Scales and Patterns of Expressive Palatalization
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An Acoustic Comparison of Russian and English Sibilant Fricatives
An acoustic comparison of Russian and English sibilant fricatives Russian is known to have a 4-way place and secondary articulation contrast in voiceless sibilant fricatives, as, for example, in [sok] <сок> ‘juice’ vs. [sjok] <сёк> ‘whipped’ vs. [ʂok] <шок> ‘shock’ vs. [ʃjok] <щёк> ‘cheeks (gen.)’ (Avanesov 1972; Timberlake 2004). These consonants have been previously noted to be different from the corresponding English fricatives /s/ and /ʃ/. The classical phonetic descriptive account of Russian sounds by Jones & Ward (1969; pp. 125- 134) mentions that the Russian non-palatalized anterior /s/ has a “slightly lower pitch” compared to the English /s/, likely reflecting some constriction differences (laminal dental vs. apical alveolar) and presence or absence of secondary velarization. The Russian palatalized anterior /sj/ is noted to be similar to the (British) English /s/ + /j/ sequence (as in assume), yet also showing some differences in “pitch” (higher than in English). The Russian /ʂ/, according to the authors, exhibits a “characteristic ‘dark’ or ‘hollow’ property”, an apparent result of the raised tongue tip, flattened tongue body, and rounded lips. This makes the sound particularly different from English /ʃ/, which has a “somewhat palatalized” quality resulting from a moderate raising of the tongue front. The degree of palatalization of the English /ʃ/, according to Jones & Ward (1969), however, is substantially smaller than for the strongly palatalized Russian /ʃj/. This auditorily- based comparison is undoubtedly useful for learners of Russian, yet it is not clear which specific acoustic properties these description represents. For example, Jones & Ward’s the non-standard use of the term ‘pitch’ could refer to differences in spectral means of fricative noise or differences in the formants of an adjacent vowel. -
A Corpus Study of the 3 Tone Sandhi in Standard Chinese
A Corpus Study of the 3 rd Tone Sandhi in Standard Chinese Yiya Chen 1, Jiahong Yuan 2 1 Department of Linguistics, Radboud University Nijmegen 2 Department of Linguistics, University of Pennsylvania [email protected], [email protected] (Zhang 1988, Shih 1997, M. Chen 2000, Chen 2003, Chen Abstract 2004). Speer et al. (1989) show that listeners are indeed In Standard Chinese, a Low tone (Tone3) is often realized sensitive to a constituent’s phrasal structure in judging the application of the 3 rd tone Sandhi to constituents which could with a rising F0 contour before another Low tone, known as the 3rd tone Sandhi. This study investigates the acoustic be ambiguous between an underlying Rising tone and a characteristics of the 3rd tone Sandhi in Standard Chinese Sandhi Rising tone. Their results suggest the possibility that the higher linguistic boundary it is between two Low tones, using a large telephone conversation speech corpus. Sandhi rd Rising was found to be different from the underlying Rising the less likely the 3 tone sandhi rule is applied. With regard tone (Tone2) in bi-syllabic words in two measures: the to the difference between the underlying Rising tone and the Sandhi Rising tone, Peng (2000) show that the F0 maximum magnitude of the F 0 rising and the time span of the F 0 rising. We also found different effects of word frequency on Sandhi of SR is lower than R. Furthermore, in fast speech, a Sandhi Rising and the underlying Rising tones. Finally, for tri- Rising tone may flatten and show no apparent F0 rise (Kuo, syllabic constituents with Low tone only, constituent Xu, and Yip, to appear). -
1 Consonant Harmony in Child Language
1 Consonant Harmony in Child Language: An Optimality-theoretic Account* Heather Goad Department of Linguistics, McGill University [email protected] Ms. dated 1995. Currently in press in S.J. Hannahs & M. Young-Scholten Focus on phonological acquisition. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, pp. 113-142. Abstract An analysis is provided of the consonant harmony (CH) patterns exhibited in the speech of one child, Amahl at Stage 1 (data from Smith 1973). It is argued that the standard rule-based analysis which involves Coronal underspecification and planar segregation is not tenable. First, the data reveal an underspecification paradox: coronal consonants are targets for CH and should thus be unspecified for Coronal. However, they also trigger harmony, in words where the targets are liquids. Second, the data are not consistent with planar segregation, as one harmony pattern is productive beyond the point when AmahlÕs grammar satisfies the requirements for planar segregation (set forth in McCarthy 1989). An alternative analysis is proposed within the constraint-based framework of Optimality Theory (Prince & Smolensky 1993). It is argued that CH follows from the relative ranking of constraints which parse place features and those which align features with the edges of the prosodic word. With the constraints responsible for parsing and aligning Labial and Dorsal ranked above those responsible for parsing and aligning Coronal, the dual behaviour of coronals can be captured. The effect of planar segregation follows from other independently motivated constraints which force alignment to be satisfied through copying of segmental material, not through spreading. Keywords: first language acquisition, consonant harmony, underspecification paradox 1. -
