IGF-I Axis As a Mediator for the Association Between FTO Variants and Body Mass Index: Results of the Study of Health in Pomerania
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Helmut Walser Smith, "Nation and Nationalism"
Smith, H. Nation and Nationalism pp. 230-255 Jonathan Sperber., (2004) Germany, 1800-1870, Oxford: Oxford University Press Staff and students of University of Warwick are reminded that copyright subsists in this extract and the work from which it was taken. This Digital Copy has been made under the terms of a CLA licence which allows you to: • access and download a copy; • print out a copy; Please note that this material is for use ONLY by students registered on the course of study as stated in the section below. All other staff and students are only entitled to browse the material and should not download and/or print out a copy. This Digital Copy and any digital or printed copy supplied to or made by you under the terms of this Licence are for use in connection with this Course of Study. You may retain such copies after the end of the course, but strictly for your own personal use. All copies (including electronic copies) shall include this Copyright Notice and shall be destroyed and/or deleted if and when required by University of Warwick. Except as provided for by copyright law, no further copying, storage or distribution (including by e-mail) is permitted without the consent of the copyright holder. The author (which term includes artists and other visual creators) has moral rights in the work and neither staff nor students may cause, or permit, the distortion, mutilation or other modification of the work, or any other derogatory treatment of it, which would be prejudicial to the honour or reputation of the author. -
The German Revolution of 1848–491 Is Mostly Associated with the Barricade Fights in Berlin and Vienna and the Uprising in Baden
Вестник СПбГУ. История. 2017. Т. 62. Вып. 3 F. Moeller THE GERMAN REVOLUTION OF 1848–1849 — NEW PERSPECTIVES The article examines the special character of the revolution of 1848/49 in Germany. The focus lies on the perspective of contemporaries to the events. The French Revolution and the Napoleonic Pe- riod were the defining, mostly negative, experiences for the generations who were active in 1848. The ideas of 1848 arose in a pre-industrial, harmony-oriented civil society. The constitution demanded in 1848 was therefore not aimed at the legalization of a modern division of state and society, but it wanted a state-formation at the national level based on the idea of the Aristotelian societas civilis. The numer- ous conflicts of the revolution, social and national conflicts, and even the political division into demo- crats and liberals, were not weaknesses of the revolution. It was rather the lack of readiness for conflict which led to the failure of the revolution. From the point of view of the contemporaries the revolution failed, but the modernizing impulses of the revolution went on to shape further development. Refs 25. Keywords: German Revolution 1848–1849, civil society, liberalism, modernization. For citation: Moeller F. The German revolution of 1848–1849 — new perspectives. Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History, 2017, vol. 62, issue 3, pp. 601–612. DOI: 10.21638/11701/ spbu02.2017.311 DOI: 10.21638/11701/spbu02.2017.311 Ф. Мюллер НЕМЕЦКАЯ РЕВОЛЮЦИЯ 1848–1849 — НОВЫЕ ПЕРСПЕКТИВЫ В статье рассматривается особый характер революции 1848–1849 гг. в Германии. Основ- ное внимание уделяется перспективам современников. -
Volume 2. from Absolutism to Napoleon, 1648-1815 Ernst Moritz Arndt, Excerpts from Germania and Europe (1803)
Volume 2. From Absolutism to Napoleon, 1648-1815 Ernst Moritz Arndt, Excerpts from Germania and Europe (1803) Born and raised on the island of Rügen, then part of Sweden, the poet, writer, and nationalist publicist Ernst Moritz Arndt (1769-1860) studied history and theology in Jena and Greifswald. In Jena, he fell under the influence of Johann Gottlieb Fichte, whose anti-French sentiments he shared. In 1801, Arndt was appointed to a teaching position at the university in Greifswald. When the French army invaded in 1806, he fled to Sweden, where he remained for three years. It was during his time in Greifswald that Arndt wrote Germania and Europe (1803), which is excerpted below. The selected passages show that, like Herder, Arndt regarded language and