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Autonomy and Authority Between Alcuin, Theodulf and Charlemagne (802) Rutger Kramer*

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Autonomy and Authority Between Alcuin, Theodulf and Charlemagne (802) Rutger Kramer* 231 The Exemption that Proves the Rule: Autonomy and Authority between Alcuin, Theodulf and Charlemagne (802) Rutger Kramer* When the two Carolingian intellectuals Alcuin of Tours and Theodulf of Orleans engaged in a dispute over the fate of a criminal who had sought asylum in the church of Saint Martin in Tours, their conflict quickly turned into a heated political debate that reached the highest level of the Frankish Empire. As evidenced by the letters written during this altercation, this seem­ ingly simple matter of church asylum brought up intractable questions of who should arbitrate on matters such as these, what it would mean if bishops interfered in church matters outside their own diocese, and how this matter affected the essential unity of the Carolingian church. From appeals to personal responsibility to the institutionalisation of the Empire, the debate be­ tween Alcuin, Theodulf and Charlemagne was ultimately about everybody’s place in the greater scheme of things, and the question of who should play by the rules, and who would be exempt. Keywords: Carolingian empire; Charlemagne; Alcuin; Theodulf of Orléans; church asylum; conflict resolution; letters; politics and religion; imperium; ecclesia. In the year 802, a conflict erupted between Alcuin, abbot of the community around the church of Saint Martin in Tours (735­804; r. 796­804), and Theodulf, bishop of the nearby city of Orléans (750­821; r. 791­818).1 The catalyst was a refugee cleric from Orléans. Convic­ ted by an episcopal court for an otherwise unknown crime, he had escaped from his prison and fled to the basilica of Saint Martin, where he claimed sanctuary and requested an audi­ ence with the emperor to plead his case. Following a first abortive attempt to apprehend the fugitive by peaceful means, Theodulf, who had convicted him in the first place, undertook to extract him by sending a band of armed men from his retinue. Although these men were supported by Theodulf’s colleague, the otherwise curiously absent Bishop Joseph of Tours, their attempts to get their hands on the cleric were thwarted when the local clergy would not allow these soldiers to go beyond the chancel railings.2 They took a stand against what they * Correspondence details: Rutger Kramer, Institute for Medieval Research, Austrian Academy of Sciences, Hol­ landstraße 11­13, 1020 Vienna, Austria. Email: [email protected]. 1 Both men have been the subject of numerous studies. For a biographical overview of Alcuin’s activities in Francia, see Bullough, Alcuin, 336­470. On Theodulf, see Tignolet, Exsul et exsul erat, 321­400; Depreux, Prosopographie, 383­385. 2 A bishop Joseph features in the Formulae Bituricenses c. 14, ed. Zeumer, 174, overseeing a similar case of appeal to the imperial court. This case does not involve a crime, however, but rather a conflict over a woman’s inheritance exacerbated by interference by missi. The identification of this Joseph as the bishop of Tours is made by the editor, however, and does not necessarily follow from the text itself. eISSN­Nr. 2412­3196 DOI 10.1553/medievalworlds_no6_2017s231 medieval worlds • No. 6 • 2017 • 231­261 232 Rutger Kramer perceived to be a slight against the saint, and as the situation escalated it ultimately ended in a riot when the local populace rose against the men from Orléans. In an ironic twist of fate, Alcuin subsequently had to protect the intruders against the vulgus indoctum of Tours.3 As the dust settled, Theodulf and Alcuin entered an impasse, which they tried to break by appe­ aling to the imperial court. Given that both prelates were leading courtiers in the entourage of Charlemagne, the ensuing debate quickly reached the highest echelons of the Carolingian hierarchy.4 In the course of the argument, a multitude of issues was touched upon, ranging from church asylum and secular jurisprudence to monastic identity, episcopal authority and imperial pow er. It also was a matter of principle, and a competition for authority. To the newly elected arch­ bishop Theodulf, a relative newcomer from the South, Alcuin’s interference interfered with his idea of justice being served.5 Alcuin, the ageing Northumbrian deacon who had left the palace in Aachen when he was made abbot of the community of Saint Martin in Tours, found himself confronted with a fellow courtier over the cleric’s actions, and had to manoeuv­ re between his lingering duty to the Frankish realm and his responsibilities to the shrine of Saint Martin.6 Finally, Charlemagne, who had only recently been made emperor, had to arbitrate between two courtiers, both of whom had been instrumental in formulat ing the ideals keeping together the ecclesia, the community of Christians living with in the Frankish Empire.7 What