Do Tax Havens Flourish?

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Do Tax Havens Flourish? This PDF is a selection from a published volume from the National Bureau of Economic Research Volume Title: Tax Policy and the Economy, Volume 19 Volume Author/Editor: James M. Poterba, editor Volume Publisher: MIT Press Volume ISBN: 0-262-16236-9 Volume URL: http://www.nber.org/books/pote05-1 Conference Date: October 7, 2004 Publication Date: September 2005 Title: Do Tax Havens Flourish? Author: James R. Hines Jr. URL: http://www.nber.org/chapters/c0165 Do Tax Havens Flourish? James R. Hines Jr., University of Michigan and NBER Executive Summary Tax haven countries offer foreign investors low tax rates and other tax features designed to attract investment and thereby stimulate eco- nomic activity. Major tax havens have less than 1 percent of the world's population (outside the United States) and 2.3 percent of world gross domestic product (GDP), but they host 5.7 percentof the foreign employment and 8.4 percent of foreign property, plant, and equipment of American firms. Per capita real GDP in tax haven countries grew at an average annual rate of 3.3 percentbetween 1982 and 1999, which compares favorably to the world average of 1.4 percent.Tax haven governments appear to be adequately funded: their average 25 percent ratio of government to GDP exceeds the 20 percent ratio for the world as a whole, though the small populationsand relative affluence of these countries would normally be associated with even larger govern- ments. Whether the economic prosperity of tax haven countries comes at the expense of higher tax countries is unclear. Recent research sug- gests that tax haven activity stimulates investment innearby high-tax countries. 1.Introduction Countries design their tax systems to fit circumstances and opportu- nities; as a consequence, tax regimes exhibit considerable diversity. Countries known as tax havens offer very low tax rates and other tax features that make them particularly attractive to foreign investors. Rising volumes of international investment contribute to the grow- ing importance of tax havens, which in turn has exposed taxhaven activities to greater scrutiny and has prompted a number of policy responses in higher-tax countries. 66 Hines The purposes of this paper are to review the use of tax havens by in- ternational businesses and to evaluate the effect of their tax systems on economic outcomes in tax haven countries and elsewhere. Countries offer low tax rates in the belief that, by doing so, they attract greater in- vestment and economic activity than would otherwise have been forth- coming. The extent to which this expectation is fulfilled certainly varies, though there are spectacular examples of tax haven countries, such as Ireland, that have enjoyed very rapid economic growth rates coinciding with dramatic inflows of foreign investment. The empirical evidence presented in section 4 confirms that Ireland's experience, while extreme, is not anomalous because tax haven countries as a group exhibited 3.3 percent annual per capita gross domestic product (GDP) growth from 1982-1999, whereas the world averaged just 1.4 percent annual GDP growth over the same period. While national eco- nomic statistics, particularly those describing the performance of small tax havens, must always be treated with some caution, the available indicators consistently show that tax haven economies outperform the economies of other countries. Controlling for country size, initial wealth, and other observable variables does not change the conclusion that the period of globalization has been favorable for the economies of countries with very low tax rates. The policy of offering investors very low tax rates is potentially costly to tax haven governments if doing so reduces tax collections that might otherwise have been used to fund worthwhile government expenditures. It is far from clear, however, that tax haven countries face significant tradeoffs of this nature. Governments have at their dis- posal many tax instruments, including personal income taxes, property taxes, consumption or sales taxes, excise taxes, and others, that can be used to finance desired expenditures. Furthermore, even very low rates of direct taxation of business investment may yield significant tax reve- nues if economic activity expands in response, producing wealth and expenditure that augment tax bases. As an empirical matter, the public sectors of tax haven countries are of comparable size to that of other countries, though there is evidence that they may be somewhat smaller than would otherwise have been predicted on the basis of their popu- lations and affluence. Tax havens are viewed with alarm in parts of the high-tax world. Concern is often expressed about foreign tax haven locations possibly diverting economic activity away from countries with higher tax rates and eroding tax bases that might otherwise be used to raise govern- Do Tax Havens Flourish? 