culture as the basis of national identity. Arndt’s concerns with political, geographic, and linguistic boundaries would eventually find moving and lyrical expression in “The German Fatherland,” his famous patriotic anthem of 1813. In addition to Herder’s influence, the present text also reflects Fichte’s concerns with cultural purity, particularly at the end of the excerpt, where Arndt comes out against the confluence [Zusammenfließen] of cultures and peoples, which he feels can only lead to diffluence [Zerfließen] or dissolution. Also noteworthy is Arndt’s criticism of the “power- hungry German princes.” In 1820, seventeen years after the publication of this text, Arndt was dismissed from a professional post in Bonn for having criticized the German princes during the period of restoration. -
The Americanization of Ernst Moritz Arndt's Political Poetry in the Nineteenth Century
Lorie A. Vanchena The Americanization of Ernst Moritz Arndt's Political Poetry in the Nineteenth Century Written in 1813 as a response to the Wars of Liberation, Ernst Moritz Arndt's "Des Deutschen Vaterland" enjoyed an afterlife that few nineteenth-century patriotic poems could rival.1 This literary phenomenon resulted in large part from the poem's focus on two central and recurrent issues in the German political land• scape of the 1800s - unification and hostilities with the French. Arndt begins his poem by suggesting a catalog of states and geographical regions as possible answers to the question posed in the first line, "Was ist des Teutschen Vaterland?": "Ist's Preußenland? Ist's Schwabenland?/Ist's, wo am Rhein die Rebe blüht?/Ist's, wo am Belt die Möwe zieht?"2 Repeatedly insisting that "Sein Vaterland muss größer seyn," the poet reveals his ultimate answer in the seventh stanza: "So weit die deutsche Zunge klingt / Und Gott im Himmel Lieder singt, / Das soll es seyn! / Das, wackrer Teutscher, nenne dein!" Arndt envisions a Germany that exists not only wherever German is spoken or sung, but also, as he states in the ninth stanza, "Wo Zorn vertilgt den welschen Tand,/Wo jeder Franzmann heißet Feind,/Wo jeder Teutsche heißet Freund." Arndt himself recognized that his poem's visceral anti- French rhetoric and call for a unified Germany helped explain its staying power. In a passage about a volunteer cavalry regiment in East Prussia preparing to fight against the French in 1813, he wrote: Hier sprang jetzt aus dieser allgemeinen Begeisterung, die mit dem ganzen Volke in den Kampf gehen wollte, auch mein sogenanntes Deutsches Vaterlandslied hervor, das im lieben Deutschland noch in späteren Jahren gesungen ist und endlich wohl mit andern Ta• gesliedern zu seiner Zeit auch verklingen wird. -
Regionalist” Approach to Austrian History: Austrian Studies Within the Context of German and East European History
VOLUME 2, 2006 The “Regionalist” Approach to Austrian History: Austrian Studies within the Context of German and East European History Alexander Maxwell Victoria University, New Zealand This essay advocates what might be called the “regionalist” approach to teaching the history of Central Europe. The regionalist approach is a variant of what Robert Stradling calls “multiperspectivity,”1 but it emphasizes geographic diversity as a relevant historical variable in addition to the more widely highlighted race, gender, class, and nation. A regionalist course will make a conscious effort to balance different geographic perspectives when designing lectures and selecting course readings. All scholars must balance what Jonathan Chu described as the need “to reconcile the tyranny of generalization with the anarchy of the particular,”2 but a Teaching Austria, Volume 2 (2006) 56 regionalist leans strongly away from generalization and thus has a high tolerance for “anarchy.” The regionalist model is highly suspicious of the “center-periphery” approach, refusing to accept that all regions outside the capital city can be lumped into a homogenous and undifferentiated mass. A regionalist approach to German history, for example, would reject any narrative that shifted between Berlin and “the provinces,” insisting instead that Bavaria, Saxony, and Schleswig deserve separate treatment. The regionalist approach is particularly suited for scholars wishing to teach Austrian history at university level: it integrates Austrian history into a meaningful historical context, but also into courses that will attract scarce student enrollment. Specifically, this essay will describe two “regionalist” university courses that introduce Austrian history to upper-division undergraduates: a “history of the German-speaking peoples,” and a history of Eastern Europe and the Balkans. -
