortion drug"-and a particular late term surgical procedure called intact dilation and extraction ("D&X")-more popularly known as "partial-birth abortion." The controversy surrounding the D&X procedure escalated dramatically in June of 1995, when both houses of Congress first introduced legislation to ban the procedure. -
Gonzales, Casey and the Viability Rule
Digital Commons @ Georgia Law Scholarly Works Faculty Scholarship 1-1-2009 Gonzales, Casey and the Viability Rule Randy Beck University of Georgia School of Law, [email protected] Repository Citation Randy Beck, Gonzales, Casey and the Viability Rule (2009), Available at: https://digitalcommons.law.uga.edu/fac_artchop/699 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at Digital Commons @ Georgia Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Scholarly Works by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ Georgia Law. Please share how you have benefited from this access For more information, please contact [email protected]. Copyright 2009 by Northwestern University School of Law Printed in U.S.A. Northwestern University Law Review Vol. 103, No. I Essays GONZALES, CASEY, AND THE VIABILITY RULE Randy Beckn IN TRO D U CTION ............................................................................................................. 249 I. WH~y EXPECT A RATIONALE FOR THE VIABILITY RULE? .................... .... ... .... ... .... .. 253 A . Casey 's Test ofLegitim acy .......................................................................... 254 B. The Moral Randomness of the Viability Standard...................................... 257 C. Viability in InternationalPerspective ......................................................... 261 II. THE SUPREME COURT'S FAILURE TO JUSTIFY THE VIABILITY RULE ...................... 267 A. The Missing Syllogism of Roe v. W ade ...................................................... -
Reframing Roe: Property Over Privacy
Seattle University School of Law Digital Commons Faculty Scholarship 1-1-2012 Reframing Roe: Property over Privacy Becca Rausch Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.law.seattleu.edu/faculty Part of the Civil Rights and Discrimination Commons Recommended Citation Becca Rausch, Reframing Roe: Property over Privacy, 27 BERKELEY J. GENDER L. & JUST. 28 (2012). https://digitalcommons.law.seattleu.edu/faculty/262 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Seattle University School of Law Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of Seattle University School of Law Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Reframing Roe: Property over Privacy* Rebecca L. Rauscht ABSTRACT Roe v. Wade has received much criticism from both sides of the political spectrum. These critiques diverge divisively but for one commonality. Specifically, commentators from both the pro- and anti-choice camps have expressed concern about the absence of an express constitutional right to privacy, upon which the Supreme Court in Roe based its finding of a "fundamental" right to abortion. This lack of express constitutional provision renders the Roe decision, and its resulting reproductive rights, vulnerable. Further, pro-choice advocates find fault with the privacy basis because it yields no positive rights to funding or governmental support for accessing abortion services. When based upon a right to privacy, the right to abortion is relegated to the land of negative rights. The negative right to privacy might provide some women with reproductive choice free from government intrusion, but for other women-those with limited resources-the so-called "choice" becomes nonexistent. -
Abortion: Judicial History and Legislative Response
Abortion: Judicial History and Legislative Response Updated September 20, 2021 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov RL33467 SUMMARY RL33467 Abortion: Judicial History and September 20, 2021 Legislative Response Jon O. Shimabukuro In 1973, the U.S. Supreme Court concluded in Roe v. Wade that the U.S. Constitution protects a Legislative Attorney woman’s decision to terminate her pregnancy. In a companion decision, Doe v. Bolton, the Court found that a state may not unduly burden the exercise of that fundamental right with regulations that prohibit or substantially limit access to the procedure. Rather than settle the issue, the Court’s rulings since Roe and Doe have continued to generate debate and have precipitated a variety of governmental actions at the national, state, and local levels designed either to nullify the rulings or limit their effect. These governmental regulations have, in turn, spawned further litigation in which resulting judicial refinements in the law have been no more successful in dampening the controversy. Following Roe, the right identified in that case was affected by decisions such as Webster v. Reproductive Health Services, which gave greater leeway to the states to restrict abortion, and Rust v. Sullivan, which narrowed the scope of permissible abortion-related activities that are linked to federal funding. The Court’s decision in Planned Parenthood of Southeastern Pennsylvania v. Casey, which established the “undue burden” standard for determining whether abortion restrictions are permissible, gave Congress additional impetus to move on statutory responses to the abortion issue, such as the Freedom of Choice Act. Legislation to prohibit a specific abortion procedure, the so-called “partial-birth” abortion procedure, was passed in the 108th Congress. -
