DOCSLIB.ORG

TIMELINE 7.1 Papacy and Empire During the Investiture Controversy, 1075–1125

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
TIMELINE 7.1 Papacy and Empire During the Investiture Controversy, 1075–1125 CONFIRMING PAGES Chapter 7 Popes and the Papacy, c. 1000–1300 173 TIMELINE 7.1 Papacy and Empire during the Investiture Controversy, 1075–1125 1075 1125 Emperor Henry IV1106 Emperor Henry V from 1056 Pope Gregory VII1085 1088 Pope Urban II 1099 1119Pope 1124 from 1073 Calixtus II 1077 1095 1115 1123 Reconciliation at Urban II Proclaims Death of First Canossa c. 1090 First Crusade Matilda of Tuscany Lateran Bologna Becomes a Council Center for the Study 1122 of Canon Law Concordat of Worms By 1075, Henry IV was showing promise of becoming as strong a ruler as his father. He had been forced to back down in Milan a few years earlier, but he was not inclined to do so again. When Gregory VII suspended a group of imperially appointed German bishops, Henry IV responded with a vehement letter of defi ance. Backed by his bishops, he asserted that as a divinely appointed sovereign, he was authorized to lead the German Church without papal interference, and he even challenged Gregory’s right to the papal throne. The letter was insultingly addressed to Gregory under his previous name, “Hildebrand, not pope but false monk.” It concluded with the dramatic words, “I, Henry, king by grace of God, with all my bishops, say to you: ‘Come down, come down, and be damned throughout the ages.’” Henry’s letter had good history on its side. It was a defense of the traditional social order of divinely ordained kings, sanctifi ed in their coronations by holy anoint- ment, ruling as vicars of God over their lay subjects and their semi-autonomous bish- ops. Charlemagne would have agreed wholeheartedly. Gregory’s view was vastly different. He denied the sacred qualities of kings and emperors, he suggested that most of them were murderous thugs destined for hell, and he repudiated the claim that a king or emperor could question a pope’s legitimacy or his decrees. In his view, emperors had no power to appoint bishops, much less depose popes, but the pope, as the ultimate authority in Western Christendom, had the power to depose anyone— not only bishops but kings and emperors as well. Accordingly, Gregory responded to Henry IV’s letter with a devastating counterpunch: he excommunicated and deposed Henry IV. It was for the pope to judge whether or not the king was fi t to rule, and Gregory had issued his judgment. Radical though it was, the deposition was effective. Under the relatively placid surface of centralized authority in the Holy Roman Empire, Henry IV faced an increas- ingly restive aristocracy. Relatively subdued during the reign of Henry III, local and regional princes had asserted themselves during his son’s long regency, and Henry IV, on reaching maturity, found himself on less secure ground than his father. In 1075 he succeeded in stifl ing a long, bitter rebellion in Saxony and seemed to be on his way toward reasserting his father’s imperial power. Then the controversy with Rome ex- ploded. Gregory VII’s excommunication and deposition—awesome spiritual sanctions ben85506_ch07_167-189.indd 173 10/26/09 12:50:06 PM.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Holy Wars: the Origins and Effects of the Crusades
    HOLY WARS: THE ORIGINS AND EFFECTS OF THE CRUSADES HELEN STEELE In the late 11th century, circumstances converged to This culminated in the Investiture Controversy which create the Crusades, the series of military expeditions to made relations between pope Gregory VII and Henry IV so fight the armies of Islam in the Holy Land. Papal interest poor that Gregory excommunicated the Emperor. In the in expanding the influence of the Vatican in secular light of these problems and the continuing furore over the matters in Western Europe and in gaining influence in the reforms of the church he had encouraged, Gregory was Eastern Roman Empire caused first Gregory VII then unable to persuade the nobility of Europe to go on Urban II to call for crusades against the moslems. In a Crusade, although he did try. In 1074, he wrote: “a pagan society wracked with violence, the possibility of sending race [has] overcome the Christians and with horrible restless landless knights to fight for the Cross – and for cruelty had devastated everything almost to the walls of precious land – in the East, seemed an extra benefit. Constantinople […] If we love God and wish to be Individual reasons for crusading varied: deep piety, recognized as Christians, […] we should lay down our military adventurism, the lure of absolution and desire to lives to liberate them” (Thatcher, “Gregory VII”). Gregory appease the church all seemed to be factors; as the was a great inspiration to the next pope Urban II and crusades passed, the intent of many of the crusaders doubtless Urban was thinking of his mentor when he became more secular and less pious and this culminated in devised his own call for a crusade.
