The Iranian Intervention in the Arab States Affairs: Pretension and Facts

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Iranian Intervention in the Arab States Affairs: Pretension and Facts European Journal of Social Sciences ISSN 1450-2267 Vol. 57 No 2 November, 2018, pp.255-267 http://www.europeanjournalofsocialsciences.com/ The Iranian Intervention in the Arab States Affairs: Pretension and Facts Abdulrahman Al-Fawwaz Associate Professor Department of Humanities, Al-Balqa' Applied University P.O.Box: 15008 Amman 11134 Jordan E-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] Abstract Iran, being one of the dominating super powers in the region has been known for its aggressive role in the entire world. The Arab region is exclusively recognized as its strategic position and the substantial availability of natural resources. In the past and even today, the west world have been protecting the global interest in the region and throughout the history, hostilities have been flaring up that affected the internal stability and peace situation. Among this, the role of Iran is dominated towards its intervention within the Arab States. The purpose of the paper is to analyze the Iranian interventions in the Arab States affairs. It tends to investigate that the specific conflicts created by Iran and the impact of those conflicts towards the peace and stability of the Arab States. The findings of the paper are obtained through secondary analysis and it reveals that the major intervention done by Iran in the Arab States are towards religious affairs, territorial, and security affairs, political and trading affairs. Moreover, the Iranian intervention is now expanded towards the military intervention in the Arab States as well, which is affecting the political stability of the region. As the present political situation is sensitive; therefore, much of the policy implications are considered weaker due to the fulfillment of state interest and security. However, there is need to focus on presenting major implications that can help to ensure the peace and stability of the region so that the socio-economic development can be restored. Keywords: interventions, Iran, Arab States, war, conflict, religion, security, resources Introduction Overview The Arabian Gulf considered as the critical block on the map of the world because of various dynamics and benefits. The significance of the region dates back and it considered as not only significant region because of oil extraction and production, but also the location of the region is established in middle of the world, which connects the entire economic and trading routes of the world (Barzegar, 2008; McNaugher, 2010; Al Kaabi, and Al Kaabi, 2011). Background of Issue The establishment of Iran was the result of the Persian Empire that was in great power during 500BC- 651AD. During the period, the Safavid Empire gave rise to the formation of Iran because of the major conflict took place in 1501 where Twelver Shi’ism (the descending of Muhammad al Mehdi ) was 255 European Journal of Social Sciences – Volume 57, Issue 2 November (2018) declared as official religion of Iran, whereas Sunnism was majorly followed in Iran. The rise of Shi’ism was made to separate Iran from Sunni Empire. Safavids used the border of Iraq to convert people and launched the gory campaign against Ottoman Empire. This gave rise to Iran-Iraq Conflict and resulted in increasing gap between Shias and Sunnis . However, in 1979, the revolution of Khomeini changed the dynamics of Iran by imposing the Shi’ism theories (Al Kaabi, and Al Kaabi, 2011; Matin, 2007). In the past 30 years, three major conflicts and wars have taken place within Arab States, resulted in the global and regional instability. The Gulf War that took place between 1990 and 1991, the Iran-Iraq conflict, and the invasion of Iraq by the U.S. brought uproar within the entire region. Historically, the fall of Iraq promoted Iran to empower its political and nuclear system (Rahimi, 2011). Iran, being strong political and nuclear power exerted its power towards the region; the power and ability to destabilize the entire balance within the region by exerting more control and power of its nuclear weapons, ability to intervene in the war presently going in the Gulf states and marking the potential of its arms deployment in the region. Despite of this, the Gulf States and Iran both have common interest that is they share a common gateway towards the world i.e. the Strait of Hormuz , which gives channel to Iran and the Gulf States to pass oil and gas to the rest of the world (Talmadge, 2008). Problem Statement Iran, being as a strong political and military block in the region has entered into the era of hegemony and power in the region; driven based on its political and regions’ ambition to strengthen its economic and international affairs. After the fall of the regime of Saddam and the beginning of the new era of power, Iran increased its level of influence in Gulf States as well as in Iraq by stepping forward towards domination (Kraig, 