Comision valech pdf

Continue On 11 September last year, President Bachelet made a long-awaited but long-discussed statement: she would send a draft immediate discussion to remove the secrecy that lay in the testimony and background that had been gathered for the preparation of the report of the National Commission on Political Prisons and Torture, known as Valeh I. Finally, yesterday the Senate Human Rights Commission approved legislation on the subject. What was Valech commission and what was its purpose? Why has some of your content been kept secret all these years? What are the arguments that support or oppose privacy? At El Definido, we'll tell you in detail. What is the Valech Commission? consciously or unconsciously, the conspiracy of silence over torture has slowly spread throughout the country. For many years, many believed that although ill-treatment had been prevalent against military prisoners, such torture was not so widespread. Nevertheless, those who have been tortured (...) have preserved the memory, traces and consequences of cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment (...). This paragraph initiates a report by the Valej Commission, set up under the Government of to clarify the truth about serious human rights violations (HRC) in between 11 September 1973 and 10 March 1990, in which victims and experts participated in various topics, such as interviewees. The aim is also to have a conscience list of persons who suffered from imprisonment or torture for political reasons during the dictatorship. It is, on the premise, that only after the state recognizes its victims and repair the evil caused it can initiate a path of reconciliation. The Commission was chaired by those whom Lagos considers to be moral authority, Monsignor Sergio Valeh. His bravery at a crucial moment in our history was what led him to take on the task: he refused to hand over the archives of the priest of solidarity when there was a court order from Pinochet to refer them to military justice. Valeh I was not the first report on this issue, during the Aylwin government was created a commission Of Rettiga, which suffered from some shortcomings that must be eliminated by the new report (it was announced only about the dead in the dictatorship, not about prisons and torture). Among the text of Valech I (later Valeh II will be compiled during the first bachelet government), is the legal framework on DD violations. HH, a description of how the commission works and how the victims are contacted and on various topics, detailed information on the context of time relating to political prisons and torture, the methods and consequences used for victims and their families, and the suggestion of acts of reparative acts. At the end of the text, a list of places used as detention and torture centres is included, followed by the salaries of victims2. What is Valeh's secret? This text was a breakthrough for the country, and many people accrued to the victims' payroll were entitled to re-receiving wages and the right to justice under Act 19.992. However, article 15 of the same law contains a warning: documents, testimonies and backgrounds provided to the Commission by victims will be kept secret for 50 years. That is, they will be declassified only in 2054. Simply put, all the raw materials that the investigation that served the commission members to develop the report will remain secret, in the conclusion of the Ministry of the Interior.This secret still denies access to materials to anyone, including justice, and obliges the members of the commission to keep a reservation for the information they process. What about the victims? Yes, they are the sole owners of such material in person and may dispose of it as they see fit, make it known or provide it to third parties on their own will. What are the reasons for keeping this secret? The original reason, which many claim to this day, is that victims who have agreed to be interviewed or provided with documents have done so on the terms of a promise that such material will not be publicly disclosed. One of the greatest defenders of the mystery of Valeh I is Ricardo Lagos himself, who, in the face of this debate, has ensured that the purpose of the commission is to clarify the truth, not to pay tribute. Knowing what happened but from justice is the task of the courts, and all those who were going to testify was told that their application was confidential and would not be known (...), but they also said: If you want justice, the same statement will be made to the courts, at the front door. No one prevented it, said the former president, who also noted when the report led to the act of reparation. Another argument in favour of secrecy is that the act of publicizing the humiliation and torture to which someone in particular (with his surname) violates his privacy because they are accounts that have been made in accordance with the promise of confidentiality (and which may be lent to the disease). Finally, Lagos also claims that many of the victims who testified then came to withdraw their testimony because they were afraid. For example the case of someone who broke and maulined, or blamed another, is a very common situation where he is subjected to such a high level of cruelty. According to the former representative, such people should continue to be protected