Medieval Theologians: an Introduction to Theology in the Medieval Period
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Paschasius Radbertus and the Song of Songs
chapter 6 “Love’s Lament”: Paschasius Radbertus and the Song of Songs The Song of Songs was understood by many Carolingian exegetes as the great- est, highest, and most obscure of Solomon’s three books of wisdom. But these Carolingian exegetes would also have understood the Song as a dialogue, a sung exchange between Christ and his church: in fact, as the quintessential spiritual song. Like the liturgy of the Eucharist and the divine office, the Song of Songs would have served as a window into heavenly realities, offering glimpses of a triumphant, spotless Bride and a resurrected, glorified Bridegroom that ninth- century reformers’ grim views of the church in their day would have found all the more tantalizing. For Paschasius Radbertus, abbot of the great Carolingian monastery of Corbie and as warm and passionate a personality as Alcuin, the Song became more than simply a treasury of imagery. In this chapter, I will be examining Paschasius’s use of the Song of Songs throughout his body of work. Although this is necessarily only a preliminary effort in understanding many of the underlying themes at work in Paschasius’s biblical exegesis, I argue that the Song of Songs played a central, formative role in his exegetical imagina- tion and a structural role in many of his major exegetical works. If Paschasius wrote a Song commentary, it has not survived; nevertheless, the Song of Songs is ubiquitous in the rest of his exegesis, and I would suggest that Paschasius’s love for the Song and its rich imagery formed a prism through which the rest of his work was refracted. -
FAITH and REASON in the THOUGHT of GREGORY of RIMINI (C
FAITH AND REASON IN THE THOUGHT OF GREGORY OF RIMINI (c. 1300-1358) BY GORDON LEFF, B.A., PH.D. LECTURER IN HISTORY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF MANCHESTER F any one trait may be said to characterize fourteenth- I century thought it is the progressive withdrawal of faith from the arena of philosophy and rational knowledge. Perhaps the greatest driving force in the development of medieval thought during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries had been the confidence that the truths of faith were accessible to human understanding and rational demonstration. It had nurtured a diversity of summae and systems, designed to incorporate the conclusions derived from the accumulating wealth of natural, mainly Aristotelian, knowledge into a Christian framework; it also led to some of the greatest works of Christian apologetics, including St. Thomas Aquinas's Summa contra gentiles, with the purpose of convincing the unbeliever and the infidel. With Henry of Ghent, Duns Scotus, and, even more with William of Ockham, however, the growing doubts over such a union were given full and lasting expression. Although not the first to do so, they reverted to a conception of theology as an indepen dent pursuit which was marked off from natural knowledge in the strict sense. Theology, they held, was a self-contained corpus with its own tenets and principles. It could not be regarded as just one more science governed by laws which were applicable to all knowledge, for, as founded on revealed truth, it was dependent on faith, not natural experience. These thinkers, moreover, were so obsessed by the contingent nature of all creation that they refused to countenance the possibility of arriving at a knowledge of God through creation. -
© in This Web Service Cambridge University
Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-89754-9 - An Introduction to Medieval Theology Rik Van Nieuwenhove Index More information Index Abelard, Peter, 82, 84, 99–111, 116, 120 beatific vision, 41, 62, 191 Alain of Lille, 71 beatitude, 172, 195–96 Albert the Great, 171, 264 Beatrijs van Nazareth, 170 Alexander of Hales, 147, 211, 227 beguine movement, 170 allegory, 15, 43, 45, 47, 177 Benedict XII, Pope, 265 Amaury of Bène, 71 Benedict, St., 28–29, 42 Ambrose, 7, 10, 149 Berengar of Tours, 60, 83, 129, 160, see also amor ipse notitia est 51, 117, see love and knowledge Eucharist anagogy, 47 Bernard of Clairvaux, 79, 82, 100, 104, 110, 112–15, analogy, see univocity 147, 251 analogy in Aquinas, 182–85, 234, 235 critique of Abelard, 110–11 Anselm of Canterbury, 16, 30, 71, 78, 81, 83–98, on loving God, 112–14 204, 236 Boccaccio, Giovanni, 251 Anselm of Laon, 72, 99 Boethius, 29–33, 125, 137 Anthony, St., 27 Bonaventure, 34, 47, 123, 141, 146, 148, 170, 173, apophaticism, 8, 34, 271 176, 179, 211–24, 227, 228, 230, 232, 242, 243, Aquinas, 182–83 245, 254 Aquinas, 22, 24, 34, 47, 51, 72, 87, 89, 90, 133, 146, Boniface, Pope, 249 148, 151, 154, 164, 169, 171–210, 214, 225, 227, 230, 235, 236, 237, 238, 240, 241, 244, 246, Calvin, 14 254, 255, 257, 266 Carabine, Deirdre, 65 Arianism, 20, 21 Carthusians, 79 Aristotle, 9, 20, 29, 78, 84, 179, 181, 192, 195, 212, Cassian, John, 27–29, 47 213, 216, 223, 225, 226, 227, 229, 237, 254, Cassidorius, 124 267, 268 cathedral schools, 82, 169 Arts, 124, 222 Catherine of Siena, 251 and pedagogy (Hugh), 124–28 -
The Well-Trained Theologian
