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“Now That’S What I Call Music!”. an Interpretive Approach to Music in Advertising Bode Matthias, University of Hanover, Department of Marketing & Consumption

“Now that’s what I call music!”. An interpretive approach to music in advertising Matthias Bode Department of Marketing & Consumption, University of Hannover Königsworther Platz 1, 30167 Hannover, Germany Phone (+49) 511 762 5927 Fax (+49) 511 762 5630 Email: [email protected] ABSTRACT Music is a fundamental feature of commercials. Despite its significance, advertising research into this area is underdeveloped; furthermore, it is fragmentary and contradictory. This paper puts it down to misunderstandings of how music works. Instead of reducing music to an affective stimulus, a socio-semiotic model of music as a cultural system with an expressive potential is developed, based on contemporary studies in musicology and popular music studies. The reference point is interpretive advertising research that so far has focused on text and visuals. An approach is introduced that integrates music based on its potential of making meaning possible.

[to cite]: Bode Matthias (2006) ,"“Now That’S What I Call Music!”. an Interpretive Approach to Music in Advertising", in NA - Advances in Consumer Research Volume 33, eds. Connie Pechmann and Linda Price, Duluth, MN : Association for Consumer Research, Pages: 580-586.

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[copyright notice]: This work is copyrighted by The Association for Consumer Research. For permission to copy or use this work in whole or in part, please contact the Copyright Clearance Center at http://www.copyright.com/. “Now That’s What I Call Music!” An Interpretive Approach to Music in Advertising Matthias Bode, University of Hanover1

ABSTRACT FALLACIES IN THE TRADITIONAL MUSIC Music is a fundamental feature of commercials. Despite its CONCEPTUALIZATION significance, advertising research into this area is underdeveloped; The conception of music in advertising research is stuck furthermore, it is fragmentary and contradictory. This paper puts it between adhering to classical music theory while focusing on down to misunderstandings of how music works. Instead of reduc- popular music as the typical type of music in advertising. The lack ing music to an affective stimulus, a socio-semiotic model of music of explicit definitions of music seems to be less bothersome, as it is as a cultural system with an expressive potential is developed, based assumed that popular music does not require much effort to define: on contemporary studies in musicology and popular music studies. it is pleasing and understood by ordinary people (Roehm 2001, 49). The reference point is interpretive consumer and advertising re- This view neglects the long and still much debated discussion about search, that so far has focused on text and visuals. An interpretive the definition of popular music (Middleton 1990, 4) and leads to approach is introduced that integrates music based on its specific theoretical misconceptions that can be described according to the socio-semiotic potential of making meaning possible. following issues (see also Meyer 1956, 5; Scott 1990, 225f.).

INTRODUCTION Music as ahistorical In 2001, the Wieden & Kennedy advertising agency devel- Advertising research is still using the Hevner and Rigg experi- oped the acclaimed “freestyle” commercial for Nike Inc. It featured ments from the 1930s to support links between musical elements basketball players showing off their moves. The sound editing and effects (e.g. Alpert and Alpert 1990; Bruner 1990; Kellaris and constructs a steady beat made up with the sounds of squeaking Rice 1993; Morris and Boone 1998). Instruments and their tunings, shoes and the ball hitting the floor. Besides the acoustic link to hip- performance rituals, listening modes, everyday soundscapes, the hop, the visual quotation of typical hip-hop dance moves intensified availability of music and the media have all changed. However, the close association. The longer version replaced the final “swoosh” research on music in advertising insists on universal reactions to logo with the typical music video credits for song title, musician and timeless music elements. This attitude also becomes apparent in the director. There were considerable discussions if the music video common practice of referring to the utilized musical stimuli in version could run as part of the programming or as a commercial publications as “pleasant” or “unpleasant” music. These musical (Elliott 2001). For most of the literature on music in advertising, this stimuli are perceived differently today, and definitions and evalu- spot would not even be considered as “music”, as it misses such ations of “pleasant” “unpleasant,” “dissonant” or “consonant” are characteristics as harmony, melody or modality. also changing (Attali, 1985, 35). In popular music genres such as The purpose of this article is to advance research on music in “noisemusic,” the nerve-racking sound qualities even gain a special advertising by proposing a new conceptualization of music as a relevance for the enjoyment and symbolic valence of music (see cultural system with expressive potentials. As Scott (1990) criti- also Gracyk 1996, 99ff.). This phenomenon is not unknown in cized, studies on music in advertising are characterized by mecha- consumer research. From an experiential point of view, Hirschman nistic stimulus-effect models, focusing on music as a nonsemantic and Holbrook (1982, 96) explicitly mentioned the aesthetical affective stimulus. The implicit concept of music is based on 19th pleasure of a confrontation with the unpleasant and discomforting century psychoacoustic and psychophysiological music psychol- in their hedonic consumption model. ogy, exemplified by scholars such as Helmholtz or Wundt and the empirical-experimental American music psychology of the begin- Music as emotional engineering ning of the 20th century. The methodological procedures are still the One of the main qualities of music in advertising is often seen same: musical reception is analyzed experimentally in laboratory as triggering moods and emotions. This romantic notion of music environments; short acoustic stimuli are controlled and modified to as the language of the heart is deeply ingrained in Western civiliza- detect a shared reaction pattern. Early on, Susanne Langer (1942, tion. It assigns music to the expression of subjective feelings, to the 211) noted the lack of knowledge gains with these approaches: ”this “objectless inner” (Hegel), and separates it from the external social approach has not taken us; it seems to be an essentially barren world. In advertising research, this shared credo has the tendency to adventure.” The fragmentary and inconclusive research on music in blur the differences between emotions represented and felt. Bruner advertising (Kellaris, Cox, and Cox, 1993, 114) proved Langer (1990, 95) exemplifies this widespread confusion when he summa- right. Here it is argued that the problem cannot be solved with rizes the research on rhythm and emotions as: „fast music is improved measurement methods. Before one can decide how it is considered to be more happy (...) slow tempi tended to evoke best to measure something, it should be clear what one is trying to tranquil (...) sorts of description; fast tempi elicited responses measure. In that sense the music anthropologist Merriam (1964, 84) relating to exhilarating (...) sorts of feelings [emphasis by the warns: „Without understanding of concepts, there is no real under- author].“ But already the often cited Hevner (1935) and Rigg (1964) standing of music.“ explicitly point out that their results refer to the identification of emotions and not to experienced emotions. Pratt (1931/1968, xxv) famously explained the confusion between description and experi- ence by saying “Music sounds the way emotions feel.” We tend to describe musical elements with the same words as emotions, but 1I am grateful for helpful comments and support from Linda Scott they are still two separate processes. It is expected that we would and the ADV 487 Masters class at UIUC in 2002. identify deep sadness in Bessie Smith’s blues songs; even so,

580 Advances in Consumer Research Volume 33, © 2006 Advances in Consumer Research (Volume 33) / 581 listening to them could deeply satisfy us and make us happy. As hope was to develop an approach that acknowledges music as a Tagg (1993) showed in his cross-cultural research, the musical cultural and social phenomenon. Scott, as a reference point, men- articulation of emotions is based on conventions, rules and codes. tions advances in the areas of visual and verbal rhetoric. However, This is also supported by neuro-physiological research, which a meaning based model for music in advertising is still missing. refutes the old assumption of a direct affective impact of music Here it is argued that the application of a verbally- or visually- without any cognitive involvement (Maeß, Kölsch, Gunter, and biased methodology might not be appropriate for making sense of Friederici 2001). Cognitive processes are already relevant during music. In the following section, a new interpretive framework is the first unconscious acoustical perception in structuring sounds, developed, using the assumption that music is a symbol system with comparing them with expectations, separating them from back- its own specific qualities that has to be approached from a music ground noise and connecting them to learned schemata (Bregman point of view. 1990). So far, modern music psychology