    [Show full text]
  • The Sermon of Urban II in Clermont and the Tradition of Papal Oratory Georg Strack Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität, Munich
    medieval sermon studies, Vol. 56, 2012, 30–45 The Sermon of Urban II in Clermont and the Tradition of Papal Oratory Georg Strack Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität, Munich Scholars have dealt extensively with the sermon held by Urban II at the Council of Clermont to launch the First Crusade. There is indeed much room for speculation, since the original text has been lost and we have to rely on the reports of it in chronicles. But the scholarly discussion is mostly based on the same sort of sources: the chronicles and their references to letters and charters. Not much attention has been paid so far to the genre of papal synodal sermons in the Middle Ages. In this article, I focus on the tradition of papal oratory, using this background to look at the call for crusade from a new perspective. Firstly, I analyse the versions of the Clermont sermon in the crusading chronicles and compare them with the only address held by Urban II known from a non-narrative source. Secondly, I discuss the sermons of Gregory VII as they are recorded in synodal protocols and in historiography. The results support the view that only the version reported by Fulcher of Chartres corresponds to a sort of oratory common to papal speeches in the eleventh century. The speech that Pope Urban II delivered at Clermont in 1095 to launch the First Crusade is probably one of the most discussed sermons from the Middle Ages. It was a popular motif in medieval chronicles and is still an important source for the history of the crusades.1 Since we only have the reports of chroniclers and not the manuscript of the pope himself, each analysis of this address faces a fundamental problem: even the three writers who attended the Council of Clermont recorded three different versions, quite distinctive both in content and style.
    [Show full text]
  • The Returning Warrior and the Limits of Just War Theory
    THE RETURNING WARRIOR AND THE LIMITS OF JUST WAR THEORY R.J. Delahunty Professor of Law University of St. Thomas School of Law* In this essay, I seek to explore a Christian tradition that is nei- ther the just war theory nor pacifism. Unlike pacifism, this tradi- tion teaches that war is a necessary and inescapable aspect of the human condition, and that Christians cannot escape from engaging in it. Unlike just war theory, this tradition holds that engaging in war is intrinsically sinful, however justifiable that activity may be considered to be in the light of human law, morality or reason. Mi- chael Walzer captured the essence of this way of thinking in a cele- brated essay on the problem of “dirty hands.”1 Although Walzer’s essay was chiefly about political rather than military action, he rightly observed that there was a strand in Christian reflection that saw killing, whether in a just or unjust war, as defiling or even sin- ful, even if it conformed to moral and legal standards. That tradi- tion, though subordinate, still survives in Christian, especially Lu- theran, thought. The Church’s thought about war and peace went through sever- al phases before finally settling on the just war theory. Throughout much of the Middle Ages, the Church’s approach to war was pri- marily pastoral and unsystematic. Although opinions varied widely depending on the circumstances, the early medieval Church was commonly skeptical of the permissibility of killing in warfare. Ra- ther, the Church at that time tended to the view that killing – even in a just war – was sinful and required penance.
    [Show full text]
  • 01 the Investiture Contest and the Rise of Herod Plays in the Twelfth Century
    Western Michigan University ScholarWorks at WMU Early Drama, Art, and Music Medieval Institute 2021 01 The Investiture Contest and the Rise of Herod Plays in the Twelfth Century John Marlin Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/early_drama Part of the Medieval Studies Commons, and the Theatre History Commons WMU ScholarWorks Citation Marlin, John, "01 The Investiture Contest and the Rise of Herod Plays in the Twelfth Century" (2021). Early Drama, Art, and Music. 9. https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/early_drama/9 This Essay is brought to you for free and open access by the Medieval Institute at ScholarWorks at WMU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Early Drama, Art, and Music by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at WMU. For more information, please contact wmu- [email protected]. The Investiture Contest and the Rise of Herod Plays in the Twelfth Century John Marlin Since the publication of O. B. Hardison’s Christian Rite and Christian Drama in the Middle Ages,1 E. K. Chambers’s and Karl Young’s evolutionary models for liturgical drama’s development2 have been discarded. Yet the question remains of accounting for what Rosemary Woolf calls its “zig-zag” development,3 its apogee being the twelfth century. The growth and decline of Christmas drama is particularly intriguing, as most of Young’s samples of the simple shepherd plays, the Officium Pastores, come from the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, while the earliest Christmas play he documents, from an eleventh-century Freising Cathedral manuscript, is a complete play about Herod and the Magi, the Officium Stellae.