THE WELL-TRAINED THEOLOGIAN essential texts for retrieving classical Christian theology part 1, patristic and medieval Matthew Barrett Credo 2020 Over the last several decades, evangelicalism’s lack of roots has become conspicuous. Many years ago, I experienced this firsthand as a university student and eventually as a seminary student. Books from the past were segregated to classes in church history, while classes on hermeneutics and biblical exegesis carried on as if no one had exegeted scripture prior to the Enlightenment. Sometimes systematics suffered from the same literary amnesia. When I first entered the PhD system, eager to continue my theological quest, I was given a long list of books to read just like every other student. Looking back, I now see what I could not see at the time: out of eight pages of bibliography, you could count on one hand the books that predated the modern era. I have taught at Christian colleges and seminaries on both sides of the Atlantic for a decade now and I can say, in all honesty, not much has changed. As students begin courses and prepare for seminars, as pastors are trained for the pulpit, they are not required to engage the wisdom of the ancient past firsthand or what many have labelled classical Christianity. Such chronological snobbery, as C. S. Lewis called it, is pervasive. The consequences of such a lopsided diet are now starting to unveil themselves. Recent controversy over the Trinity, for example, has manifested our ignorance of doctrines like eternal generation, a doctrine not only basic to biblical interpretation and Christian orthodoxy for almost two centuries, but a doctrine fundamental to the church’s Christian identity. -
History of the Christian Church*
a Grace Notes course History of the Christian Church VOLUME 5. The Middle Ages, the Papal Theocracy in Conflict with the Secular Power from Gregory VII to Boniface VIII, AD 1049 to 1294 By Philip Schaff CH512 Chapter 12: Scholastic and Mystic Theology History of the Christian Church Volume 5 The Middle Ages, the Papal Theocracy in Conflict with the Secular Power from Gregory VII to Boniface VIII, AD 1049 to 1294 CH512 Table of Contents Chapter 12. Scholastic and Mystic Theology .................................................................................2 5.95. Literature and General Introduction ......................................................................................... 2 5.96. Sources and Development of Scholasticism .............................................................................. 4 5.97. Realism and Nominalism ........................................................................................................... 6 5.98. Anselm of Canterbury ................................................................................................................ 7 5.99. Peter Abelard ........................................................................................................................... 12 5.100. Abelard’s Teachings and Theology ........................................................................................ 18 5.101. Younger Contemporaries of Abelard ..................................................................................... 21 5.102. Peter the Lombard and the Summists -
Marguerite Porete and the Annihilation of an Identity in Medieval and Modern Representations – a Reassessment
CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by Sydney eScholarship “The World on the End of a Reed”: Marguerite Porete and the annihilation of an identity in medieval and modern representations – a reassessment. Francesca Caroline Bussey A thesis submitted in total fulfilment of the requirements of Doctor of Philosophy December 2007 School of Philosophical and Historical Inquiry Department of History University of Sydney Abstract This thesis presents a new assessment of the identity and historical significance of Marguerite Porete, burned for heresy in Paris in 1310, and reconnects her to a vigorous, lay, discourse community that threatened the authority of the later medieval church. The thesis argues that a bilateral annihilation of Porete as an historical subject has been brought about by medieval and modern representations, and that this has served to obscure the presence of a subaltern religious discourse in the period. The historiography of Porete has followed distinctive stages of development that reflect, and are affected by, concurrent advances in the study of medieval female religious participation. This interplay has led to the development of a particularly influential hermeneutics that serves to exclude Porete from her contemporaries. Analysis of documentation issuing from Porete‟s condemnation has similarly been influenced by hermeneutic issues that manipulate the ways in which Porete is perceived as an identity. This thesis challenges dominant representations of Porete in the scholarship and argues that Porete‟s identity and discourse reflect a particularly vigorous, fluid and cross-discoursed lay engagement with religiosity that has roots in the precocious socio-religious environment of the Southern Low Countries. -
Normative Political Theology As Intensified Critique