Die Rezeption Ernst Moritz Arndts in Deutschland 1909/10 – 1919/20 – 1934/35
483 Ist Ernst Moritz Arndt ein Vorbild? Ein Rätsel ist er allemal. Seine Person und sein Œuvre sind umstritten – die Debatten der vergangenen Jahre haben dies regel- mäßig gezeigt –, obwohl doch sein Werk weitgehend in Vergessenheit geraten ist. Und ganz unterschiedliche Lager haben ihn wie selbstverständlich für sich in Anspruch genommen – auch die alte Bundesrepublik und die DDR, obwohl Arndt doch vor 1945 eindeutig als Projektionsfläche nationalistischer Sehnsüchte diente. Möglicherweise steht der Name Arndt ja eher für einen Mythos als für einen Menschen aus Fleisch und Blut. Um so schärfer stellt sich daher in seinem Fall die Frage nach seiner Wir- kungsgeschichte. nnnn Thomas Vordermayer Die Rezeption Ernst Moritz Arndts in Deutschland 1909/10 – 1919/20 – 1934/35 Zur Person des Dichters Der Name des 1769 auf Rügen geborenen und 1860 in Bonn gestorbenen Schrift- stellers Ernst Moritz Arndt ist in der deutschen Geschichte untrennbar mit der Zeit der Befreiungskriege (1813–1815) verbunden. Innerhalb der damals in hoher Zahl produzierten patriotischen Literatur besitzen die Texte Arndts zen- trale Bedeutung. Eine vehemente, bisweilen antisemitisch aufgeladene Xenopho- bie, insbesondere aber ein unversöhnlicher Hass gegen Frankreich kennzeichnet sie ebenso wie die kategorische Überhöhung der deutschen Nation und die For- derung einer Volkserhebung gegen die französische Besatzungsmacht. Gleich- wohl handelt es sich bei der politischen Publizistik Arndts nicht nur um national- chauvinistische Pamphlete. Arndt engagierte sich auch für Pressefreiheit und die Einforderung politischer Repräsentationsrechte1. Zwar steht Arndt hier im Schat- ten der maßgeblichen Protagonisten der Aufklärung, eine ausgewogene Wertung seines umfangreichen Werkes darf aber an diesen progressiven Inhalten nicht kommentarlos vorbeigehen, auch wenn die Kampfschriften der Befreiungskriege ihrer historischen Bedeutung wegen weiterhin in den Vordergrund zu stellen sein werden. -
Thesen Zum Greifswalder Universitätsnamen Von Dirk Alvermann / Reinhard Bach / Irmfried Garbe
Thesen zum Greifswalder Universitätsnamen von Dirk Alvermann / Reinhard Bach / Irmfried Garbe 1. Grundlegender Ausgangspunkt der Greifswalder Anti-Arndt-Kampagne war und ist nicht die Kenntnisnahme der Breite des Arndtschen Werkes und seiner vielgestaltigen Rezeption, sondern das Datum der Namensver- leihung im April/Mai 1933. Ursächlich aus dem Zeitpunkt der Namens- vgl. S. 2, S. 31f. verleihung wurde eine inhaltliche Affinität Arndts zum politischen Pro- gramm des Nationalsozialismus vermutet bzw. postuliert. Sie wurde aber von denen, die dies behaupten, weder methodisch-kritisch geprüft noch vgl. S. 6f., S. 20f. erhärtet. Das Postulat hält methodisch kontrollierter Kritik nicht stand. 2. Die absichtsvolle Stigmatisierung Arndts als „Rassist“ und „Antisemit“ vgl. S. 13ff., S. 20ff. erneuert in Wirklichkeit ein historisch kondensiertes Arndt-Bild, das we- sentlich in geschichtsideologischen Arbeiten des „Dritten Reiches“ er- . zeugt wurde. Die lediglich umgepolte Wiederaufnahme eines nationalso- zialistischen Arndt-Bildes verlängert Momente jenes totalitären Ge- schichtsbildes in die Gegenwart. Dem ist nachdrücklich zu widersprechen, 1.) weil die Zuweisung Arndts unter zentrale nationalsozialistische Kate- vgl. S. 6f. gorien nicht zutrifft und 2.) weil eine geschichtssymbolisch so bedeutsa- me Entscheidung wie die Änderung des Universitätsnamens sich nicht von Stigmatisierungen treiben lassen darf. Arndt spielte in der instrumen- S. 32f. tellen Rezeption des Nationalsozialismus eine deutlich nachrangige Rolle. Ihn zu einem Proto-Nationalsozialisten zu stilisieren, ignoriert tragende Teile seines Werkes und zentrale geistige Grundlagen seiner akademi- S. 24ff. schen und politischen Publizistik. 3. Das für die Namensverleihung 1933 ausschlaggebende Arndt-Bild ist Teil einer Rezeption, der entschieden zu widersprechen ist. In wesentlichen Punkten geschah dies bereits anlässlich der Wiederaufnahme des Namens 1954, die sich als antifaschistisch verstand. -
Of “Manly Valor” and “German Honor”