2004). Besides, the state after witnessing the Gulf tension expanded its vision where it revealed its nuclear ambitions to the entire world. However, with the intention of securing its border from Western influence and the impact of war in Gulf States, the nuclear ambitions of Iran developed insecurity and instability within the entire region. Towards the Gulf States, Iran emphasized upon raising its vocals to assert dominance based on its nuclear power; resulted historical turbulence between the Gulf States and the Iran, which gave rise to the new era (Al Kaabi, and Al Kaabi, 2011). The superfluous interventions of Iran among Gulf States was not limited to the political affairs, but to the internal affairs as well such as the religious differences were reached to its height, the rising security threats for the entire region, which led towards political disturbance within the region (Kraig, 2003). Based on this, the problem statement of the study was to critically review the Iranian intervention in the Arab States Affairs based on pretensions and facts. Aims of the Study The aim of the paper was to critically review the role of Iran in the Arab state affairs and the affect of geopolitical, religious, nuclear, and security-based interventions of Iran in the Arab states affairs based on facts and pretensions. Research Questions The questions for the study were as follows: What is the geo-political and economic significance of Iran within the Arab region? What is the divergence between Iranian ideology and Arab States’ ideology? What are the major interventions done by Iran toward the Arab States? Significance of Study The paper helped to develop some significant understanding towards the Iranian perspective of power hegemony and political influence. It significantly contributes to understand the Iranian interventions in 256 European Journal of Social Sciences – Volume 57, Issue 2 November (2018) the internal Arab States affairs and the tensions that Iranian intervention has created among the Gulf States. With the help of the paper, great deal of information for the geopolitical investigators can be provided so that much can be explored in the future on the issue. Especially, it aimed to enlighten the geopolitical practitioners to investigate new facts so that the issue can be explored exhaustively. Research Methodology The present research paper provided a comprehensive review on the intervention of Iran in the Arab States affairs based on the pretension facts and evidences; therefore, the investigation was conducted by gathering extensive evidences through secondary means of the data collection. The entire concept focused on gathering the composite facts, which focused on the background and historical perspective of Iran, its origination and the contribution of Iran in the Arab States based on its political and economic significance. For this, the chosen philosophy for the research was social constructivism. With the help of social constructivism, the information constructed aimed to gather the multiple facts that helped in knowing the role of Iran and its political significance in the region. It helped in obtaining the subjectivity towards the issue by emphasizing on the key interventions done by Iran in the Arab state affairs. With the help of social constructivism, the paper helped in uncovering the clear perspective towards Iran’s intervention in the Arab States based on its political and religious interest. Based on the chosen research philosophy, the research design suitable for the paper was exploratory research design. Generally, the secondary investigations are supported by the exploratory research design, which helps to explore issues comprehensively. Exploratory research designs mainly help in conducting the critical and exhaustive reviews by gathering facts from past studies. However, the adoption of exploratory research design created limitation on the methods adopted for the paper. For instance, the descriptive data have not been discussed related to the issue. The material that has been gathered for the paper was obtained from published documents and reports. Mainly, the research papers that shared exploratory evidences have been used in order to support the arguments and present the critical review on the major interventions done by Iran in the Arab States affairs. The material that have been used for conducting the analysis was obtained from the journal articles such as The changing perception of Iran towards the Gulf States by Alam, (2001); State-Building in Iraq during the Iran-Iraq War and the Gulf Crisi s by Davis, (2014); Comparative Study of International Commercial Arbitration and International Law in Iran by Hashemi, and Mardani, (2016). Books have also been referred, which include Group conflict and political mobilization in Bahrain and the Arab Gulf: Rethinking the Rentier State by Gengler, (2015); Iran, Iraq and the Arab Gulf States by Kechichian, (2016) and websites such as Key Facts about the Way in Yemen by Alijazeera (2016); Iran’s Involvement in Iraq by Beehner, and Bruno, (2008).