started out as a seemingly straightforward case of a fugitive criminal thereby turned into a conflict that could, through its public escalation and the high profile of those involved, pose a threat to the harmony within the Frankish court and church, with the shrine of Saint Martin as its primary battleground. In that sense, the cleric’s choice to flee to Tours may not have been wholly coincidental: as already established in the works of Gregory of Tours, the relics of Saint Martin had a long reputation of providing aid to fugitives in their time of need. It was a reputation that had persisted until the ninth century.8 Four letters written by Alcuin, as well as one response in the name of Charlemagne, pre­ sent a detailed account of this peculiar case.9 Between them, these letters offer a snapshot of the inner workings of the Carolingian state, presenting an idealistic scenario in which everybody shared responsibility for the well­being of the ecclesia. Alcuin’s testimony gives us the perspective of an actor who had, over the preceding decades, played a vital role in the development of that state and the imperial ideologies upon which it rested.10 Consequently, he felt he had to live up to his reputation and his pastoral obligations, not only to the fugitive 3 Alcuin, Epistola 249, ed. Dümmler, 403. See Nelson, Charlemagne and the Bishops, 356. 4 Bullough, Charlemagne’s »Men of God«, 136­142; Tignolet, Élites et la mobilité. 5 On Theodulf’s background, see Freeman, Theodulf of Orléans, and Riché, Refugiés wisigoths, 179; but cf. Brunner, Oppositionelle Gruppen, 75, and Tignolet, Exsul et exsul erat, 240­245. 6 On Alcuin’s Anglo­Saxon identity in Francia, see Garrison, The English and the Irish; Dohmen, Wanderers bet­ ween Two Worlds, 93­95 (77­97); Story, Carolingian Connections, 4­10 and 257­260. 7 See De Jong, Charlemagne’s Church, 125­129. 8 Meens, Sanctity of the Basilica of St Martin, esp. 280­281 and 286­287. 9 Alcuin, Epistolae 245, 246, 248 and 249, ed. Dümmler. Charlemagne’s response is listed in the MGH as Epistola 247. The available translations of these letters are listed in the references below. 10 Alberi, Evolution of Alcuin’s Concept. medieval worlds • No. 6 • 2017 • 231­261 233 The Exemption that Proves the Rule cleric and the community of Saint Martin, but also to Charlemagne himself.11 For Charle­ magne, the stakes were equally high. Once he became involved, he had to take a stand in or­ der to control the (unintended) consequences this affair might have. As much as he may have resented it, the people and places implicated all but forced his hand in the matter.12 In any case, there is every reason to assume that the extant letter in his name gives us a rare impres­ sion of Charlemagne’s voice, going beyond his political persona.13 Theodulf, finally, does not have a voice in this matter, but his presence is palpable and his arguments shine through in the correspondence we do have. His was a bishop’s perspective, although his position outside the archdiocese of Tours may have made him more acutely aware of the way his own pastoral agenda intersected with the various layers of authority involved in this matter.14 The issues raised by this affair have been analysed from a variety of angles. Samuel W. Collins and Miriam Czock, for example, studied the conflict so as to gauge the ideas concer­ ning sacred space and church architecture that underpin the arguments.15 Rob Meens has looked at the way the conflict demonstrates the extent to which spiritual penance and secular punishment overlapped, and what that meant for the political self­understanding of the play­ ers involved.16 Hélène Noizet has shown how the affair left an imprint on sever al capitularies that followed in its wake, presumably in order to prevent future escalations in similar cases.17 More generally, the affair provides an immediate if idiosyncratic view of ongoing debates on the role of sacred spaces, church asylum, and the autonomy of religious communities within the Carolingian empire.18 The remainder of this article focuses on the intersection between these issues, gratefully relying on the analyses by Noizet and Meens in their respective ar­ ticles, and building upon their observations. First, based on Alcuin’s letters, it will address how existing systems and traditions could be adapted to suit the needs of those in power, and who was subsequently allowed to make any changes deemed necessary. In this part it will be argued that requesting an exemption from secular justice was done using more than legal arguments, but that it involved admonition, moral exhortation, and a fair amount of theological reasoning. Moving on to Charlemagne’s response, the article will then show how the circumstances and personalities involved in the correspondence about the curious case of the captured cleric shows how the request for exemption turned into complex negotiations about justice, authority, and the nature of imperial rule.
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