PENULTIMATE DRAFT : THE DEFINITIVE VERSION WAS PUBLISHED IN Political Theology https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/./ X.." Normative Political Theology as Intensified Critique David Newheiser The success of political theology as a field of study depends upon a basic ambivalence. For some, political theology consists in normative theological reflection upon politics, while for others it involves descriptive analysis of the way in which political and theological concepts influence each other.1 This methodological tension is a source of intellectual vitality, and it has allowed political theology to flourish in many corners of the university. However, those who are happy with descriptive analysis are often wary of normative theology. This is one dimension of the question that titles this symposium, “How theological is political theology?” If political theology really is theological, then some will conclude that it does not belong in departments of philosophy, politics, and religious studies. Some theorists are suspicious of normative political theology because they believe it undermines critical rationality. Stathis Gourgouris claims that religious faith constitutes an assertion of certainty that excludes critique. 2 Mark Lilla argues that theology subordinates rational inquiry to divine authority, and so it should be excluded from the public sphere.3 According to Giorgio Agamben, theological reflection on divine glory reinforces mundane government by neutralizing resistance. 4 In my view, however, these theorists neglect theological traditions that resist dogmatism through intensified critique. Because dogmatism is a genuine danger—and not only for religion—normative political theology offers an important contribution to the politics of pluralist societies. 1 Of course, the division between normative and descriptive modes of analysis is unstable: description depends upon normative judgements, while norms rely upon an account of the way things are. -
Affect and Ascent in the Theology of Bonaventure
The Force of Union: Affect and Ascent in the Theology of Bonaventure The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Davis, Robert. 2012. The Force of Union: Affect and Ascent in the Theology of Bonaventure. Doctoral dissertation, Harvard University. Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:9385627 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA © 2012 Robert Glenn Davis All rights reserved. iii Amy Hollywood Robert Glenn Davis The Force of Union: Affect and Ascent in the Theology of Bonaventure Abstract The image of love as a burning flame is so widespread in the history of Christian literature as to appear inevitable. But as this dissertation explores, the association of amor with fire played a precise and wide-ranging role in Bonaventure’s understanding of the soul’s motive power--its capacity to love and be united with God, especially as that capacity was demonstrated in an exemplary way through the spiritual ascent and death of St. Francis. In drawing out this association, Bonaventure develops a theory of the soul and its capacity for transformation in union with God that gives specificity to the Christian desire for self-abandonment in God and the annihilation of the soul in union with God. Though Bonaventure does not use the language of the soul coming to nothing, he describes a state of ecstasy or excessus mentis that is possible in this life, but which constitutes the death and transformation of the soul in union with God. -
Jean Paul Sartre: the Mystical Atheist
JEAN PAUL SARTRE: THE MYSTICAL ATHEIST JEROME GELLMAN Ben-Gurion University of the Negev Abstract: Within Jean Paul Sartre’s atheistic program, he objected to Christian mysticism as a delusory desire for substantive being. I suggest that a Christian mystic might reply to Sartre’s attack by claiming that Sartre indeed grasps something right about the human condition but falls short of fully understanding what he grasps. Then I argue that the true basis of Sartre’s atheism is neither philosophical nor existentialist, but rather mystical. Sartre had an early mystical atheistic intuition that later developed into atheistic mystical experience. Sartre experienced the non-existence of God. Jean Paul Sartre called himself a “material” atheist, one who not only believes that God does not exist but is profoundly aware of God’s absence. This is to be compared to a group of people who meet regularly at a coffee house in Paris. One evening Pierre does not come. The entire evening, those present feel Pierre’s absence, his absence is tangible, part of the scene, like the tables and the chairs. Pierre is missing. Just so, for Sartre, God’s absence is to be felt everywhere. God is missing. And since God is missing we are to feel the obligation to create ourselves in freedom. Within his program of material atheism, Sartre enunciated a critique of Christian mysticism. In his book on Jean Genet, Sartre defined “mysti- cism,” in general, as follows: “The quest for a state in which subject and object, consciousness and being, the eternal and the particular, merge in an absolute undifferentiation.”1 Elsewhere in the same book, Sartre characterizes Christian mysticism in particular as follows: “It is God who will attain himself in the mystical ecstasy, which is a fusion of the Subject and the Object. -