under the secrecy of Valeh I. Lagos not only in this defense, he is supported by several figures within the framework of ordism and opposition4. What are the reasons for removing the secret? Yesterday, the Senate Committee on HRC welcomed the call for a mandate, although not without the nature of immediate discussion. The draft amends article 15 of Act 19.992 to ensure that an exception to the secrecy is made when the courts request information. Added to this is the Christian Democracy's directive, which obliges judges to omit the identification of victims mentioned in cases in which they have not been a party, unless they give direct consent to their disclosure. First of all, it must be clearly known that the testimony will not be made public and accessible on the Internet, as it was in fear of some, but will simply be disclosed on demand of justice. This, according to Senator Letelier, is an excellent balance, as it removes existing obstacles to investigating human rights violations while protecting victims while avoiding infringement of their rights. What are the arguments for increased secrecy in these cases? According to the President, this will allow for progress in the processes that have been delayed so far due to lack of information, thereby accelerating the payment of compensation to victims and their families. Another reason for supporting this decision is due to several international standards for human rights defenders, which require the State to refer information to the courts when it comes to resolving crimes against humanity. Among them is a universal system of protection of human rights defenders, which calls for respect for the right to the truth, facilitating the mechanisms that are aimed at obtaining it. This, according to a number of other international agreements, indicates the right of family members to know the fate of the victims, to know the circumstances of the disappearance, the results of the investigation and the identity of the perpetrators, the reasons and facts. In addition, the UN Committee Against Torture recommended that Chile provide such information to the courts in 2009, explicitly requested the lifting of the secrecy clause against Valeh I. And then, in 2015, it also stated that access to the material could not be denied for reasons of national security or any other. Finally, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights stated that the authorities could not de aportar informaci'n relevante los tribunals. El debate queda abierto y a'n falta legislar el proyecto para que entre o no en vigencia. Sin embargo, toda la discusion suscitada partir de los dichos de la President, indica que nuestro pa's ha cambiado, y que los temas pueden debatirse con mayor libertad que antes. Von History Argentina (1976 coup) Bolivia Brazil (1960s) Chile (1973 coup d'etat) Peru Uruguay Events National Operation Colombo Operation Charly Night Pencils Operativo Indepencia Ezeisa Massacre Margarita Belen Massacre Death Ins 1973 Chilean coup of the government of leaders Jorge Anaya Basilio Domi Doo Jose Figueiredo Leopoldo Galtiero Targeted militia Tupamaros People's Revolutionary Army (ERP) Revolutionary Left Movement (MIR) Astis Hugo Campos Hermida Jose Lopez Rega Virgil Pas Romero Paul Schaefer Organization, responsible Direcci'n de Inteligencia National Batalen de Inteligencia 601 Coordination United Revolutionary Organizations National Intelligence Organizations Brazil Army U.S. Army School of America Argentine Anti-Communist Alliance Places Esmeralda Estadio National de Chile Colony Dignidad MILITARY Navy Petty Officers School Mechanics Full Law The Valech Report of the National Security Archive Reaction of the National Commission on the Disappearance of Persons Trial over the junta Augusto Pinochet arrest and the court of Mother Plaza de Mayo vte Valeh Report (officially the National Commission for Political Imprisonment and Torture Report) was a record of abuse committed in Chile between 1973 and 1990 by agents Augusto Pinault. The report was published on 29 November 2004 and details the results of a six-month investigation. The revised version was released on June 1, 2005. The Commission was reopened in February 2010 for eighteen months, adding more cases. The Commission found that 38,254 persons had been imprisoned for political reasons and that most had been tortured. It was also found that thirty persons had disappeared or been executed in addition to those recorded in the previous . The testimony is classified and will be kept secret for the next fifty years, until 2054. Therefore, this data cannot be used in human rights proceedings, unlike the Archives of Terror in Paraguay and Operation Condor. Associations of former political prisoners were denied access to The report was prepared at the request of President Ricardo Lagos by the National Commission on Political Imprisonment and Torture, headed by Bishop Sergio Valeh, and was made public via the Internet. The commission included: Maria Luis Sepulveda (Executive Vice President), Lawyers Miguel Luis Amunategui, Luciano Fuilleau, Jose Antonio Gomez Urrutia (President of PRSD), Lucas Sierra, Alvaro Varela and Psychologist Elisabeth Leara. It does not include representatives of victims or members of associations of former political prisoners. The findings of the First Part Initial Report were based on