The Whistled Fricatives of Southern Bantu
Just put your lips together and blow? The whistled fricatives of Southern Bantu Ryan K. Shosted12∗ 1Dept of Linguistics, University of California, Berkeley 1203 Dwinelle Hall #2650 – Berkeley, CA 94120-2650 USA 2Dept of Linguistics, University of California, San Diego 9500 Gilman Drive #108 – La Jolla, CA 92093-0108 USA [email protected] Abstract. Phonemically, whistled fricatives /s z / are rare, limited almost en- Ţ Ţ tirely to Southern Bantu. Reports differ as to whether they are realized with labial protrusion and/or rounding. Phonetically, whistled sibilants are com- mon; they are regarded as a feature of disordered speech in English. According to the clinical literature, unwanted whistled fricatives are triggered by dental prosthesis and/or orthodontics that alter the geometry of the incisors—not by aberrant lip rounding. Based on aeroacoustic models of various types of whis- tle supplemented with acoustic data from the Southern Bantu language Tshwa (S51), this paper contends that labiality is not necessary for the production of whistled fricatives. 1. Introduction 1.1. Typology Few phonemes are as typologically restricted as the so-called whistled, whistling, or whistly fricatives / s z /.1 They are said to occur in only a handful of languages: the Shona Ţ Ţ (S10) and Tshwa-Ronga (S50) groups of Southern Bantu (Bladon et al., 1987; Sitoe, ∗This research was supported by a Jacob K. Javits Fellowship and a Fulbright Fellowship to the author. I would like to thank John Ohala, Keith Johnson, and Ian Maddieson for their insights. I am also grateful to Larry Hyman for his help with the diachronic data. -
The Violability of Backness in Retroflex Consonants
The violability of backness in retroflex consonants Paul Boersma University of Amsterdam Silke Hamann ZAS Berlin February 11, 2005 Abstract This paper addresses remarks made by Flemming (2003) to the effect that his analysis of the interaction between retroflexion and vowel backness is superior to that of Hamann (2003b). While Hamann maintained that retroflex articulations are always back, Flemming adduces phonological as well as phonetic evidence to prove that retroflex consonants can be non-back and even front (i.e. palatalised). The present paper, however, shows that the phonetic evidence fails under closer scrutiny. A closer consideration of the phonological evidence shows, by making a principled distinction between articulatory and perceptual drives, that a reanalysis of Flemming’s data in terms of unviolated retroflex backness is not only possible but also simpler with respect to the number of language-specific stipulations. 1 Introduction This paper is a reply to Flemming’s article “The relationship between coronal place and vowel backness” in Phonology 20.3 (2003). In a footnote (p. 342), Flemming states that “a key difference from the present proposal is that Hamann (2003b) employs inviolable articulatory constraints, whereas it is a central thesis of this paper that the constraints relating coronal place to tongue-body backness are violable”. The only such constraint that is violable for Flemming but inviolable for Hamann is the constraint that requires retroflex coronals to be articulated with a back tongue body. Flemming expresses this as the violable constraint RETRO!BACK, or RETRO!BACKCLO if it only requires that the closing phase of a retroflex consonant be articulated with a back tongue body. -
5 Phonology Florian Lionnet and Larry M
5 Phonology Florian Lionnet and Larry M. Hyman 5.1. Introduction The historical relation between African and general phonology has been a mutu- ally beneficial one: the languages of the African continent provide some of the most interesting and, at times, unusual phonological phenomena, which have con- tributed to the development of phonology in quite central ways. This has been made possible by the careful descriptive work that has been done on African lan- guages, by linguists and non-linguists, and by Africanists and non-Africanists who have peeked in from time to time. Except for the click consonants of the Khoisan languages (which spill over onto some neighboring Bantu languages that have “borrowed” them), the phonological phenomena found in African languages are usually duplicated elsewhere on the globe, though not always in as concen- trated a fashion. The vast majority of African languages are tonal, and many also have vowel harmony (especially vowel height harmony and advanced tongue root [ATR] harmony). Not surprisingly, then, African languages have figured dispro- portionately in theoretical treatments of these two phenomena. On the other hand, if there is a phonological property where African languages are underrepresented, it would have to be stress systems – which rarely, if ever, achieve the complexity found in other (mostly non-tonal) languages. However, it should be noted that the languages of Africa have contributed significantly to virtually every other aspect of general phonology, and that the various developments of phonological theory have in turn often greatly contributed to a better understanding of the phonologies of African languages. Given the considerable diversity of the properties found in different parts of the continent, as well as in different genetic groups or areas, it will not be possible to provide a complete account of the phonological phenomena typically found in African languages, overviews of which are available in such works as Creissels (1994) and Clements (2000). -