    [Show full text]
  • From Investiture to Worms: a Political Economy of European Development and the Rise of Secular Authority∗
    From Investiture to Worms: A Political Economy of European Development and the Rise of Secular Authority∗ Bruce Bueno de Mesquitay Ethan Bueno de Mesquitaz July 15, 2018 Abstract The endogenous consequences of competition between the Roman Catholic Church and secular rulers set into motion by the Investiture Controversy contribute new insights into European economic development, the rise of secular political authoriy, and the decline of the Catholic Church's political power. In particular, the resolution of the Investiture Controversy in the Concordat of Worms (1122) resulted in a significant increase in the bargaining power of secular rulers in wealthier polities relative to poorer polities. This created an institutional environment in which the Catholic Church had incentives to limit economic development while secular rulers could expand their political control by promoting development within their domain. Empirical evidence shows that the behavior of popes and of secular rulers changed in ways consistent with these incentives. The evidence indicates that the incentives created at Worms played a central role, starting hundreds of years before the Protestant Reformation, in the rise of secular political authority and its association with economic prosperity. ∗We have benefited from feedback from Scott Ashworth, Chris Berry, Wioletta Dziuda, Mark Fey, Alexan- der Fouirnaies, Anthony Fowler, Rose McDermott, Adam Przeworski, James Robinson, Shanker Satyanath, Alastair Smith, and Thomas Zeitzoff. Sasha Daich, Katie Jagel, Matt Osubor, and Andrew Peterson pro- vided excellent research assistance. yThe Wilf Family Department of Politics, NYU, email: [email protected] zHarris School of Public Policy, University of Chicago, email: [email protected] At least since the seminal work of Weber(1930), discussions of the political and economic development of Europe have sought to understand the linkage between economic prosperity, the rise of secular authority, and the decline of the Catholic Church as a political power.
    [Show full text]
  • Popes, Bishops, Deacons, and Priests: Church Leadership in the Middle Ages
    Popes, Bishops, Deacons, and Priests: Church Leadership in the Middle Ages by Colin D. Smith Popes, Bishops, Deacons, and Priests: Church Leadership in the Middle Ages 2 Introduction In January of 1077, at the apparent climax of what became known as the Investiture Controversy, Henry IV, the stubborn German Emperor, stood barefoot in a hair shirt in the snow outside the castle of Canossa, Italy, begging the pope, Gregory VII for clemency. During the course of the quarrel, Henry had attempted to depose the pope, and the pope responded by excommunicating the emperor and those bishops that sided with him. Historians seem to agree that Henry’s repentance was not all it seemed, and he was actually trying to win back his people and weaken the pope’s hand. In a sense, however, the motive behind why Henry did what he did is less important than the fact that, by the eleventh century, the church had come to figure so prominently, and the pope had ascended to such a position of both secular and ecclesiastical influence. That such a conflict between emperor and pope existed and had to be dealt with personally by the emperor himself bears testimony to the power that had come to reside with the Bishop of Rome. The purpose of this paper is to survey the growth of the church offices, in particular the papacy, from their biblical foundations, through to the end of the Middle Ages. In the process, the paper will pay attention to the development of traditions, the deviations from Biblical command and practice, and those who recognized the deviations and sought to do something about them.