is rejecting the mechanis- tic assumption of directly manipulating emotions with music. What is music? When adolescent music aficionados have to defend their Music as acoustic stimuli preferences from adults who roll their eyes and say ”you call that Other than research that codes music as absent/present (e.g. music?”, they might find a word of comfort in music ethnology. Gorn et al. 1991; Park and Young 1986; Stewart, Farmer and Cross-cultural research has shown that there is no single and Stannard; Olsen 1995), the main approach is to examine the effects universal concept of what music might be (Nattiez 1990, 55). What of structural musical elements (Alpert and Alpert, 1990, 115f.). is called music differs in demarcations between environmental Bruner (1990) grouped these studies according to time-related noise and music (Feld 1988), as well as in the context of rituals, findings (e.g. tempo, rhythm, phrasing), pitch-related findings (e.g. social or behavioral functions that are responsible for the inclusion modality, melody, harmony) and texture-related findings (e.g. of sound into music or not (Blacking 1981). A general framework orchestration, volume). As a research leitmotif he formulates “Mu- for music was developed by Merriam (1964, 32ff.) who suggested sic is not simply a generic sonic mass, but rather a complex three necessary analytic levels: an acoustic, a behavioral and a chemistry of controllable elements.” (Bruner 1990, 94). But already conceptual one. In reference to this framework, music can be the interaction of two controllable elements like tempo and modal- defined as the cultural and social structuring of sound, materialized ity (Kellaris and Kent, 1991) exhibits a complexity that is hard to in the process of composing, performing and listening. Besides control and to interpret. While the control of all structural elements personal elements, the shared reference to specific cultural conven- seems to be infeasible, it also appears to be futile. The music tions is necessary (see also Blacking 1973, 92; Moisala 1995, 17). psychologist Serafine (1988, 53) rejects the atomistic approach in emphasizing the perceptual perspective: “Scales and chords do not The expressive qualities of music exist in music.” Structural elements are theoretical artifacts that are As an element of the Geertzian web of significance (Geertz useful for analyzing inter musical structures, but for most recipients 1973, 89), music as a cultural system incorporates expressive isolated structural elements will be understood as acoustic stimuli potentials. This resonates in the everyday understanding of music and not as music. (“this music expresses exactly how I feel;” “this band articulates the zeitgeist of a whole generation”) and has a long intellectual history. Music as an abstract artifact Our understanding of the sad minor key can be traced back to the To extract music from its context of production, transmission ancient Greeks, for whom specific musical modes implied a certain and consumption means to reduce music to an abstract, fictional, ethos. The theory of affects in Baroque music constituted a further and theoretical entity. The possibility that the same music, heard in refinement. Music should represent affects, with close analogies a laboratory, on an mp3-player, in a club or in a commercial, might between musical figures and rhetorical (verbal) principles (Blake be perceived differently is seldom mentioned (see as an exception 2001, 262). The rise of instrumental music in the second half of the Macklin 1988, 242). The separation of music from its context is 18th century challenged the tight connection between the verbal based in the music theory tradition in which music as absolute language and music. Music in itself was seen as a superior language, music, expressing only itself and depleted from its social and able to express the most subjective, transcendental and romantic cultural traces, became a regulative concept (Goehr 1992, 121). sentiments (Motte-Haber 1994). While still connected with the This ideological frame impedes research on music in advertising. Baroque ideas, romanticism indicates a vital shift away from the Acoustic stimuli only become music in certain contexts: „by social coding of music. The interpretation of music as rhetoric was removing the bare score from its context in order to examine it as finally lifted with the move towards autonomous, absolute music, an autonomous organism, the analyst removes that organism from free from any extramusical implications. However, it is only a small the ecology that sustains it.