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The Egoist Vol. 2, No. 10 (October 1, 1915)

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The Egoist Vol. 2, No. 10 (October 1, 1915) Published on the 1st of each month AN INDIVIDUALIST REVIEW Formerly the NEW FREE WO MAN No. 10.—VOL. II, FRIDAY, OCTOBER 1st, 1915. SIXPENCE. Editor : HARRIET SHAW WEAVER. Contributing Editor : Assistant Editor : RICHARD ALDINGTON. , DORA MARSDEN, B.A. CONTENTS. PACE PAGE VIEWS AND COMMENTS. ....... 149 Two POEMS. By Marianne Moore ..... 158 PASSING PARIS. By Madame Ciolkowska .... 151 WOODCUT OF RICHARD ALDINGTON. By Raoul Kristian . 159 FRENCH POEMS. By Charles Grolleau .... 152 "DER STURM." By Alec W. G. Randall . .159 TRANSLATIONS OF RUSSIAN FICTION. By M. Montagu-Nathan 152 LAURENT TAILHADE. By Richard Aldington, with woodcut by POEMS AND FRAGMENTS OF SAPPHO. Translated by Edward Raoul Kristian ........ 159 Storer 153 INCONSIDERABLE IMBECILITIES ...... 161 CUBIMPRESSION AND AFTER. By Huntly Carter . 155 A PLAYNTYVE BALLADE. By Richard Aldington . 161 UNE FEMME EST UN ÉTAT DE NOTRE ÂME . 156 To ALEXANDER BERKMAN. By Alice Groff . 162 THE GHOSTS OF AN OLD HOUSE. By John Gould Fletcher . 157 CORRESPONDENCE ........ 162 VIEWS AND COMMENTS BY DORA MARSDEN IT is probable that Mr. Lloyd George's mind was fixed The presence of a controversy of such a nature at such more upon the "racket and clatter" than the a time allows of one, and only one explanation : a conscription-controversy itself, when he supported his government has been faced with responsibilities which plea for less of the former by a picture of the Govern­ it is too timorous to shoulder. They dare swear by ment intent upon the nice numerical calculation which, the desired ends but tremble to adopt the necessary presumably, was to settle its fate. For, however much means, and to save themselves they call the people such a picture may tend to mitigate the " noise," it into the consultation. It is certain that means which lends darkness rather than light to the controversy appear too drastic for the government to accept re­ itself. The necessity for a jDrompt and systematic sponsibility will be too drastic to win unanimity if laid organizing of the community on a fighting-basis is not before a whole community. So—a controversy : talk : dependent on the number of individuals of military age in war-time, and the outward appearance of a " dis­ —let their number be more or less—who while adamant affected " people while actually there exists the minimum to every verbal threat and persuasion are likely to prove of disaffection. The development of such a situation vulnerable under threat of physical violence. The would damn any government even were no further community at the present time has no choice as to proof of incapacity forthcoming. The consideration whether it shall adopt a fighting-basis or no, and the that they may have sought to exploit an affair of windy question »s to whether society shall shape itself primarily terminology into a semblance of seriousness in order to to accommodate military requirements is not at issue. have in the people a scapegoat ready to offer up should The storm in the tea-cup created by opposition to military matters go seriously wrong would only go to " conscription " turns upon what is scarcely more than prove that they possess the craft which disguises weak­ a point of etiquette in the manner of conducting the work ness rather than strength. A government which under­ of re-organization. The question is whether the stood what constitutes the elements of their strength government responsible for the re-organization from a would have affirmed their claims upon the service of peace to a fighting one are to get on with their business the people at the outset. They would not have condoned in a straightforward manner, or whether they shall even an apparent laying of the subject open to discussion. proceed to obtain the services which every one knows Only when a people is " disaffected " and inclined to they can and must obtain by means of a painful and hold that their place in the State is not worth the cost blarneying rhetoric, a large financial outlay, considerable of maintaining, could a government hold that such a question as conscription is open to debate : and it individual unfairness and a sustained atmopshere of would then be the kind of discussion which a sane upbraiding, uncertainty and unrest. It would be a pity government would fear and shun. if this fact about the nature of conscription, i.e., that it is an affair of etiquette and not of " numbers," " facts," * * * * ' principles " and the like, is not kept clearly in sight ; it should have a soothing influence on minds ready to As it turns out, the war has revealed that there is no leap giddily to visions of revolutions. genuine disaffection among the people. Rarely has * * * * there been shown more whole-hearted unanimity than 150 THE EGOIST October 1, 1915 that with which the English people have affirmed