Recommended publications
  • Biden, Congress Should Defend Terrorism Sanctions Imposed on Iran
    Research memo Biden, Congress Should Defend Terrorism Sanctions Imposed on Iran By Richard Goldberg, Saeed Ghasseminejad, Behnam Ben Taleblu, Matthew Zweig, and Mark Dubowitz January 25, 2021 During a Senate Foreign Relations Committee hearing to consider Antony Blinken’s nomination for secretary of state, Blinken was asked whether he believed it is in America’s national security interest to lift terrorism sanctions currently imposed on Iran, including sanctions targeting Iran’s central bank, national oil company, financial sector, and energy sector. “I do not,” Blinken responded. “And I think there is nothing, as I see it, inconsistent with making sure that we are doing everything possible – including the toughest possible sanctions, to deal with Iranian support for terrorism.”1 Bipartisan support for terrorism sanctions targeting Iran goes back to 1984, when the United States first designated the Islamic Republic as a State Sponsor of Terrorism. Since then, every U.S. president2 – Republican or Democrat – and Congress have taken steps to reaffirm U.S. policy opposing Iran’s sponsorship of terrorism and tying sanctions relief to Iran’s cessation of terror-related activities. President Joe Biden has pledged to rejoin the 2015 Iran nuclear deal, formally known as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), if Iran returns to “strict compliance” with the agreement.3 Terrorism sanctions on Iran, however, should not be lifted, even if the Biden administration opts to return to the deal, unless and until Iran verifiably halts its sponsorship of terrorism. This memorandum provides an overview of Iran’s past and ongoing involvement in terrorism-related activities, a review of longstanding bipartisan congressional support for terrorism sanctions on Iran, and a list of terrorism sanctions currently imposed on Iran that should not be lifted.
    [Show full text]
  • Islamic Republic of Iran (Persian)
    Coor din ates: 3 2 °N 5 3 °E Iran Irān [ʔiːˈɾɒːn] ( listen)), also known اﯾﺮان :Iran (Persian [11] [12] Islamic Republic of Iran as Persia (/ˈpɜːrʒə/), officially the Islamic (Persian) ﺟﻣﮫوری اﺳﻼﻣﯽ اﯾران Jomhuri-ye ﺟﻤﮭﻮری اﺳﻼﻣﯽ اﯾﺮان :Republic of Iran (Persian Eslāmi-ye Irān ( listen)),[13] is a sovereign state in Jomhuri-ye Eslāmi-ye Irān Western Asia.[14][15] With over 81 million inhabitants,[7] Iran is the world's 18th-most-populous country.[16] Comprising a land area of 1,648,195 km2 (636,37 2 sq mi), it is the second-largest country in the Middle East and the 17 th-largest in the world. Iran is Flag Emblem bordered to the northwest by Armenia and the Republic of Azerbaijan,[a] to the north by the Caspian Sea, to the Motto: اﺳﺗﻘﻼل، آزادی، ﺟﻣﮫوری اﺳﻼﻣﯽ northeast by Turkmenistan, to the east by Afghanistan Esteqlāl, Āzādi, Jomhuri-ye Eslāmi and Pakistan, to the south by the Persian Gulf and the Gulf ("Independence, freedom, the Islamic of Oman, and to the west by Turkey and Iraq. The Republic") [1] country's central location in Eurasia and Western Asia, (de facto) and its proximity to the Strait of Hormuz, give it Anthem: ﺳرود ﻣﻠﯽ ﺟﻣﮫوری اﺳﻼﻣﯽ اﯾران geostrategic importance.[17] Tehran is the country's capital and largest city, as well as its leading economic Sorud-e Melli-ye Jomhuri-ye Eslāmi-ye Irān ("National Anthem of the Islamic Republic of Iran") and cultural center. 0:00 MENU Iran is home to one of the world's oldest civilizations,[18][19] beginning with the formation of the Elamite kingdoms in the fourth millennium BCE.