    [Show full text]
  • Peter the Hermit: Straddling the Boundaries of Lordship, Millennialism, and Heresy Stanley Perdios Iowa State University
    Iowa State University Capstones, Theses and Graduate Theses and Dissertations Dissertations 2012 peter the hermit: straddling the boundaries of lordship, millennialism, and heresy Stanley Perdios Iowa State University Follow this and additional works at: https://lib.dr.iastate.edu/etd Part of the European History Commons, and the Religion Commons Recommended Citation Perdios, Stanley, "peter the hermit: straddling the boundaries of lordship, millennialism, and heresy" (2012). Graduate Theses and Dissertations. 12431. https://lib.dr.iastate.edu/etd/12431 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Iowa State University Capstones, Theses and Dissertations at Iowa State University Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Iowa State University Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Peter the Hermit: Straddling the boundaries of lordship, millennialism, and heresy by Stelios Vasilis Perdios A thesis submitted to the graduate faculty in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Major: History Program of Study Committee: Michael D. Bailey, Major Professor John W. Monroe Jana Byars Kevin Amidon Iowa State University Ames, Iowa 2012 Copyright © Stelios Vasilis Perdios, 2012. All Rights reserved. ii Table of Contents Chapter Page Chapter One: Introduction 1 Chapter Two: The Crisis of Secular Lordship 7 Chapter Three: The Crisis of Spiritual Lordship 35 Chapter Four: Lordship on the Eve of the Millennium 65 Chapter Five: Conclusion 95 Bibliography 99 1 Chapter One: Introduction When is a hermit not a hermit? When he is Peter the Hermit who led the Popular Crusade in the year 1096.
    [Show full text]
  • The Thirty Years' War: Examining the Origins and Effects of Corpus Christianum's Defining Conflict Justin Mcmurdie George Fox University, [email protected]
    Digital Commons @ George Fox University Seminary Masters Theses Seminary 5-1-2014 The Thirty Years' War: Examining the Origins and Effects of Corpus Christianum's Defining Conflict Justin McMurdie George Fox University, [email protected] This research is a product of the Master of Arts in Theological Studies (MATS) program at George Fox University. Find out more about the program. Recommended Citation McMurdie, Justin, "The Thirty Years' War: Examining the Origins and Effects of Corpus Christianum's Defining Conflict" (2014). Seminary Masters Theses. Paper 16. http://digitalcommons.georgefox.edu/seminary_masters/16 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Seminary at Digital Commons @ George Fox University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Seminary Masters Theses by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ George Fox University. A MASTER’S THESIS SUBMITTED TO GEORGE FOX EVANGELICAL SEMINARY FOR CHTH – 571-572: THESIS RESEARCH AND WRITING DR. DAN BRUNNER (PRIMARY ADVISOR) SPRING 2014 BY JUSTIN MCMURDIE THE THIRTY YEARS’ WAR: EXAMINING THE ORIGINS AND EFFECTS OF CORPUS CHRISTIANUM’S DEFINING CONFLICT APRIL 4, 2014 Copyright © 2014 by Justin M. McMurdie All rights reserved CONTENTS INTRODUCTION 1 PART 1: THE RELIGIOUS AND POLITICAL BACKGROUND OF THE THIRTY YEARS’ WAR 6 Corpus Christianum: The Religious, Social, and Political Framework of the West from Constantine to the Reformation 6 The Protestant Reformation, Catholic Counter-Reformation, and Intractable Problems for the “Holy Roman Empire of the
    [Show full text]
  • PACE NSC 2013 Round #5
    PACE NSC 2013 Round 5 Tossups 1. This figure exchanges insults with a boatman with a name meaning "Grey-beard" who refuses to ferry. One member of this deity’s retinue is in atonement for scraping the marrow out of a thighbone, and the sorceress Groa ran off while healing this son of Fyorgin. This god lifted and brought back a huge brewing-kettle for Aegir. A piece of (*) whetstone was stuck in his head after he got stuck under the corpse of Hrungnir. This employer of the servants Roskva and Thialfi was once at sea with Hymir, who cut his fishing line, and waited until sunlight so the dwarf Alvis would turn to stone. He once disguised himself as a bride and flew in his goat-driven chariot to reclaim a prized weapon. For 10 points, name this Norse god whose use of Mjolnir causes thunder. ANSWER: Thor [or Donar; or Thunor] <Jackson> 2. The Eravisci founded the settlement of Ak-Ink in this city, which was known as Aquincum in Roman times. During World War II, Rodion Malinovsky led a one hundred day siege of Axis troops in Castle Hill in this city. Following the destruction of this city by the Mongols in 1241, it was resettled on orders from Bela IV. A government in this city was granted expanded autonomy thanks to the "passive resistance" championed in the Easter Article by Ferenc Deak. This city became a national capital after the (*) 1920 Treaty of Trianon. Under the policy of Ausgleich, it became the secondary capital of the Dual Monarchy in 1867.
