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Russo Ppviii Contributi di ricerca FONDAZIONE GIOVANNI AGNELLI Laboratorio di Ricerche e Relazioni Culturali Europee e Internazionali La nuova Russia Dibattito culturale e modello di società in costruzione Edizioni Fondazione Giovanni Agnelli La nuova Russia. Dibattito culturale e modello di società in costruzione / scritti di Ilja Levin, Vladimir Mau, Andrei B. Zubov… [et. al.] – VIII, 334 p.: 21 cm Copyright © 1999 by Edizioni della Fondazione Giovanni Agnelli via Giacosa 38, 10125 Torino tel. 011 6500500, fax 011 6502777 e-mail: [email protected] Internet: http://www.fga.it Traduzione dall’inglese di Martina Scalzerle ISBN 88-7860-159-4 Indice Radiografia del dibattito culturale: modernizzazione e tradizionalismo nello scontro tra gli «addetti ai lavori» Ilja Levin 1. Osservazioni preliminari 1 2. Le anomalie della modernizzazione russa 5 3. Scontro di posizioni: spazio vs tempo o geografia vs storia 8 4. Una vecchia disputa e nuove proiezioni 15 Partiti e società: evoluzione e prospettive della differenziazione politica ed ideologica nella Russia postsovietica Kirill Kholodkovski 21 1. I partiti 21 2. La società 22 3. Orientamenti degli elettori 24 4. Dal bipolarismo al multipartitismo 26 5. Le famiglie politiche russe 29 6. Le prospettive 31 Dal «collettivismo» all’individualismo: l’uomo nella società deistituzionalizzata Guerman Diliguenski 37 1. «Collettivismo socialista» e individualismo adattivo 37 2. Individualismo e deistituzionalizzazione 41 3. La libertà alla russa 47 V Indice Gruppi direttivi regionali: trasformazione dei meccanismi organizzativi e relazionali del potere Mikhail Afanasjev 55 1. La localizzazione del potere nella Russia attuale 55 2. L’esercizio del potere e le conflittualità interne ai nuovi ordinamenti politici e amministrativi 59 3. Le riforme in atto 67 L’«oligarchia» e la crisi in atto nel postcomunismo russo Alexeij Zudin 73 Introduzione 73 1. Il «coordinamento informale» ed il nuovo establishment 74 2. La strada della desubordinazione 79 3. Spaccature e conflitti all’interno del nuovo establishment 81 Spaccature ideologiche 83 Intensificazione del conflitto politico 86 4. «L’esclusività sociale» e le origini della crisi di legittimazione 87 5. La fine dell’«oligarchia»? 94 Il nuovo corporativismo russo all’interno del contesto globale: il ruolo in via di cambiamento dell’élite settoriale Sergei Peregudov 99 1. L’élite economica settoriale e lo Stato nell’Unione Sovietica 99 2. Gli anni della perestrojka (1985-1991) 103 3. I gruppi di interesse dell’impresa e lo Stato nella Russia sovrana 106 4. Una scomoda coalizione 110 5. La crescente incompatibilità 112 6. La fine della coalizione 113 7. Verso una nuova alleanza o un vicolo cieco corporativistico? 118 La formazione di nuovi mercati e lo Stato nella Russia postcomunista Vadim Radaev 125 1. Osservazioni preliminari 125 2. Verso una nuova prospettiva di formazione del mercato 126 3. Fonti dei dati 131 4. Intervento dello Stato e strategie imprenditoriali (risultati empirici) 133 Conclusioni 147 Appendice. Gruppi imprenditoriali e relazioni con le autorità dello Stato 149 VI Indice Stabilizzazione macroeconomica e mutamenti strutturali nell’economia nazionale russa: deindustrializzazione o sfondamento verso una società postindustriale? Vladimir Mau e Irina Starodubrovskaja 155 1. Perché il sistema sovietico è entrato in crisi (un breve riepilogo) 155 2. Crisi della società industriale 156 3. Dissoluzione delle basi del regime 159 4. La vera sostanza della recessione economica 166 5. Nuove tendenze 171 6. Orientamenti per una politica economica moderna 175 Dopo la privatizzazione: alla ricerca di un modello ottimale di società Viktor Studentsov 179 1. Osservazioni preliminari 179 2. I modelli di società e la privatizzazione in Russia 180 3. L’evoluzione della struttura corporativa della proprietà nel periodo della postprivatizzazione 183 4. Azionisti attenzione: la lotta per una migliore gestione corporativa 187 5. Mecca o opportunismo? 192 6. Qual è il futuro dell’impresa russa? 199 Fondamenta e principi dello Stato accentratore in Russia Igor Pantin 209 1. Osservazioni preliminari 209 2. I rapporti tra il «centro» e la «periferia» 211 3. La monosoggettività del potere 213 4. Il peso e la funzione della burocrazia 216 Nazionalismo liberale o idea imperiale? La consapevolezza degli interessi e degli orientamenti nazionali in Russia Vladimir Kolossov 225 Introduzione 225 1. Tratti specifici e crisi di identità negli Stati postsovietici 229 2. L’eterno dilemma russo: nazione etnica o nazione politica? 