    [Show full text]
  • China-Iran Relations: a Limited but Enduring Strategic Partnership
    June 28, 2021 China-Iran Relations: A Limited but Enduring Strategic Partnership Will Green, Former Policy Analyst, Security and Foreign Affairs Taylore Roth, Policy Analyst, Economics and Trade Acknowledgments: The authors thank John Calabrese and Jon B. Alterman for their helpful insights and reviews of early drafts. Ethan Meick, former Policy Analyst, Security and Foreign Affairs, contributed research to this report. Their assistance does not imply any endorsement of this report’s contents, and any errors should be attributed solely to the authors. Disclaimer: This paper is the product of professional research performed by staff of the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission and was prepared at the request of the Commission to support its deliberations. Posting of the report to the Commission’s website is intended to promote greater public understanding of the issues addressed by the Commission in its ongoing assessment of U.S.- China economic relations and their implications for U.S. security, as mandated by Public Law 106-398 and Public Law 113-291. However, the public release of this document does not necessarily imply an endorsement by the Commission, any individual Commissioner, or the Commission’s other professional staff, of the views or conclusions expressed in this staff research report. Table of Contents Key Findings ........................................................................................................................................ 3 Introduction.........................................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, Trump, Iran and Azerbaijan: How to Be a Good Neighbour in a Turbulent Geopolitical Context?
    Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, Trump, Iran and Azerbaijan: how to be a good neighbour in a turbulent geopolitical context? by Vugar Bayramov, Ahmad Alili Center for Economic and Social Development (CESD) Caspian Plaza, 3rd Block, 13th Floor J.Jabbarli str. 44, Baku, AZ1065, Azerbaijan Phone: (99412) 5943665 Fax: (99412) 5943665 Email: [email protected] URL: www.cesd.az © CESD Press Baku, May 2018 Introduction In 2015, the Obama administration – in a joint endeavour with the other UN Security Council Permanent Members (UN SC P5) and Germany – drafted an agreement regarding the peaceful resolution of Iran’s nuclear program. The agreement was labelled the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA). On 8 May 2018, the current US president Donald Trump presented his remarks denouncing the agreement and claiming it “a giant fiction that a murderous regime desired only a peaceful nuclear energy program”. Donald Trump also addressed issues such as Iran’s development of ballistic missiles potentially delivering nuclear warheads to US soil, Iran’s support to insurgency groups in the Middle East (even naming Iran an Al-Qaeda supporter) and Tehran’s increased military spending. In light of Trump’s decision to pull out of the deal, the regional developments surrounding Iran deserve new attention. The decision-makers in Washington started revaluating Iran’s foreign and military policy, which become bolder in its neighbouring regions. Now, Iran’s influence stretches from the Mediterranean Sea coastlines to the Hindu Kush mountains; some consider the recent events in Yemen and Bahrain as Iran-inspired as well. As a testament of Iran’s increased influence, Iranian generals negotiate with Kurdish military groups and present them ultimatums on behalf of the central Iraqi government in Baghdad.