Oppose Testimony in Opposition to 21-H 5037 & H
128 Dorrance Street, Suite 400 Providence, RI 02903 Phone: (401) 831-7171 Fax: (401) 831-7175 www.riaclu.org [email protected] ACLU OF RI POSITION: OPPOSE TESTIMONY IN OPPOSITION TO 21-H 5037 & H-5582, 21-H 5552, 21-H 5579, 21-H 5865, AND 21-H 5996, BILLS RELATING TO ABORTION April 9, 2021 The ACLU of RI is opposed to passage of the six anti-abortion bills being considered by the House Judiciary Committee today. They seek to undermine the constitutional and statutory protections available to an individual to exercise their right to an abortion without undue government interference, and attempt to turn this legislative body into an arbiter of medical decisions. These assaults on reproductive freedom should be rejected. Before turning to the provisions of this legislation, it is important to understand what Rhode Island law currently permits and what is already prohibited. In 2019, after careful review and several revisions, the General Assembly enacted the Reproductive Privacy Act (RPA), 2019-H- 5125 SubB, which was signed into law by Governor Raimondo. The RPA did several things. First, it codified, for Rhode Island, the standards mandated by Supreme Court decisions generically known as the protections of Roe v. Wade as they currently exist. In general terms, the RPA prohibited the state or any government agencies from interfering with individuals in making decisions to commence, continue or terminate a pregnancy prior to fetal viability. The RPA also established that fetal viability is a critical marker, after which the government may restrict the individual’s decision to terminate a pregnancy except when termination is necessary to preserve the health or life of that individual. -
A Global Review of Laws on Induced Abortion, 1985–1997 by Anika Rahman, Laura Katzive and Stanley K
ARTICLES A Global Review of Laws on Induced Abortion, 1985–1997 By Anika Rahman, Laura Katzive and Stanley K. Henshaw and the Annual Review of Population Law Context: The legal status of induced abortion helps determine the availability of safe, afford- (published by the United Nations Popula- able abortion services in a country, which in turn influences rates of maternal mortality and mor- tion Fund and the Harvard Law School). bidity. It is important, therefore, for health professionals to know both the current status of abor- In addition, we derived extensive infor- tion laws worldwide and the extent to which those laws are changing. mation regarding the interpretation of na- Methods: Abortion-related laws in 152 nations and dependent territories with populations of tional laws from a series of books entitled one million or more were reviewed, and changes in these laws since 1985 were documented. Abortion Policies: A Global Review, which were published between 1992 and 1995 by Results: Currently, 61% of the world’s people live in countries where induced abortion is per- the Population Division of the United Na- mitted either for a wide range of reasons or without restriction as to reason; in contrast, 25% re- tions Department for Economic and Social side in nations where abortion is generally prohibited. However, even in countries with highly re- Information and Policy Analysis. Finally, strictive laws, induced abortion is usually permitted when the woman’s life is endangered; in previously published works on abortion contrast, even in nations with very liberal laws, access may be limited by gestational age re- laws in Commonwealth countries2 and on strictions, requirements that third parties authorize an abortion or limitations on the types of fa- abortion laws in Francophone countries3 cilities that perform induced abortions. -
Perinatal Management of Extreme Preterm Birth at the Threshold of Viability