Testing the Prophets BERNARD of SYMEON the NEW IBN TAYMIYYA CLAIRVAUX THEOLOGIAN
Testing the Prophets BERNARD OF SYMEON THE NEW IBN TAYMIYYA CLAIRVAUX THEOLOGIAN ➔ CAMEL MEAT Reason does not suffice without revelation nor does revelation suffice without reason. The one who would urge pure taqlīd and the total rejection of reason is in error and he who would make do with pure reason apart from the lights of the Koran and the Sunna is deluded. If you are in doubt about whether a certain person is a prophet or not, certainty can be had only through knowledge of what he is like, either by personal observation or reports and testimony. If you have an understanding of medicine and jurisprudence, you can recognize jurists and doctors by observing what they are like, and listening to what they had to say, even if you haven’t observed them. So you have no difficulty recognizing that Shāfiʿī was a jurist or Galen a doctor, this being knowledge of what is in fact the case and not a matter of taqlīd shown to another person. Rather, since you know something of jurisprudence and medicine, and you have perused their books and treatises, you have arrived at necessary knowledge about what they are like. Likewise, once you grasp the meaning of prophecy and then investigate the Qurʾān and [ḥadīth] reports extensively, you arrive at necessary knowledge that [Muḥammad] is at the highest degree of prophecy. Thirst for grasping the true natures of things was a habit and practice of mine from early on in my life, an inborn and innate tendency (gharīza wa-fiṭra) given by God in my very nature, not chosen or contrived. -
The Patristic Legacy in the Middle Ages (II) 16:00 - 18:30 Wednesday, 21St August, 2019 Room 8 Presentation Type Workshop
Politics and Society: The Patristic Legacy in the Middle Ages (II) 16:00 - 18:30 Wednesday, 21st August, 2019 Room 8 Presentation type Workshop 499 Side by Side: Augustine's supporting role in William of St. Thierry's attacks on Peter Abaelard Delphine Conzelmann University of Basel, Basel, Switzerland Abstract How far can a theologian go? What can, and more importantly, what can't he say? It was not merely a personal rivalry, but this very question, that drove William of St. Thierry (1080-1148) to consider the theology of Peter Abaelard (1079-1142) as a problem that needed to be dealt with. For him, the limits of the theological task as such were at stake. In William's eyes, Abaelard approached the Bible in a way too speculative and philosophical manner. In contrast, he understood his own theology as Biblical and true to the opinions of the Fathers, a sentiment he strongly expressed in his Expositio super Epistolam ad Romanos. In this paper I am going to discuss William's reception of Augustine, in order to present his own reading of Romans as firmly grounded in ecclesial tradition. Not only does he take up Augustine's thought, but he uses Augustine's biographical background – mainly his anti-Pelagian fervor – to support his own fight against heretical ideas, such as Peter Abaelard's or William of Conches'. This paper will explore how William introduced Augustine as a third player into his rising conflict with the school of Abaelard, both as authority in matters of theological content and methodology, and as a role model for his concrete political actions in the matter. -
Good Positive Reasons" for an Ethics of Divine Commands: a Catalogue of Arguments
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Asbury Theological Seminary Faith and Philosophy: Journal of the Society of Christian Philosophers Volume 6 Issue 1 Article 4 1-1-1989 In Search of "Good Positive Reasons" for an Ethics of Divine Commands: A Catalogue of Arguments Janine Marie Idziak Follow this and additional works at: https://place.asburyseminary.edu/faithandphilosophy Recommended Citation Idziak, Janine Marie (1989) "In Search of "Good Positive Reasons" for an Ethics of Divine Commands: A Catalogue of Arguments," Faith and Philosophy: Journal of the Society of Christian Philosophers: Vol. 6 : Iss. 1 , Article 4. Available at: https://place.asburyseminary.edu/faithandphilosophy/vol6/iss1/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at ePLACE: preserving, learning, and creative exchange. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faith and Philosophy: Journal of the Society of Christian Philosophers by an authorized editor of ePLACE: preserving, learning, and creative exchange. IN SEARCH OF "GOOD POSITIVE REASONS" FOR AN ETHICS OF DIVINE COMMANDS: A CATALOGUE OF ARGUMENTS J anine Marie Idziak Recent proponents of a divine command ethics have chiefly defended the theory by refuting objections rather than by offering "positive reasons" to support it. We here offer a cata logue of such positive arguments drawn from historical discussions of the theory. We pre sent arguments which focus on various properties of the divine nature and on the unique status of God, as well as arguments which are analogical in character. Finally, we describe a particularform of the theory to which these arguments point, and indicate how they counter act a standard criticism of it.