    [Show full text]
  • Bourse & Bazaar Foundation Special Report
    Bourse & Bazaar Foundation Special Report 1 RUSSIA Timeline of Key Events 1991 Kazakhstan gains independence under leadership of Soviet-era party KAZAKHSTAN boss Nursultan Nazarbayev; Uzbekistan gains independence under MONGOLIA the leadership of Islam Karimov UZBEKISTAN China’s National Petroleum Company (CNPC) chooses Kazakhstan’s GEORGIA 1997 KYRGYZSTAN Zhanazhol field as its first ever foreign acquisition A R M AZERBAIJAN NORTH EN TURKMENISTAN IA KOREA TURKEY TAJIKISTAN 2001 Shanghai Cooperation Organisation founded with Kazakhstan and SOUTH Uzbekistan as key members KOREA SYRIA LEBANON CHINA 2005 Kazakhstan-China pipeline, bringing gas from the Caspian to Xinjiang, PALESTINIAN IRAQ TERR. IRAN completed; China makes major foray into Kazakh oil industry with $4.1 AFGHANISTAN ISRAEL JORDAN billion purchase of PetroKazakhstan KUWEIT NEPAL PAKISTAN BHUTAN UN Security Council unanimously passes Resolution 1737, imposing BARHAIN 2006 QATAR sanctions on individuals and entities linked to the Iranian nuclear BANGLADESH SAUDI ARABIA UNITED ARAB EMIRATES TAIWAN program HONG KONG INDIA MYANMAR LAOS 2009 Central Asia-China pipeline, connecting Turkmenistan to China via OMAN Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, completed YEMEN THAILAND 2012 Iranian banking and oil sectors placed under harsh US sanctions CAMBODIA PHILIPPINES 2013 Xi Jinping announces the inauguration of the BRI in Astana (Nur-Sultan), VIETNAM Kazakhstan; Hassan Rouhani becomes President of Iran; Kazakhstan hosts two rounds of the Iran nuclear negotiations 2014 Moscow-led Eurasian Economic
    [Show full text]
  • 2014–2015 Annual Report Oi.Uchicago.Edu
    oi.uchicago.edu oi.uchicago.edu THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE 2014–2015 ANNUAL REPORT oi.uchicago.edu © 2015 by The University of Chicago. All rights reserved. Published 2015. Printed in the United States of America. The Oriental Institute, Chicago ISBN: 978-1-61491-030-5 Editor: Gil J. Stein Production facilitated by Editorial Assistants Jalissa Barnslater-Hauck and Le’Priya White Cover illustration: Overleaf: Folio from a Qurʾan. Mamluk, 1435/6 AD. Ink on paper. 30 × 21 cm. OIM A12030A (photo D. 027328: Anna Ressman) The pages that divide the sections of this year’s report feature images from the special exhibition A Cosmopolitan City: Muslims, Christians, and Jews in Old Cairo, on display at the Oriental Institute from February 17 to September 13, 2015. Printed by King Printing Company, Inc., Lowell, Massachusetts, USA Above: Bowl fragment with sgraffiato decoration. Pottery with glaze. Mamluk, early 1300s AD. Fustat, Egypt. 12.4 × 4.3 cm. OIM E25431 (photo D. 027372: Anna Ressman) oi.uchicago.edu CONTENTS CONTENTS INTRODUCTION INTRODUCTION. Gil J. Stein ........................................................ 5 IN MEMORIAM . 7 RESEARCH PROJECT REPORTS ACHEMENET . Jack Green and Matthew W. Stolper ................................................ 11 AMBROYI, ARMENIA . Frina Babayan, Kathryn Franklin, and Tasha Vorderstrasse ....................... 14 ÇADIR HÖYÜK . Gregory McMahon............................................................ 21 CENTER FOR ANCIENT MIDDLE EASTERN LANDSCAPES (CAMEL) . Emily Hammer ........................ 28 CHICAGO
    [Show full text]
  • RADICALIZATION DURING the ROUHANI YEARS Iran’S Political Shifts and Their Implications Contents
    ANALYSIS Political momentum in Iran now lies with the radicals. In the wake of U.S. sanctions, PEACE AND SECURITY President Hassan Rouhani’s policy of moderation has failed to produce promised RADICALIZATION economic growth. DURING THE Political shifts in Iran have up- ended the usual dynamics of inter-factional competition to not only affirm the radicals’ ROUHANI YEARS positions, but to also radical- ize the more moderate forces themselves. The hard-liners Iran’s Political Shifts and Their Implications remain a heterogenous group, with intense disputes over ideology and power. David Jalilvand and Achim Vogt (eds.) March 2021 Tehran’s nuclear and regional policies look set to become even more assertive while Iran’s progress in economic diversification renders con- cessions on its part less attractive. PEACE AND SECURITY RADICALIZATION DURING THE ROUHANI YEARS Iran’s Political Shifts and their Implications Contents Introduction 2 1 THE END OF MODERATION? SOCIAL AND POLITICAL RADICALISM UNDER HASSAN ROUHANI 4 Azadeh Zamirirad 2 RADICAL IRAN: GENERATIONAL CHANGES AND OUTLOOKS 9 Narges Bajoghli 3 IRAN’S HEZBOLLAH: A RADICAL AND DECISIVE POLITICAL CURRENT 15 Walter Posch 4 THE FUTURE OF IRAN’S NUCLEAR POLICY AND APPROACH TO THE JCPOA 23 Dina Esfandiary 5 A RADICAL IRAN: IMPLICATIONS FOR THE PERSIAN GULF AND THE LEVANT 29 Hamidreza Azizi 6 IRAN’S RESISTANCE ECONOMY: AMBITIONS AND REALITY 36 David Jalilvand About the Authors 48 1 FRIEDRICH-EBERT-STIFTUNG – RADICALIZATION DURING THE ROUHANI YEARS Introduction At the start of 2021, the political momentum in Iranian stitutions.1 In February 2020, hard-liners constituted the domestic and foreign affairs lies squarely with the radicals.