Presentation Overview Course Objectives What Is a Sibilant A
1 The Entire World Presentation Overview of Sibilants™ • Targeted for intermediate level of knowledge. However, encompass entry- level to experienced clinicians. • Review S & Z first, then SH & CH, J, ZH. • Evaluation procedure. Christine Ristuccia, M.S. CCC-SLP • Specific treatment strategies. www.sayitright.org • Case study examples. ©2007 Say It Right ©2007 Say It Right Course Objectives What is a Sibilant • Know how to evaluate and treat the various word positions of the sibilant sounds:[s, z, ch, sh, sh, j, and zh]. A consonant characterized • Know how to use co-articulation to elicit correct tongue positioning. by a hissing sound. • Be able to write measurable and objective IEP goals. • Be able to identify 3 elicitation techniques S, Z,Z, SH, ZH, CH, and J • Identify natural tongue positioning for /t/, /n/, /l/ and /d/. • Know difference between frontal and lateral lisp disorders. ©2007 Say It Right ©2007 Say It Right Facts About /s/ & /z/ Facts About [s] & [z] • Cognates. Have same manner and [s] spellings S as in soup production with the exception of C as in city voicing. Sc as in science X as in box • Airflow restricted or released by tongue causes production and common “hissing” sound. [z] spellings s as in pans x as in xylophone • Different spellings, same production. z as in zoo ©2007 Say It Right ©2007 Say It Right Say It Right™ • 888—811-0759 • [email protected] • www.sayitright.org ©2007 Say It Right™ All rights reserved. 2 Two Types of Lisp Frontal Lisp Disorders • Most common Frontal Lateral • Also called interdental lisp • Trademark sound - /th/ • Cause: Tongue is protruding too far forward. -
Part 1: Introduction to The
PREVIEW OF THE IPA HANDBOOK Handbook of the International Phonetic Association: A guide to the use of the International Phonetic Alphabet PARTI Introduction to the IPA 1. What is the International Phonetic Alphabet? The aim of the International Phonetic Association is to promote the scientific study of phonetics and the various practical applications of that science. For both these it is necessary to have a consistent way of representing the sounds of language in written form. From its foundation in 1886 the Association has been concerned to develop a system of notation which would be convenient to use, but comprehensive enough to cope with the wide variety of sounds found in the languages of the world; and to encourage the use of thjs notation as widely as possible among those concerned with language. The system is generally known as the International Phonetic Alphabet. Both the Association and its Alphabet are widely referred to by the abbreviation IPA, but here 'IPA' will be used only for the Alphabet. The IPA is based on the Roman alphabet, which has the advantage of being widely familiar, but also includes letters and additional symbols from a variety of other sources. These additions are necessary because the variety of sounds in languages is much greater than the number of letters in the Roman alphabet. The use of sequences of phonetic symbols to represent speech is known as transcription. The IPA can be used for many different purposes. For instance, it can be used as a way to show pronunciation in a dictionary, to record a language in linguistic fieldwork, to form the basis of a writing system for a language, or to annotate acoustic and other displays in the analysis of speech. -
A Typology of Consonant Agreement As Correspondence
A TYPOLOGY OF CONSONANT AGREEMENT AS CORRESPONDENCE SHARON ROSE RACHEL WALKER University of California, San Diego University of Southern California This article presents a typology of consonant harmony or LONG DISTANCE CONSONANT AGREEMENT that is analyzed as arisingthroughcorrespondence relations between consonants rather than feature spreading. The model covers a range of agreement patterns (nasal, laryngeal, liquid, coronal, dorsal) and offers several advantages. Similarity of agreeing consonants is central to the typology and is incorporated directly into the constraints drivingcorrespondence. Agreementby correspon- dence without feature spreadingcaptures the neutrality of interveningsegments,which neither block nor undergo. Case studies of laryngeal agreement and nasal agreement are presented, demon- stratingthe model’s capacity to capture varyingdegreesof similarity crosslinguistically.* 1. INTRODUCTION. The action at a distance that is characteristic of CONSONANT HAR- MONIES stands as a pivotal problem to be addressed by phonological theory. Consider the nasal alternations in the Bantu language, Kikongo (Meinhof 1932, Dereau 1955, Webb 1965, Ao 1991, Odden 1994, Piggott 1996). In this language, the voiced stop in the suffix [-idi] in la is realized as [ini] in 1b when preceded by a nasal consonant at any distance in the stem constituent, consistingof root and suffixes. (1) a. m-[bud-idi]stem ‘I hit’ b. tu-[kun-ini]stem ‘we planted’ n-[suk-idi]stem ‘I washed’ tu-[nik-ini]stem ‘we ground’ In addition to the alternation in 1, there are no Kikongo roots containing a nasal followed by a voiced stop, confirmingthat nasal harmony or AGREEMENT, as we term it, also holds at the root level as a MORPHEME STRUCTURE CONSTRAINT (MSC). -