testimony given to the commission of 35,865 people, of whom 27,255 were considered direct victims. Of these, 94 per cent said they had been tortured. Eleven were born in prison and ninety-one minors were detained with their parents (including four unborn children); they were not considered direct victims. Another group of 978 people was a minor at the time of their arrest. At the time of their arrest, four women were pregnant and tortured; their children were considered direct victims. A child who was a victim of rape while in prison was also considered a direct victim. Victims were detained for an average of six months. Of the more than 8,600 cases dismissed, 7,290 asked for their cases to be reviewed. The Commission also agreed to investigate a further 166 cases, which were not the first time. An updated report added 1,204 new cases, bringing the total number of victims to 28,459. The total number of arrests was 34,690; some people have been detained many times. The Commission found that approximately 69 per cent of arrests occurred between 11 September and 31 December 1973 and 19 per cent between January 1973 and August 1977. The second part, chaired by , has reopened. Between February 2010 and August 2011, some 32,000 new requests were considered. It was supposed to be open for twelve months, but due to the large number of requests it was extended for another six months. There were 9,795 cases of torture and 30 cases of disappearances or executions. The new report was submitted to President Sebastian Pinier on 18 August 2011 and published on 26 August 2011. Benefits the State provided lifetime monetary compensation to the victims, as well as health and education benefits. They are detailed in Act 19,992 and include: a monthly payment of between 113,000 and 129,000,000 Chilean pesos (in December 2004, prices subsequently adjusted for inflation) depending on the age of the victim; free public health care for victims and their parents, spouses or children under the age of twenty-five or incapacitated children of any age; free education (from primary to higher) for victims whose studies have been their imprisonment. There is also a special bonus of four four Chilean pesos for the children of the victim who was born in captivity or who were detained with their parents when they were minors. Criticism of the Neutrality of this section is disputed. The relevant discussion can be found on the conversation page. Please do not delete this message until the conditions are met. (September 2014) (Learn how and when to delete this message template) Critics of the Valeha report stated that the families falsely claim that their relatives went missing during the 1973-1990 military regime, since 2000 there have been reports that four people who are dead or missing are alive or died under unrelated circumstances. These cases have raised questions about the system of vetting victims of dictatorships. The Age newspaper reported that a total of 1,183 people had been killed or reported missing and were presumed dead, and that their names appeared on a special memorial at Santiago Common Cemetery. Clive Foss in Tyrants: 2,500 Years of Absolute Power and Corruption estimates that 1,500 Chileans were killed or disappeared during the Pinochet regime. Some 700 civilians disappeared between 1974 and 1977 after the detention of the Chilean military and police. According to the associations of former political prisoners, the commission used a different definition of torture than the United Nations. Most of these new cases involving the victims of children were not included in the first report because their parents were either executed by political prisoners or among the disappeared prisoners, and there were no corroborating witnesses. About two thirds of the abuses recognized by the commission occurred in 1973. The associations say the evidence was taken under the following conditions: detention was to last more than five days. From a perspective, 120,000 people were detained by the armed forces in Santiago de Chile in 1986. Of these, 24,000 were detained by the Carabinieri of the Chilean police for four and a half days. However, the Commission's demand was not the length of detention, but the political motives for detention or torture. Where evidence of one or the other has been found, even if the period of detention is several days, the testimony of these persons has been accepted (see paragraph 2 of Article 2 of the Supreme Decree 1040 of 2003, which established the Commission and established its mandate). The detention was to be held at one of the 1,200 official detention or torture centres listed by the Commission, including Villa Grimaldi, , Victor Jara Stadium or the floating centre of Esmeralda. Cases of torture streets or or vehicles have been excluded. Since the 1980s, the CNI (which replaced DINA) no longer took victims to detention centers, thus, the association says, the fact that about two-thirds of the abuse cases that were approved by the commission took place in 1973. The case of Carmen Gloria quintana, who was burned alive in the mid-1980s, was not recognized under this definition of torture. This statement is wrong. There is no official list of detention centres where victims should be detained to be recognized. The list established by the Commission was the result of the testimony received, despite