“ (Kerman 1985, 72). One example is the step from the concept of music expressing the unspeakable to the utilization of interpretive frames by listeners that differentiate idea of music as a pure interplay of “forms moved by sound” between noise and musical experience. The same phrase, overheard (Hanslick 1854, 32). from a practicing neighbor or attentively listened to in a concert In music theory, this shift is reflected in the dominance of hall, will be experienced in different ways. The interpretive frame approaches focusing on intra- and intermusical meanings (Davies applied to a song used in advertising can even totally reverse the 1994). From this perspective, musical meanings refer only to the musical experience. Favorite songs, listened to in an ad, can elicit music itself. Whenever listeners incorporate their own extramusical the most negative feelings (McLaren 1998, 10). associations into the music listening experience, their interpreta- tions are discredited as “misunderstandings,” as deviations from the A NEW CONCEPTUALIZATION OF MUSIC AS A “correct,” analytic understanding of music (e.g. Lissa 1973, 221). SOCIO-CULTURAL PHENOMENON This normative position is problematic not only for the analysis of Several authors have written about the obstacles encountered popular music but especially for the analysis of music in advertis- with the present conceptualization of music (Alpert and Alpert, ing. Here, the commercial contextual setting triggers certain inter- 1991; Hung 2000; Murray and Murray 1996; Scott 1990). The basic pretive frames, similar to the concept of schemer schema (Friestad 582 / “Now That’s What I Call Music!” An Interpretive Approach to Music in Advertising and Wright, 1994), and the link to extramusical associations as “a “unconsummated symbol” (Langer 1942, 240). To consummate grist of significance for the ad mill” (Williamson 1978, 19) is the musical sign system, it needs a contextual semiotic approach intentional. To conceptualize these meanings, a semiotic approach that acknowledges the social and cultural dimensions of music and to music is developed. the distinctiveness of popular music.

The semiotics of music The socio-semiotics of popular music Semiotics, understood as a “science that studies the life of The traditional analysis of music in advertising was criticized signs within society” (Saussure 1966, 16), claims universal appli- for referring to classical music theory, while trying to make sense cability. Only music, however, shows considerable resistance to of popular music. Likewise, almost any semiotic approach to music becoming “readable.” The semiotics of music, especially popular refers to classical music of the functional-tonal era. Here it is music, is one of the least developed fields in semiotics, without argued, that such a focus distorts, discredits and misjudges popular consensual terminology, approaches or even agreed on areas. It music by a) inadequate analytic methods and b) a false fixation on seems that “music and semiotics do not make comfortable bedfel- the written score as the primary text. To make sense of popular lows” (Gronow 1987, c7). The uniqueness of the musical significa- music, one has to focus on the lived experience of a dynamic sound tion process is identified as the main obstacle (Lidov 1986, 577). space. Different attempts to develop music sign typologies reached a dead a) Traditional music theory has primarily emphasized pitch end when the linguistic anchor of the iconic, indexical, and sym- organization with the analysis of intervals, melody and harmony. bolic sign structure proved to be restraining (Stefani, 1973). A This dismisses essential structuring principles of popular music problem is the semantic vagueness of the musical sign. The more genres such as blues, hip-hop or electronic music that prioritize musical signs get meaningful, as in iconic sound imitations, the less rhythmic structures and repetition. In a traditional harmonic analy- they are able to stand as a foundation for a general meaning model. sis these genres are indeed simplistic and almost meaningless. They are considered to be semantic enclaves. However, traditional music theory lacks the analytic tools neces- There are two basic positions in music semiotics on how to sary for perceiving the significance of irregular rhythms, poly- approach the problem of vague musical meanings. One strategy is rhythms, deferred phrasings or overlapping rhythmic structures to further work on substantiating the meanings, while another (Middleton 1993, 180f.). There is a prevailing illusion that elements strategy accepts the vagueness as the essence of the musical sign that are not so easily classified or controlled, for instance a groove, system. must be irrational and irrelevant (McClary and Walser, 1990, 281). Until the 1980s, the formal study of musical syntax was the An example of this fallacy is the problematic understanding of dominant approach in music semiotics to further clarify musical lyrics in songs, when they are seen as the meaning vehicle, and meanings (Ruwet 1967). If music is the structuring of sound analyzed using traditional content analysis. But in popular music, material, than the meaning should be located in this syntactical voice and lyrics work differently. Lyrics are words in performance, structure. In general, the syntactical approaches are technical, defined through the relation of the voice and words, dependent on formalistic and focus only on the absolute, intramusical meanings. specific genre conventions, and specified by the sound of the Closely following linguistic methods, the idea is to find musical specific song. In popular music it is the “grain of the voice” (Barthes equivalents to nouns, verbs, predicates and grammar (Bernstein 1977, 157) with different timbral qualities and microtonal inflec- 1976). Though recently changes have become visible, the syntac- tions that makes singer like Billie Holiday, Janis Joplin or Will tical approaches are criticized for their lack of incorporating music Oldham so special. perception (Echard 1999, 8). b) A semiotic analysis starts with a text to identify potential The second strategy is to qualify music as necessarily semantic meanings (McQuarrie and Mick, 1992). In traditional music vague (Monelle 1996). Especially in Germany, this position is semiotics, the text in question is the score. Written notation repre- linked with Adorno’s aesthetic theory, that music as true art will sents the core ideas, the intention of the composer and the musical always have an enigmatic quality, like an unsolvable riddle. As an meanings. But even in classical music, the authority and accuracy ideological concept, this indissoluble quality also separates high art of the score is disputed. Gustav Mahler warned that the music is not from “industrial products” like popular music. Theoretically more in the notes. Here it is argued that notation is an ethnocentric promising is the position that the concept of semantic vagueness in language, appropriate to represent music based on scale systems of music stems from the reference point of verbal language. Langer equal temperament and square metric systems (Tagg 1987, 281). (1942) especially tried to develop a “wordless” semantics that she For the music orally and aurally conceived, as in popular music and labeled presentational symbolism in opposition to the discursive most non-European music, with improvised elements, distortions symbolism of the verbal language. However, a general difference of pitch and flexible rhythms, written notation actually misses the between verbal and musical meaning does not necessarily imply a music itself. The constructed text is not the text to which anyone else uniqueness of musical symbolism. From a semiotic point of view, is listening. Rather, popular music is based on the materiality of meanings as mental concepts are part of the sign process, but they sound as the primary text (Middleton 1990, 220ff.; Moore 2001). In are not the same as words (Mick 1986, 198). In each sign system, the performance or in the studio recording, the essential sonic verbalizations can work as proxies for meanings, which are again structure is created. The studio especially can be classified as one acoustic or visual signs. Furthermore, the definition of a musical of the most important instruments in popular music (Frith 1996; meaning as something distinct from the definiteness of a verbal 233). Recording defines a whole musical aesthetic and makes meaning misjudges the verbal sign system. The verbal language record producers like Sam Phillips, George Martin, Phil Spector, or also has ambiguities and needs situational and contextual anchors. Trevor Horn as famous as the musicians they produce. In most In a provocative way DeNora (1986, 90) even inverts the compari- classical music, the recording works as an acoustic snapshot, trying son: “it actually may be more appropriate to treat language ‘as a to produce a realist, naturalist representation of an actual perfor- species of music’.” mance. In popular music, the sound of the recording defines the In this paper, Langer’s basic idea is adopted, without sharing aural qualities of the music, which often are not even reproducible her music philosophy. She coined the expression that music is the in a live performance. Advances in Consumer Research (Volume 33) / 583 The musical sign system as a nexus of inter- and extramusical To clarify these interactions, based on the musical sign system, references it is important to distinguish the steps of a) coding, b) functionality In traditional music theory, the supposedly superiority of and c) interaction. classical music is ascribed to the autonomy of society. This norma- a) Codes are socially shared rules of organizing single signs tive view is reflected in the positivist research on music in advertis- into sign systems (Hall 1980/1993, 