    [Show full text]
  • Iran's Regional Policy in the South Caucasus: Case Studies of Relations with the Republics of Azerbaijan & Armenia
    Durham E-Theses IRAN'S REGIONAL POLICY IN THE SOUTH CAUCASUS: CASE STUDIES OF RELATIONS WITH THE REPUBLICS OF AZERBAIJAN & ARMENIA KOUHI-ESFAHANI, MARZIEH How to cite: KOUHI-ESFAHANI, MARZIEH (2016) IRAN'S REGIONAL POLICY IN THE SOUTH CAUCASUS: CASE STUDIES OF RELATIONS WITH THE REPUBLICS OF AZERBAIJAN & ARMENIA, Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/11870/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk 2 IRAN’S REGIONAL POLICY IN THE SOUTH CAUCASUS: CASE STUDIES OF RELATIONS WITH THE REPUBLICS OF AZERBAIJAN & ARMENIA A Thesis Submitted for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy by: Marzieh Kouhi-Esfahani Durham University School of Government and International Affairs 2015 In the Name of God The Compassionate the Merciful This manuscript is dedicated to: My Husband Dr. H. Riahi whose love and unwavering support made this possible for me, and my daughters Yasaman and Nastaran, Who encouraged me and patiently walked along this path with me.
    [Show full text]
  • TAKING BACK the NEIGHBORHOOD the IRGC Provincial Guard’S Mission to Re-Islamize Iran
    THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY n JUNE 2020 n PN81 Saeid Golkar TAKING BACK THE NEIGHBORHOOD The IRGC Provincial Guard’s Mission to Re-Islamize Iran During 2019, the Islamic Republic of Iran erupted in nearly simultaneous public protests in cities across the country. Thousands of citizens stopped traffic along major highways, marched, and shouted complaints about the gasoline price hike that had ostensibly sparked the demonstrations in the first place. They also aired their broader complaints against the leadership. Indeed, more than forty years after the country’s Islamic Revolution, the Iranian regime has become more repressive than ever, with an apparatus that attempts to reach into every facet of life and society. The protests, for their part, were brutally quelled through force. This was a familiar experience for Iranians seeking to express their displeasure. Scholars and journalists have produced a growing body of literature on political repression in Iran and the regime’s oppressive tools, including the police and the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) in general.1 © 2020 THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. SAEID GOLKAR But these studies focus mainly on the IRGC’s 1979, to protect itself against a possible coup by military and security role and its five official divisions: Iran’s conventional army, the Artesh. At the beginning the IRGC Ground Forces (IRGC-GF), Aerospace of the Iran-Iraq War, in September 1980, the IRGC Force (IRGC-ASF), Navy (IRGCN), Qods Force was rapidly expanded to include ten departments. It (IRGC-QF),2 and Basij organization.3 Only a handful incorporated the National Mobilization (Basij-e Melli), of studies cover the IRGC’s role in political suppression which was created independently several months and maintaining state control, leaving a gap in the earlier, on April 30, 1980.