Of "Manly Valor" and "German Honor": Nation, War, and Masculinity in the Age of the Prussian Uprising Against Napoleon Karen Hagemann New work—new words. Thus Wehrlieder. In Old German, Wehr means a man who bears arms for his own honor and that of his people. (The terms) wehrbar and wehrhaft have always recalled this old form of man- hood, which disappeared only for a time . Wehrlieder are the voices of the bards, songs of manliness, and a prelude to the new age, where every man will be a man once again, and the people no herd doing forced labor for foreign masters. No being of the male sex who is not a Wehr can be considered a man, but only a male, a manikin. Wehrlos! Ehrlos! (defenseless, honorless; emphasis in the original)1 HESE words introduced a collection entitled Deutsche Wehrlieder fur das KonigHch-Preussische Frei-Corps (German Military Songs for the T Royal Prussian Volunteer Corps), that appeared in March 1813 immediately after Prussia declared war on France. It was not only in this songbook that the patriotic national2 mobilization for the struggle against Napoleonic rule was closely linked to the propagation of "valorous man- liness" (wehrhafte Mannlichkeit) .3 In the period of the Wars of Liberation I would like to thank Karin Hausen, Manfred Hettling, John Home, Lynn Hunt, and Jean Quataert for their comments and suggestions on earlier versions of this paper and Pamela Selwyn for her translation. t. Friedrich Ludwig Jahn, Deutsche Wehrlieder fur das KonigHch-Preussische Frei-Corps herausgegeben, 1st collection (Berlin, Easter 1813), 5. -
H-France Review Volume 16 (2016) Page 1
H-France Review Volume 16 (2016) Page 1 H-France Review Vol. 16 (September 2016), No. 195 Response to Charles J. Esdaile review of Michael V. Leggiere, Napoleon and the Struggle for Germany, the Franco-Prussian War of 1813, I: the War of Liberation, Spring 1813. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015. xii + 488 pp. Preface, maps, figures, notes, bibliography and index. £24.99 (hb). ISBN: 978- 1-107-08051-5 and M.V. Leggiere, Napoleon and the Struggle for Germany, the Franco-Prussian War of 1813, II: the Defeat of Napoleon. Cambridge University Press, 2015. xiv + 887 pp. Preface, maps, tables, figures, notes, bibliography and index. £29.99 (hb). ISBN: 978-1-107-08054-6. Michael V. Leggiere, University of North Texas. I want to thank Professor Esdaile for his thoughtful review. Who could not be pleased at being labeled “the leading expert on the subject” of the Befreiungskrieg, or having his work called “a considerable personal achievement” and his bibliography characterized as “overwhelming?” I am grateful for Professor Esdaile’s words of praise but there, sadly, my agreement with his assessment ends. Let me begin by addressing Professor Esdaile’s comments regarding the length of the work. I am extremely grateful to Michael Watson and Cambridge University Press for allowing me to treat the Spring and Fall Campaigns of 1813 in separate volumes; not much different than the way scholars treat the campaigns of the World Wars or the US Civil War. The latitude afforded me by CUP is a victory for all scholars given the current trend in academic publishing to downsize and appeal more to the popular audience. -
Werner Busch Schleiermacher Und Caspar David Friedrich1 Im
Werner Busch Schleiermacher und Caspar David Friedrich1 Im Briefwechsel von Schleiermacher wird Friedrich nur einmal erwähnt2 – allerdings in zentralem Zusammenhang, von Friedrich gibt es überhaupt kein Zeugnis seiner Beschäftigung mit Schleiermacher. Das sollte zur Vorsicht mahnen, zu viel von einem etwaigen Austausch zu erwarten, zumal Schleiermacher offensichtlich an der bildenden Kunst kein besonderes Interesse hatte. Dennoch: es ist auffällig, in welch‘ extremem Maße sich die Freundeskreise von Friedrich und Schleiermacher überschneiden, die religiösen wie politischen Überzeugungen parallel zu gehen scheinen, wie vielfältig die denkbaren Übertragungswege von Schleiermacherschen Gedanken zu Friedrich sind. Denn zweifellos ist Schleiermacher der Gebende, Friedrich der Nehmende. Caspar David Friedrich, Der Mönch am Meer, 1808-10, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Nationalgalerie (siehe https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Caspar_David_Friedrich_- _Der_M%C3%B6nch_am_Meer_-_Google_Art_Project.jpg) 1 Bei dem Artikel handelt es sich um eine stark gekürzte Version des Beitrages Werner Busch: Protestantische Frömmigkeit und bildende Kunst. Schleiermacher im Gespräch mit Caspar David Friedrich, in: Andreas Arndt u.a. (Hg.): Christentum – Staat – Kultur. Akten des Kongresses der Internationalen Schleiermacher-Gesellschaft in Berlin, März 2006 (Schleiermacher-Archiv Bd. 22), Berlin 2008, 253-269. 