98). To ensure the intended ing in its tendency to isolate music from its social and cultural communicative effect of a text, an adjustment between the encod- embeddedness. If we accept the resonating cultural meaningfulness ing and decoding practices is necessary. One adjustment refers to of music, the decontextualization tends to eliminate exactly the the appropriate coding level. A basic code model for music was specific qualities of music, especially popular music. Popular developed by Middleton (1990, 174), who distinguished the levels music is inherently socially mediated and formed through a dialogi- from the most abstract codes with basic conventions to sub-norms, cal process between the participants of the popular music system. dialects, styles, genres, sub-genres and finally idiolects, the level of Popular music is functional music in the sense that it is used by the a concrete song. These codes structure the significance of certain listeners, for making everyday life more controllable, navigable parameters as well as the accompanying extramusical cues. For and worth living, as well as refining a sense of collectivity. Because advertising, it is important to decide on what code level music is of this social and cultural charge of the popular sonic sphere, it tends applied, e.g. on a stylistic level as a rock’n’roll song or on an idiolect to be more easily incorporated into the extended self (Belk 1988). code level of Elvis Presley’s “Blue Suede Shoes.” The code level The materiality of this sonic system is intensified by the “politics of does not only influence the rhetorical function of the music. In joussiance” (Hawkins 2002, 28), the physical-affective pleasures regard to different code competences (Stefani 1987) of target of popular music. It is argued, that this charge of popular music is audiences, it also shapes the potential encoding and decoding not a certain attitude or an interpretive frame brought onto music. overlaps. An example of this is the song “Respect” by Aretha Rather, it exemplifies a semiotic process in music in which the Franklin, that when used in a beer spot, it was encoded primarily on relevant musical text is an amalgam of inter- and extramusical a stylistic soul level, while in a spot for the UN Refugee Agency, the signs. song was encoded on the idiolect level, referring to the feminist and In this sense, music per se does not have to be meaningful. Its civil rights movement’s origin of the song. Therefore, typology and main capacity is to make meaning possible. Actual music, that is characterization of music in advertising go beyond music’s intrin- alive and meaningful, is always integrated into a nexus of cues that sic aspects to explain different impacts of the same music. are hints for the appropriate context in which to develop interpre- b) The functionality of music describes the basic way music is tations. Contrary to other semiotic systems, this contextuality does integrated within the visual level of a spot. The main categories are not reduce the multivocality of signs but is a prerequisite for foregrounding and backgrounding. The background use resembles meaning. Only in-between the cue nexus can music be experienced the techniques of film music. Here, music’s function is primarily the as meaningful. Verbal and visual contextualization cues (Gumperz emotional, social, and narrative framing of the image (Gorbman 1982) are the most significant cues. Verbal cues can include the title 1987). The background use leads to the musicalization of the image. of the song, program-notes, booklets, the performers name, lyrics, Here, music works as a guide through the images, it helps to anchor artist statements, liner notes, music criticism, and informal talks basic interpretations of the image, without necessarily being lis- about the music. Visual cues can include record covers, music tened to. The foreground use leads to a visualization of the music videos, performance imagery, visual hooks, corporate design of while the images guide through the music. Instead of a fit, here it is musicians, the appropriation of music in video games and movies, more appropriate to analyze the music-image relations along the and associated fashion and body codes (see for a detailed discussion diverse lines as illustrations, amplifications or resonance by inco- Bode 2004, 365ff.). herence (Goodwin 1993, 86ff.). A paradigmatic model for foregrounding is the music video format. Consequences for advertising research c) The interaction step is the primarily level for a meaning- The basic idea of the proposed approach is that meaningful oriented music analysis, as it is the music-spot context where the music cannot be limited to the acoustic sphere. As a sign system, it specific nexus of inter and extramusical references becomes fleshed exists only