the fact that previous lists of detention centres included most places. The difficulty of testifying from people detained in cars or tortured in the street was to find sufficient evidence to support their cases. Cases have been accepted where evidence of the detention and torture of people in police buses or other vehicles has been found. Ms. Kintana contacted the Commission but did not give evidence before her. Detention should not have taken place in any country except Chile. The associations highlighted the fact that the commission had been operating for only six months, with very little publicity, despite the UN's demand to take evidence for a longer period. In some cases, in rural areas, victims who knew about the Commission had to give evidence to local civil servants who, at the time of detention and torture within the local authorities. When the Commission learned of the situation, it demanded that these staff members be excluded from the process and sent new teams to those areas. The Commission coordinated with all regional and national organizations of former political prisoners and human rights organizations to help contact their members and other organizations to testify. The advertisements were broadcast on national and local radio and television stations and published in national and local newspapers. (The Commission's report 48 to 51, at least www.comisiontortura.cl/filesapp/03_cap_ii.pdf) The number of persons testifying is consistent with the geographical distribution of residents in the capital and provinces. (Commission Reports 69 and 70, www.comisiontortura.cl/filesapp/03_cap_ii.pdf). The Commission worked only during working hours, forcing victims to ask permission from the employer to testify. Victims who had to go through their experiences were given insufficient psychological help, some of whom suffered flashbacks, with the exception of the application applicants to the Comprehensive Health Recovery Programme (PRAIS) and some specialized mental health protection NGOs the former political prisoners stated that minors under the age of eighteen had been refused because they had been re-victimized. remember exactly the details of the place and time where they were tortured. Children, some five years old, and adolescents were tortured by the dictatorship. According to studies conducted by associations of former political prisoners, 60 per cent of former political prisoners had not been unemployed for at least two years. Their lifespan ranges from sixty to sixty-five years. Switzerland and Argentina had recently refused to extradite two former political prisoners to Chile on the grounds that they might be ill-treated in Chile. Until May 2012, 76 agents had been convicted of human rights violations and sixty-seven had been convicted: 36 soldiers, 27 carabinieri, two from the air force, one from the navy and one from FDI. Three convicted agents died and six agents received suspended sentences. The Chilean justice system has 350 open cases of disappeared persons, illegal detainees and victims of torture during dictatorial rule. These are 700 military personnel and civilians. See also the Chilean coup of the 1973 Rettig Report List of Truth and Reconciliation Commissions People's Declassification (Desclasificacion Popular) Initiative in Chile to encourage those who testified for the Valech Commission to go to court to declassify their personal files. Links to Reabren Comisi'n Valech Radio University of Chile - Diario Electrico. Radio.uchile.cl. Received 2011-08-19. - - Mandatario recibi en La Moneda el segundo informe de la Comisi'n Valech Politics. La Terzera. 2011-08-03. Received 2011-08-19. a b Ley 19,992, Library of Congress of Chile. Impunity Watch: South America 2008. Archive from the original on June 27, 2009. Received on August 16, 2009. The Chilean government is suing the disappeared fraudsters. Albuquerque Express. December 30, 2008. Archive from the original on July 7, 2011. Received on August 16, 2009. Era. December 30, 2008. Archive from the original november 11, 2010. Received on August 16, 2009. New Chilean leader announces political pardons New York Times, March 13, 1990 - Green light for junta?, New York Times, October 28, 1977 - Comisin Acesora para la califiacion de Detenidos Desaparecidos, Eekutados Politos and Vicimas de Prisian Politics Comisiontortura.cl archive from the original (PDF) on 2009-08-15. Received 2011-08-19. Memory Viva. Proyecto Internacional de Derejos Humanos. Received on January 11, 2016. FONNASA. Fonasa.cl. Received 2011-08-19. Article Estudio revela que 76 son los agents de la dictadura condenados por violaciones DDHH in the Chilean newspaper La Tercera on 09 Julie 2012, extracted on 22 juli 2012 External links Documents report in PDF format (in Spanish) Government page report (in Spanish) Chile torture victims win payment (BBC) Chile torture victims to receive life pension (The Guardian) Interview with the President of the Association of Relatives of Executed Political Prisoners in Chile Asociaci'n Ciencia Pol'tica Human Rights Watch - Chile Memoriaviva (in Spanish) received from comision valech pdf. comision valech 2. comision valech y rettig. comision valech wikipedia. comision valech ii. comision valech definicion. comision valech 2018. comision valech lista de beneficiados

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