that upon whom the onus of decision is laid. Accordingly, the Empire is worth preserving at all costs. Whatever a weak government which thrusts such decisions upon the Government have left undone, the people at least popular opinion, automatically makes newspaper-pro­ have expected and been ready for conscription the prietors the arbiters of the situation, since those who " thing " if not for conscription the " name "—con­ control the avenues by way of which popular opinion scription the " thing " meaning that men are liable for is most affected are controllers of popular opinion. training or military service or connected services when Any powerful group of newspapers finds itself in a and as the Government see fit. And against that, no position to do what the government have run away man in the country has had anything to say by as much from doing : reach a decision. The most powerful as a syllable. The most obdurate of " slackers " ends newspaper-owner by the Government's action is hoisted by saying that t- If they want him they can send for into a position of a dictator, an autocrat, Napoleonic- him," and one must agree that if they cannot send for plotter, what not, since in the modestest gathering some him they don't particularly want him. No one has an one must go through a door first. The less powerful argument against the Government's right to conscribe papers on the other hand, by no means reluctant to services equally, and if the Government had given take a hand in the governing game, and relying on our specific form to such rights as they did to matters such tradition of a Free Press—a tradition based on the as deferment of payments and the like, in the first days sound trite truth that a cat may look at a king, but of the war, they would have passed into effect without forgetful of the equally sound but not so trite truth comment, and practical sense would have recognized that a king may please himself as to the manner of in them a necessary piece of eleventh hour legislation. retorting upon the cat—try to make the most of their Had they done so, a wrangle as to whether a man's position as second in control and by force of suggestion services should be Voluntary or Compulsory would now work up opposition and rebellion. Which is the state appear as sensible as a wrangle over the merits of the of affairs obtaining at the present time and to any voluntary over the compulsory principle in Taxation observant eye what has happened in this instance as a or the Assessment of Punishment for crimes. In fact, consequence of a government foisting its responsibility the enforcement of equal responsibility for military nominally on Popular Opinion but practically on the service forms an exact parallel with the enforcement of Press, forms the completest refutation of all arguments, inhibitions in personal conduct, such as " Thou shalt which would prove the desirability of leaving the not kill " and " Thou shall not steal." Those inhibitions question of national service to popular opinion and are not enforced and made compulsory because we all option. The net results are to divert popular energy detest them : quite a large number of people indeed away from all serious matters and work up strife and refrain from murder, personal violence and theft by heat by concentrating attention on the incidental and preference ; yet they do not on that account work up unimportant. These results the Press by its very form a holy wrath against the laws which make the inhibitions is calculated to achieve. The assertiveness of the more certain by threat of penalties. They welcome the printed page, the hypnotizing influence of daily reference laws rather—and not primarily because they chime in and reiteration can make the mole-hill hide the mountain with our preferences but because they counter the until it becomes a provoking distraction to be reminded tendencies of those who have no such preferences. The that there is any mountain. National service for compulsory regulations which are laws are not in military purposes which at the outset the people re­ antithesis to preferences and voluntary desires ; they cognized as incumbent and in need of being made are intended to put stamina into such preferences as are compulsory, is now beginning to be debated as bitterly considered of first importance : devices for putting as the question of participation in the war would have *' First things First," and safeguarding these from the been had the matter been handed over to popular variation which belongs to all personal moods and opinion ; while the " national need " so-called is sus­ preferences. About a government at any rate which pected of being a fake worked by a party who wish to appears to require to be taught its business in relation acquire merit by the introduction of drastic measure* to such safeguards there is something odd—either to end the war which can be won quite as easily without sinister or imbecile.
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