in form of a multimedia nexus, with verbal and visual out. Hung (2000) experimentally showed some basic interaction cues (Cook 1998). This has consequences for the analysis of music effects and the necessity to analyze the meaning potentials of the in advertising, especially for the research on the interaction of the different modes not separately but through their interaction. Still, acoustic, verbal and visual levels in a spot. This process cannot be the conceptual framework was missing. The suggested model understood as adding up several meanings, but as the emergence of highlights the significance of a double interaction effect, once in- a new meaning constellation based on a multi-level rhetoric. The between the musical sign system and then in relation to the verbal, conceptual equivalent for this process in traditional research on acoustic and visual elements of the spot. This can e.g. incorporate music in advertising is “fit” or “congruence.” As it turned out in rhetorical elements already on the sound level, like a Hip-Hop song experimental research, the affective and cognitive impact of music in a scratchy old gramophone sound or a heavy metal song played depends on actual music-spot combinations. MacInnis and Park by a string quartet. In the interaction of the musical sign system and (1991, 162) define the fit as the “subjective perceptions of the the spot, a multi-level rhetoric unfolds, based on stressing, accen- music’s relevance or appropriateness to the central ad message.” tuating and deferring diverse verbal and visual contextual cues of But in using songs with lyrics, a verbal appropriateness for music music. Here the work on resonance (McQuarrie and Mick, 1992) is and the spot was tested. Furthermore, why participants assumed a important as a starting point to conceptualize not only the semantic fit, on what levels and what that meant for them remained unclear. consequences of the text-image interaction, but of the verbal, A refinement of fit is the congruence concept by Kellaris, Cox, and visual, and musical levels interaction in a spot. Cox (1993), who focus on the relation between pure musical information and the verbal ad message. However, the concept of Conclusion musical information is not further developed, and the dimensions of Though estimations indicate that more than 70% of all com- congruence are reduced to binary oppositions as “yes” or “no.” mercials have music, neither traditional nor interpretive approaches 584 / “Now That’s What I Call Music!” An Interpretive Approach to Music in Advertising have dealt more in depth with music. 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Murray (1996), “Music and lyrics in commercials: A cross-cultural comparison between commercials run in the Dominican Republic and in the United States,”Journal of Advertising, 25 (2), 51-64. It Seems Factual, But Is It? Effects of Using Sharp versus Round Numbers in Advertising Claims Robert M. Schindler, Rutgers University-Camden Richard F. Yalch, University of Washington-Seattle1

ABSTRACT blanket is unusually soft and delightfully elegant”) for the subjec- This paper compares sharp versus round numbers in advertis- tive message. They found that objective claims were more persua- ing claims. Round numbers have a salient conceptual basis (e.g., 10 sive than subjective claims, especially when based on factual years are a decade). Sharp numbers do not (e.g., 11 years). Esti- evidence. mates tend to be expressed with round numbers. An experiment is In thinking about numerical claims, we propose that there may described that examines whether consumers make the false as- be differences between numerical claims much as there are differ- sumption that claims using sharp numbers are less likely to be ences between numerical and verbal claims. In particular, we are estimates (i.e., are more factual) than those using round numbers interested in the distinction between round numbers and the other and, if so, whether this makes sharp-number claims more believ- numbers, which could be called “sharp numbers” (Dehaene 1997, able. The results demonstrate that such assumptions do occur, even p. 108). Round numbers are those whose conceptual status gives for those consumers considered to be advertising skeptics. them mental salience. For example, numbers such as 10, 20, and 30 receive salience by initiating decades in our base-ten number INTRODUCTION system, and numbers such as 15 and 25 receive salience by being A newspaper advertisement for a career-training program midpoints of these decades (Dehaene and Mehler 1992; Schindler highlighted the claim that their recent graduates were earning and Kirby 1997). Some numbers have salience, and thus roundness, between $43,000 and $57,000 per year. This salary claim could only in certain contexts. For example, in time estimation, the