237 3. Identità russa e Stato 243 Conclusioni 247 VII Indice Il primo quinquennio della repubblica di dicembre in Russia: come si costruiscono gli istituti e si strutturano gli interessi Petr Fedossov 249 1. Osservazioni preliminari 249 2. L’aspetto istituzionale 251 3. L’aspetto comportamentale della trasformazione del sistema politico 258 Lo stato attuale e le prospettive della Chiesa ortodossa in Russia P. Innokentij Pavlov 265 1. Osservazioni preliminari 265 2. Un mito nuovo e una vecchia realtà 266 3. Settant’anni di prigionia comunista e i suoi frutti 271 4. La Chiesa russa e la crisi della mentalità imperiale 275 5. La Chiesa russa allo specchio della statistica e della sociologia 276 6. Le posizioni politiche del Patriarcato di Mosca 278 7. Battaglia delle idee nella Chiesa russa e dintorni 282 8. Quale futuro per la Chiesa in una Russia futura? 285 La nuova influenza dei valori religiosi sull’intellighenzia russa (tendenze attuali) Andrei B. Zubov 287 1. Precondizioni storiche 287 2. I valori religiosi e l’intellighenzia nel decennio post-totalitario (1988-1998). Problemi interni della Chiesa 296 3. Problemi di natura politico-religiosa 303 Conclusioni 312 La religiosità postsovietica: dall’eclettismo religioso alle fedi nazionali Sergei Filatov 313 Conclusioni 331 Nota sugli Autori 333 VIII Radiografia del dibattito culturale: modernizzazione e tradizionalismo nello scontro tra gli «addetti ai lavori» Ilja Levin 1. Osservazioni preliminari Il panorama del dibattito culturale nella Russia di quest’ultimo scorcio di secolo richiama alla memoria la metafora pasoliniana della «scomparsa di lucciole» come segno di passaggio d’epoca: improvvisamente ci si accorge che il clima, l’aria, l’ambiente non sono più quelli di una volta, sono diventati diversi e avversi all’esi- stenza di esseri viventi. A metà d’estate del 1998 il più autorevole quotidiano di Mosca, l’«Izvestija», per bocca di un noto articolista cominciò a porsi una domanda angosciosa: «Che fine hanno fatto i maîtres à pensée?»1. Grandi figure, investite di un’indiscutibile au- torità ed autonomia intellettuale e morale, capaci, come si pensa, di dare risposte alle fatidiche domande della storia russa – «Di chi è la colpa?» e «Cosa fare?» – ci sono sempre state nel nostro pas- sato, anche nei suoi periodi più bui. Ci sono tutt’oggi, basta pensa- re a Solzenicyn (che con il suo ultimo libro, La Russia in frana, ha reso quanto mai scomode, per le autorità, le celebrazioni del pro- prio ottantennio ricorrente giusto in questi giorni) e al premio da lui fondato apposta per le personalità della cultura maggiormente note per l’indipendenza dello spirito e la dignità intellettuale (il primo premiato è stato Victor Toporov: una vita emblematica, sen- za compromessi, interamente dedicata allo studio della cultura rus- sa). Non si tratta, quindi, di una scomparsa «fisica», ma appunto di un cambiamento del clima, nel quale la specie indicata – i grandi intellettuali indipendenti – non hanno più ragione di farsi sentire 1 A. Plutnik, Kuda iscezli vlastiteli dum?, in «Izvestija», 15.7.1998. 1 Ilja Levin dal momento che «hanno capito che nessuno ha più bisogno di loro nella nuova Russia, – come scrive una nota sociologa, intervenen- do nel dibattito sulle colonne del giornale –. La pagina, sulla quale avevano scritto in caratteri lampanti i propri nomi, è definitiva- mente voltata. E la gente che aveva bisogno del loro verbo non è più quella di una volta»2. Il discorso, poi, non investe solo i maîtres, ma l’intellighenzia nel suo insieme. Già a metà del decennio due bravi esperti della questione hanno spiegato perché l’intellighenzia non poteva so- pravvivere alla transizione postcomunista. Nella scala delle priorità dell’intellighenzia tradizionale russa-sovietica il concetto del «sa- pere», dello «specialismo» non ha mai avuto un valore autonomo, disgiunto da qualità come «sensibilità verso il popolo», «capacità di condividere la sofferenza altrui», di fungere da «coscienza leale della società». Ma è stato proprio questo nesso organico ad aver giocato un brutto scherzo allo strato colto della Russia; dopo aver preparato – ed affrettato – il mutamento politico esso si è trovato in grave handicap rispetto ai compiti – di analisi e previsione – che la nuova situazione gli poneva di fronte. Oltre ai difetti della forma- zione dell’intellighenzia (scarsità delle fonti, divieti che colpivano tanti autori e dottrine, assenza di contatti con il resto del mondo e così via), pesava appunto quella condiscendenza verso l’approssi- mazione (se non faciloneria) – che fu definita da una nota studiosa della storia della letteratura, Marietta Ciudacova, «comfort della violenza». Insomma, nel momento in cui l’intellighenzia, venuta meno la necessità di essere un «ordine monacale», doveva trasfor- marsi, come in Occidente, in uno strato – perfettamente laico – di intellettuali, essa è finita sotto il fuoco incrociato di critica, dove espressioni come «gonzi» o sospetti che si limitassero a «qualche imparaticcio schema accademico
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