Perinatal Management of Extreme Preterm Birth at the Threshold of Viability Perinatal Management of Extreme Preterm Birth at the Threshold of Viability A Framework for Practice The Clinical Programme in Neonatology The Neonatal Clinical Advisory Group The Faculty of Paediatrics The Institute of Obstetricians and Gynaecologists The National Women and Infants Health Programme 1 Perinatal Management of Extreme Preterm Birth at the Threshold of Viability Index Page Executive summary 3 Introduction 4 Aim 4 Background 4 Outcomes at the threshold of viability 6 Risk assessment, decision making and ethical considerations 7 Communication and documentation 9 Obstetric management of preterm labour and birth 9 - The diagnosis of preterm labour 9 - Antenatal steroids 10 - Magnesium sulphate 11 - Maternal antibiotic administration 11 - Tocolysis 11 - Fetal monitoring 11 - Mode of delivery 12 - Delayed cord clamping 12 Place of delivery and in-utero transfer 13 Neonatal management 14 - Delivery room management 14 - Resuscitation 14 References 15 Appendices 19 2 Perinatal Management of Extreme Preterm Birth at the Threshold of Viability Executive Summary This consensus document has been developed in consultation with a multi- disciplinary group of experts in light of improving outcomes for infants born at the threshold of viability and changes in clinical practice; and supersedes the 2006 document. This document refers to infants born between 23+0 and 24+6 weeks’ gestation. It recommends a change in the threshold of fetal viability from 24+0 weeks to 23+0 weeks gestation. Initiation of life sustaining treatment is not recommended for infants born less than 23+0 weeks’ gestation. Decisions relating to the provision of care to infants and mothers at this gestation 23+0 – 24+6 weeks should take into consideration all confounding clinical factors. -
Report of the Special Committee on Problem Pregnancies and Abortion
Publishedby the Office of the General Assembly PresbyterianChurch (U.S.A.) 100 Witherspoon Street Louisville. KY 40202-1396 Copyright @ 1992 The Office of the GeneralAssembly PresbyterianChurch (U.S.A) No part of this publicationmay be reproduced,stored in a retrieval system, or transmittedin any form or by any meanselectronically, mechaniCally, photocopying,recording, or otherwise(brief quotationsused in magazineor newspaperreviews excepted),without the prior permissionof the publisher. The sessions,presbyteries, and synodsof the PresbyterianChurch (U.S.A.) may use sectionsof this publicatoin without receiving prior written permis- sion of the publisher. Printed in die United States of America. Additional copies available at $2.00 each from Distribution ManagementServices (DMS), 100 Witherspoon Street, Louisville, KY 40202-1396,or by calling 1-800-524-2612 outside of Louisville; 502-569-5000ext. 2503 in Louisville. Please specify DMS order #OGA-92-O17 (1988) to " ...formulate a new policy statement. .. SPECIAL COMMITfEE ON PROBLEM PREGNANCIES AND ABORTION concerningthe issuesrelated to problem pregnancies. .. and abortion" (Minutes,1988, Part I, p. 1016); and (2) to be an agent of healing in the life of the Presbyterian Church (U.S.A.). Our processincluded attendanceat the Do Justice, Love Mercy, Walk Humbly (Micah 6:8) PC(USA)'s National Dialogue on Abortion Perspectivesin 1989;presentations on relevant topics from each member I. Narrative of the committee;presentations by personsoutside of the committee with special expertise in areas under discus- sion; summariesby committeemembers of all correspon- AssignedResponsibilities dence addressed to our committee, with the letters themselvesavailable to members at each meeting; and The 200th GeneralAssembly (1988) of the Presbyte- open hearings during most of our meetings, with addi- rian Church (U.S.A.), meeting in St. -
Artificial Womb Technology Discourses Around Artificial Wombs the Global Perspective
Ethics of artificial wombs: missing angles and special concerns Sophya Yumakulov, BHSc, Gregor Wolbring, PhD Faculty of Medicine, University of Calgary, Calgary, AB, CANADA We acknowledge the support of the Wolb-Pack [email protected], [email protected] Artificial womb technology Discourses Around Artificial Wombs The Global Perspective Artificial womb technology (AWT): man- The Abortion Debate Advantages Disadvantages Keeping preterm babies alive[99] AWT would undermine women’s The Global Perspective is lacking in this made technology that can gestate a fetus. AWT can end the abortion debate – allowing women to Safer environment for the fetus[100] right to decide when/how to become literature, even though artificial womb Progress to date: Potential for fetal surgery in utero[100] mothers[3] terminate pregnancy without technology has implications on a global scale. 1986-1997 – artificial perfusion of needing to kill the fetus[3] Saving IVF embryos[4] Risks of removing a fetus from Replace surrogacy, for women unable womb[3] uteri in Italy[1] AWT will NOT end the abortion debate, because women who seek to have offspring[5] Men taking over uniquely female 1996 – Kubawara et al gestate goat abortion are trying to end not only Liberate women from negative effects function/experience[3] Global Health – AWT has the potential to increase fetus in artificial placenta for 3 pregnancy but motherhood [3] of pregnancy and birth = gender Men gaining complete control over inequities between Southern and Northern weeks[2] equality[6-8] reproduction