period have just as easily been expressed using the phrases such as, “are of seven days is salient because it represents a week (Huttenlocher, well-paid,” “earning around $50,000,” or “earning from $40,000 to Hedges, and Bradburn 1990). $60,000.” The advertising copywriter had to make a decision as to As a result of their salience, round numbers are the numbers which wording would be best received. Current views of advertis- that are most likely to come to mind when a person is trying to ing effectiveness stress not just what the advertiser claims, but what estimate a quantity that is uncertain. For example, in a variety of inferences are made about these claims by the consumers (e.g., numerical estimation tasks, people show a strong tendency to Kardes, Posavac, and Cronley 2004). The present paper explores produce 0- and 5-ending numbers (e.g., Hornik, Cherian, and Zakey one type of inference that consumers might make about an 1994; Kaufman et al. 1949). This use of round numbers leads them advertiser’s claim–that it is based on actual empirical data and not to become indicators of the use of an estimation process rather than just on the advertiser’s general impressions. actual counting. Thus, if it is said that there are 100 people in a room, the use of the round number would lead listeners to interpret the LITERATURE REVIEW statement as an approximation. The true number could be perhaps The study of persuasive communications has identified nu- anywhere from 80 to 120 people. On the other hand, if it is said that merous factors that affect whether or not the audience accepts the there are 106 people in a room, the use of the sharp number would information and recommendations offered in the message (e.g., suggest that some counting has occurred. MacInnis, Moorman, and Jaworski 1991). One relevant factor is the It is interesting that the tendency to interpret a round number choice to present advertising claims in a numerical or verbal form. as a result of approximation is so pronounced that to communicate For example, research by Yalch and Elmore-Yalch (1984) estab- otherwise requires some additional wording. For example, if a lished that numerical messages (“many people do 95% of their count has determined that there are 100 persons in the room, one banking ...”) were better received than an equivalent verbal claim would have to say that there are exactly 100 individuals in the room (“many people do virtually all of their banking...”) when attributed to indicate that this is not an approximation (Dehaene 1997, p. 109). to expert sources but not when presented by nonexpert sources. Our research combines the round-versus-sharp-number dis- Other research supports the finding of a numerical-superiority tinction with Smith and Darley’s objective-versus-subjective dis- effect (Scammon 1977; Viswanathan and Narayan 1994). Childers tinction. We propose that sharp numbers are assumed by consumers and Viswanathan (2000) attribute some of this superiority to the fact to be objective and factually-based because they imply a high level that numerical evidence is processed at a surface level, making it of accuracy that could be achieved only through an empirical faster to recognize and compare numerical information compared analysis. On the other hand, round numbers suggest an approxima- to the equivalent verbal information. tion that is likely to be a subjective estimate that may bear little Related to the above discussion, Darley and Smith (1993) relationship to reality. For example, a claim that a new allergy drug draw a distinction between objective and subjective claims. Objec- is 46% more effective than a popular competitor implies that the tive claims are those that have an element of verifiability and cite claim is based on some clinical research whereas the claim that it is specific factual information. On the other hand, subjective claims 50% more effective indicates that the communicator lacks knowl- rely on emotions and impressions. Their manipulation of the edge of the true level of differential effectiveness. presence of objective information consisted of the use of numerical descriptors (“Loom woven of a 75% acrylic and 25% wool blend for RESEARCH QUESTIONS shape retention and softness”) versus only verbal descriptors On the basis of the preceding literature review, a series of (“Proudly woven with the very finest shape-retaining material; the research questions were developed related to the relative effective- ness of advertising claims expressed with sharp numbers compared to round numbers. 1The authors thank Hiralkumari Udawat for her assistance in the 1) Are numerical claims judged differently than equivalent data collection for this study. verbal claims? Prior research has established that numerical claims 586 Advances in Consumer Research Volume 33, © 2006