67 ment revenue. These considerations are commonly thought to be most acute in the case of nearby tax havens, i.e., those that might divert activity from other countries within the same region or economic federation. The evidence, however, suggests a different conclusion. Foreign tax haven activity and nearby investment in higher-tax coun- tries appear to be complementary: a 1 percent greater likelihood of establishing a tax haven affiliate is associated with percent greater in- vestment and sales in nearby non-haven countries. This pattern implies that the availability of nearby tax havens stimulates, rather than diverts, economic activity within a region or federation. The empirical regularity that economic activity in high-tax countries benefits from the availability of nearby tax havens does not resolve the impact of tax havens on the welfare of high-tax countries. Tax haven operations may stimulate activity in nearby countries by facffitating the avoidance of taxes in that country, by facifitating the avoidance of taxes elsewhere, or by reducing the cost of goods and servicesthat are inputs to production or sales in high-tax countries. Tax avoidance activity carries mixed implications for governments of nearby coun- tries because it may erode tax bases and therefore tax collections, implying that the greater economic activity associated with nearby tax havens might come at a high cost in terms of foregone government revenues. Any evaluation of this effect relies, however, oncareful con- sideration of the type of tax avoidance uses to which tax haven affifi- ates are put. In particular, it is possible that the use of taxhaven operations by multinational firms permits governments of high-tax countries to refine their tax systems by subjecting multinational firms to different effective tax rates than domestic firms. Section 2 of the paper reviews international taxation in practice and its implications for international investment and the tax policies in capital-importing countries. Section 3 considers American evidence of the extent to which investors concentrate their foreign investment and tax-avoidance activity in tax havens. Section 4 evaluates the economic experience of tax havens over the period since 1982. Section 5 considers the effect of foreign tax havens on the welfare of high-tax countries. Section 6 concludes. 2.Tax Havens and International Taxation The investor appeal of tax haven operations is easy to understand. Countries that tax business activity at very low rates permit investors 68 Hines to retain all, or most all, of locally earned pretax income. Investment projects of modest anticipated value, with expected pretax returns too low to justify undertaking if the returns would be subject to taxation at normal rates, might be deemed worthwhile if located in tax havens and therefore taxed lightly (if at all). Other considerations being equal, therefore, countries with lower tax rates should be expected to offer a broader range of attractive investment opportunities, and therefore draw larger volumes of foreign investment, than do otherwise similar countries with higher tax rates. Foreign investment is attracted to tax havens for reasons beyond the after-tax return to local activities because multinational businesses can use tax haven operations to facilitate avoidance of taxes that would otherwise be owed to governments of other countries. Foreign affiliates of multinational firms typically have multiple business transactions with each other and with their parent companies, providing opportu- nities for reallocating taxable income. Tax avoidance can take many forms, including the use of financial arrangements, such as intrafirm lending, that locate taxable income in low-tax jurisdictions and tax deductions in high-tax jurisdictions. In addition to the tax-motivated use of intercompany loans, firms are often able to adjust the prices at which affiliates located in different countries sell goods and services to each other. Most governments require that firms use arm's length prices (prices that would be charged by mrelated parties transacting at arm's length) for transactions between related parties, in principle thereby limiting the scope of tax-motivated transfer price adjustments. In practice, however, the indeterminacy of appropriate arm's length prices for many goods and services, particularly those that are intangi- ble or for which comparable unrelated transactions are difficult to find, leaves room for considerable discretion. As a result, firms often find that transactions with tax haven affifiates can be used to reallocate income from high-tax locations to the tax haven affiliates themselves or else to other low-tax foreign locations. This in turn increases the appeal of locating investment in foreign tax havens. There are two circumstances in which foreign investors will not benefit from the opportunity to locate economic activity in very low- tax areas. The first, and most obvious, is that firms may be unable to earn reasonable profits on their tax haven activities. It is necessary to earn taxable income to benefit from low tax rates, and there are coun- tries with extremely low tax rates that nonetheless feature poor eco- nomic conditions that make them unable to support anything other Do Tax Havens Flourish? 69 than tiny foreign investment levels.
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