Can Low Tone Trigger Velarization? Ben Hermans and Marc Van Oostendorp, Meertens Institute [email protected] [email protected]
Can Low Tone trigger Velarization? Ben Hermans and Marc van Oostendorp, Meertens Institute [email protected] [email protected] In many dialects of the Ripuarian area historically coronal consonants are velarized in the coda. In most dialects this has no effect on the tone, in the sense that the original tone is preserved. Cologne, for instance, is a representative case. In this dialect the form [wiŋ2] ‘wine’ has preserved its original accent 2 (≅ level high tone on the two moras of the rhyme). The fact that accent 2 is the original tone in this form is shown by the many dialects that still have this accent. There is a small group of dialects where velarization only applies if the rhyme has accent 1. These dialects have alternations of the following type: (1) bru:n2 ‘brown’, uninflected bruŋ1 ‘brown, fem. sg.’ Dialectologists usually claim that the dialects where velarization only applies under accent 1 represent the original situation (Wiesinger 1970, Schirmunsky 1962). This seems to indicate that accent 1 originally functioned as a trigger for velarization. Since accent 1 consists of a sequence of H+L, this again suggests that Low Tone somehow implies Velarity. If this were true, it would be highly interesting for at least two reasons. Firstly, it seems to create a paradox when it is related to two other well known correlations. On the one hand, we know that velars tend not to be voiced. Dutch, for instance, does not allow a voiced velar stop. This seems to indicate that Voice exludes Velarity. -
Legends for Videos
Case-Based Learning through Videos: A Virtual Walk through Our Clinic From Cleft Palate and Craniofacial Anomalies: The Effects on Speech and Resonance, 3rd Edition Ann W. Kummer, Ph.D., CCC-SLP Most students and professionals in speech-language pathology learn about communication disorders from reading textbooks first, and then by attending lectures. This type of learning is not only required for the degree, but is also essential in order to obtain basic and theoretical information for clinical practice. Unfortunately, book knowledge alone does not adequately prepare the learner to evaluate and treat individuals affected by communication disorders. As such, the American Speech-Language- Hearing Association (ASHA) has observation requirements for graduation in speech-language pathology (or communication sciences and disorders) at the bachelor’s level, and practicum experience requirements for graduation at the master’s level. In addition, it is universally recognized that observing, interacting, problem-solving, and obtaining experience in real-life clinical situations is essential for individuals to be able to apply learned didactic information appropriately and effectively in clinical situations. Although observation and practicum experiences are essential for clinical learning, there are many issues and inefficiencies when trying to obtain these experiences. First, students (and professionals wanting to obtain additional competencies) usually need to schedule the experience with an outside facility, and then travel to the location. There is a risk that the patient will cancel or be a no-show. There is also the possibility that the session is not a good one for various reasons. The experience may not be focused learning. For example, the student/observer may understand the point of the session in 5 minutes, but need to be present for the entire session, which can take an hour or more. -
The Phonological Domain of Tone in Chinese: Historical Perspectives
THE PHONOLOGICAL DOMAIN OF TONE IN CHINESE: HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVES by Yichun Dai B. A. Nanjing University, 1982 THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGRFE OF MASTER OF ARTS In the pepartment of Linguistics @ Yichun Dai 1991 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY July 1991 All rights reserved. This work may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without permission of the author. APPROVAL NAME: Yichun Dai DEGREE: Master of Arts (Linguistics) TITLE OF THESIS : The Phonological Domain of Tone in Chinese: Historical Perspectives EXAMINING COMMITTEE: Chairman: Dr. R. C. DeArmond ----------- Dr. T. A. Perry, Senior ~aisor Dr. N. J. Lincoln - ................................... J A. Edmondson, Professor, Department of foreign Languages and Linguistics, University of Texas at Arlington, External Examiner PARTIAL COPYR l GHT L l CENSE I hereby grant to Simon Fraser University the right to lend my thesis, project or extended essay (the title of which is shown below) to users of the Simon Fraser University L ibrary, and to make partial or single copies only for such users or in response to a request from the library of any other university, or other educational institution, on its own behalf or for one of its users. I further agree that permission for multiple copying of this work for scholarly purposes may be granted by me or the Dean of Graduate Studies. It is understood that copying or publication of this work for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Title of Thesis/Project/Extended Essay Author: (signature) (name 1 Abstract This thesis demonstrates how autosegmental licensing theory operates in Chinese.