2 Karl Ludwig Hoch: Friedrich Schleiermacher und Caspar David Friedrich, in: Deutsches Pfarrerblatt 84 (1984), 167-171; Caspar David Friedrich – unbekannte Dokumente seines Lebens, hg. von Karl Ludwig Hoch, Dresden 1985, 42-47, 73-76, dort auch die meisten Fakten zum folgenden. Die erste nachweisliche Begegnung Friedrichs und Schleiermachers findet 1810 statt, und sie steht im Zusammenhang mit Friedrichs wohl bedeutendstem Bilderpaar, dem „Mönch am Meer“ (s. Abb.) und der „Abtei im Eichwald“ (s. Abb.).3 Schleiermacher war am 22. -
National Identity and State-Building in Early Nineteenth-Century Germany
Georgia State University ScholarWorks @ Georgia State University History Theses Department of History Spring 5-2013 The Legacy of Luther: National Identity and State-Building in Early Nineteenth-Century Germany Ruth L. Dewhurst Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.gsu.edu/history_theses Recommended Citation Dewhurst, Ruth L., "The Legacy of Luther: National Identity and State-Building in Early Nineteenth-Century Germany." Thesis, Georgia State University, 2013. https://scholarworks.gsu.edu/history_theses/64 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Department of History at ScholarWorks @ Georgia State University. It has been accepted for inclusion in History Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks @ Georgia State University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE LEGACY OF LUTHER: NATIONAL IDENTITY AND STATE-BUILDING IN EARLY NINETEENTH-CENTURY GERMANY by RUTH LITTLE DEWHURST Under the Direction of Joe Perry ABSTRACT Historians have posited a number of theories about nationalism. Using Anthony D. Smith’s historic ethno-symbolic theory, this thesis examines the development of German national identity in the decades following the French Revolution up to the 1848 revolutions and the National Assembly that met in Frankfurt to write a constitution for the German Nation. Martin Luther was an important figure to Germans in the nineteenth century and a number of influential intellectuals drew on his contributions to define themselves as a distinctive people, even though -
The French Revolution in the Early Works of Ernst Moritz Arndt*
Aleksandar Molnar THE FRENCH REVOLUTION IN THE EARLY WORKS OF ERNST MORITZ ARNDT* Today, Ernst Moritz Arndt is commonly considered to be one of the first German liberals, or more precisely, national liberals. Like other German liberals of his time, he was very concerned with the development of the political situation in France and devoted many of his works to explaining the events which took place in France from 1789 and onward. The ideas behind the French Revolution played an important role in the intellectual development of Ernst Moritz Arndt, even though he was never prepared to accept them without a large dose of criticism. In this paper, the author aims to give insights into Arndt’s main political ideas from the early 19th century and to explain the contradictoriness of the influences, which the French Revolution had on them. Key words: French revolution. – People. – Estate. – Germany. – Nationalism. The French Revolution left a deep impression on a large number of Germans, amongst which is Ernst Moritz Arndt.1 At the beginning of the 19th century Arndt’s lectures at the University of Greifswald were filled with strong political tension, and they placed special emphasis – in the spirit of the ideas behind the French Revolution – on the social significance of individual liberties (Steffens, 1912: XXV). The lasting ardour with the ideas from 1789 was most likely a consequence of the still strong influence of Fichte’s Beiträge zur Berechtigung der Urteile des Publikums über die französische Revolution from 1793 (Musebeck, 1914: 75). Namely, as emphasized by Ernst Musebeck, Arndt shall not, even when he enters the nationalist phase later on in his life, become an opponent of the French Revolution, because he always kept to his opinion * This article originated within the scope of the project “Enlightenment in a European, regional and national context: history and contemporary times” (no.