    [Show full text]
  • Indulgences: Practice V. Theology Caitlin Vest This Paper Was Written for Dr
    Indulgences: Practice v. Theology Caitlin Vest This paper was written for Dr. Shirley!s Medieval Church and Papacy course. It was presented at the 2009 Regional Phi Alpha Theta Conference at St. Leo University. It is presented here in abstract. In 1095, Pope Urban II granted the first full – or plenary – indulgence to those who died fighting, or intending to fight, the Muslims in the First Crusade. Soon, indulgences were used to raise an army and revenue for the Catholic Church. The increased use of indulgences led to a dramatic increase in the power of the Medieval papacy. It was not until a century after the first use of indulgences, however, that the theology of indulgences began to be developed. The fact that the practice of granting indulgences preceded the development of indulgence theology suggests that indulgences were necessary for reasons unrelated to theology. A plenary indulgence was the complete remission of penance for sin. This remission required no service or exchange from the penitent. All forms of commutations and indulgences required the penitent to have confessed and received absolution. These different types of indulgences evolved over time based on the needs of the church. They allowed the Church to compete with secular powers and also clearly defined the church hierarchy, headed by the pope. Having developed the practice of granting indulgences, the church needed to develop a theology to support it. Because of the belief that the Church was infallible, it was necessary to create theology to support the Church!s practice. The theology was influenced by, and served to justify, the practice.
    [Show full text]
  • Papal Overlordship and Protectio of the King, C.1000-1300
    1 PAPAL OVERLORDSHIP AND PROTECTIO OF THE KING, c.1000-1300 Benedict Wiedemann UCL Submitted for the degree of PhD in History 2017 2 I, Benedict Wiedemann, confirm that the work presented in this thesis is my own. Where information has been derived from other sources, I confirm that this has been indicated in the thesis. 3 Papal Overlordship and Protectio of the King, c.1000-1300 Abstract This thesis focuses on papal overlordship of monarchs in the middle ages. It examines the nature of alliances between popes and kings which have traditionally been called ‘feudal’ or – more recently – ‘protective’. Previous scholarship has assumed that there was a distinction between kingdoms under papal protection and kingdoms under papal overlordship. I argue that protection and feudal overlordship were distinct categories only from the later twelfth and early thirteenth centuries. Before then, papal-royal alliances tended to be ad hoc and did not take on more general forms. At the beginning of the thirteenth century kingdoms started to be called ‘fiefs’ of the papacy. This new type of relationship came from England, when King John surrendered his kingdoms to the papacy in 1213. From then on this ‘feudal’ relationship was applied to the pope’s relationship with the king of Sicily. This new – more codified – feudal relationship seems to have been introduced to the papacy by the English royal court rather than by another source such as learned Italian jurists, as might have been expected. A common assumption about how papal overlordship worked is that it came about because of the active attempts of an over-mighty papacy to advance its power for its own sake.
    [Show full text]
  • East and West: Cultural Dissonance and the “Great Schism of 1054”
    1 East and West: Cultural Dissonance and the “Great Schism of 1054” Margaret Trenchard-Smith, Loyola Marymount University Perception is an overwhelming force. Collective perceptions can be contra-factual. The memories of individuals, of institutions, often magnify the inconsequential, distort or omit. A failure of memory can be total, through accident or deliberate oblivion. Shared recollections and the narratives they form shape perceptions. Yet even when these things are faulty, they can have as much force as if they were sound—just as the effects of a rumor can be as damaging when false as when founded in fact.1 The “Great Schism of 1054” is perceived by many to be the momentous event that resulted in the permanent sundering of the “Western” Roman Catholic and “Eastern” Orthodox branches of Christendom.2 Factually, however, there is a problem with this perception, since it can plausibly be argued on technical and practical grounds (and has been argued by scholars like Francis Dvornik and Steven Runciman) that no schism occurred in 1054—certainly not the “Great Schism.”3 The perception of schism came about through cultural dissonance and alienation East and West which grew until at last the divorce became reality. When precisely that happened, however, is unclear. If not in 1054, when did the formal schism of the Great Church occur? Did it occur? From whose perspective, and by what criteria? There is no scholarly consensus on these questions.4 Please bear in mind that this paper has been written by an historian, not a theologian. These
    [Show full text]