    [Show full text]
  • Dr. Victor Rebrik the History of World Civilization. 1 Vol. 1 the Volume Is Dedicated to the Memory of the Russian Orientalist I.M
    Dr. Victor Rebrik The history of world civilization. 1 Vol. 1 The volume is dedicated to the memory of the Russian orientalist I.M. Diakonoff (1914- 1999). In the introduction to vol. 1 the author explains his new conception of world history. World history is divided into two parts-primitive society and the history of civilization; only the second of these has a strictly defined development. The history of civilization is divided into 21 periods of 250 years each, beginning from 3050 B.C.E. The author has discovered the historic cycle of 2250 years, which is divided into nine periods of 250 years each; these periods are distributeed in the relation 4: 5 (1000: 1250 years), which forms the "antiquity" and "middle Ages" of each cycle. The "retardation law", according to which a civilization begins in the New World 3000 years later than in the Old World, allows a true consideration of the history of pre-columbian civilizations, which were at the level of the ancient oriental civilizations. The four social-economic formations (early class, slave owners’, feudal and capitalist) are considered by the author; they are not the cause, but the consequence of the historic development. History develops in the spiritual sphere as well, its true aim is to return humanity to the Absolute. Then the author gives a brief outline of pre-civilization (in Egypt, Mesopotamia, Mesoamerica and Southern America), which corresponds to the late stone Age. The first volume is dedicated to the first cycle of history, which is called "archaic" and roughly corresponds to the Bronze Age (in the Old World).
    [Show full text]
  • Iran's Looming Water Bankruptcy
    IRAN’S LOOMING WATER BANKRUPTCY Gabriel Collins, J.D. Baker Botts Fellow in Energy & Environmental Regulatory Affairs April 2017 © 2017 by the James A. Baker III Institute for Public Policy of Rice University This material may be quoted or reproduced without prior permission, provided appropriate credit is given to the author and the James A. Baker III Institute for Public Policy. Wherever feasible, papers are reviewed by outside experts before they are released. However, the research and views expressed in this paper are those of the individual researcher(s) and do not necessarily represent the views of the James A. Baker III Institute for Public Policy. Gabriel Collins, J.D. “Iran’s Looming Water Bankruptcy” Iran’s Looming Water Bankruptcy Iran’s Water Crisis is an Underappreciated Global Hot Spot Iran’s rapid groundwater depletion and inexorable slide toward a serious water and food security crisis is an issue of regional—and arguably, global—importance.1 Iran’s current water stress is partly a product of hydrology and climate. But perhaps most of all, it stems from decades of sanctions and compounding political mismanagement that is likely to make it very difficult to alleviate the emerging crisis before it wreaks lasting damage upon the country. Water shortages often exacerbate existing political and social instability and heighten governments’ focus on food security. This matters because Iran is a Middle East power player and key global energy supplier home to more than 80 million people, many of whom could be displaced by a worsening water supply situation. Iran’s internal problems could ripple far beyond its borders, an important issue given substantial Iranian involvement in multiple regional conflicts.
    [Show full text]
  • Anatomy of the Iranian Economy — Bijan Khajehpour
    6/2020 Anatomy of the Iranian Economy — Bijan Khajehpour PUBLISHED BY THE SWEDISH INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS | UI.SE Bijan Khajehpour Economist and managing partner at Eurasian Nexus Partners © 2020 The Swedish Institute of International Affairs Language editing: Andrew Mash Cover photo: TT Bildbyrå Content Executive Summary ............................................................................................................ 4 Introduction ....................................................................................................................... 5 A Snapshot of the Economy................................................................................................. 5 Key Economic Indicators ........................................................................................................... 6 Exchange Rates ........................................................................................................................ 11 Informal Economy ................................................................................................................... 12 The Foundations ................................................................................................................12 The Resource Base .................................................................................................................. 13 Economic Policies .................................................................................................................... 16 Poverty and Inequality ...........................................................................................................
    [Show full text]