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Gender in the Modernist City: Shaping Power Relations and National Identity with the Construction of Brasilia Larissa Pires Iowa State University

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Gender in the Modernist City: Shaping Power Relations and National Identity with the Construction of Brasilia Larissa Pires Iowa State University Iowa State University Capstones, Theses and Graduate Theses and Dissertations Dissertations 2013 Gender in the modernist city: shaping power relations and national identity with the construction of Brasilia Larissa Pires Iowa State University Follow this and additional works at: https://lib.dr.iastate.edu/etd Part of the Feminist, Gender, and Sexuality Studies Commons, Latin American History Commons, and the Urban Studies and Planning Commons Recommended Citation Pires, Larissa, "Gender in the modernist city: shaping power relations and national identity with the construction of Brasilia" (2013). Graduate Theses and Dissertations. 13193. https://lib.dr.iastate.edu/etd/13193 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Iowa State University Capstones, Theses and Dissertations at Iowa State University Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Iowa State University Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Gender in the modernist city: shaping power relations and national identity with the construction of Brasilia by Larissa Oliveira Pires A dissertation submitted to the graduate faculty in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Major: History of Technology and Science Program of Study Committee: Amy S. Bix, Major Professor David B. Wilson Kimberly E. Zarecor John W. Monroe Timothy S. Wolters Iowa State University Ames, Iowa 2013 Copyright © Larissa Oliveira Pires, 2013. All rights reserved. ii DEDICATION To Gabriela and Nathan. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS DEDICATION ii LIST OF FIGURES v LIST OF TABLES vi ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS vii ABSTRACT viii CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER 2. HISTORIOGRAPHY AND BACKGROUND 17 Historiography 19 Brasilia and urban history 36 Gender studies as a backdrop 47 CHAPTER 3. CONTEXTUALIZING BRASILIA 54 Bosco: foundation myth 54 Brazil: from colony to empire 58 Brazilian Republicanism and Positivism 62 Brazil: 1930s 69 Vargas returns: 1950s 77 Juscelino Kubitschek 81 Brasilia: the promised capital 84 Brasilia: a project for Kubitschek 87 Opposition and support 90 CHAPTER 4. BRASILIA: NATIONALISM AND ARCHITECTURE 102 iv Le Corbusier and Modernist architecture 104 Modern architecture in Brazil 118 Brasilia, the modernist city 127 CHAPTER 5. INEQUALITIES IN BRAZIL: RACE AND IMMIGRATION 139 Race as a theoretical framework 140 Racial democracy and whitening 144 Race in the Northeast: nordestino 149 Migrants: Brasilia’s working population 159 CHAPTER 6. BRASILIA: INEQUALITIES IN THE FRONTIER 165 Recruitment, work, and social organization 167 Nationalist discourse and inequality 179 Negotiating spaces through social mobilization 186 Malleable identities: candangos or pioneiros? 201 Violence in the city 210 CHAPTER 7. SHAPING GENDER ROLES IN BRASILIA 224 Tradition and modernity in Brazil’s gender relations 226 The development of Feminism in early 20th Century Brazil 235 Female sexuality and the drive for sexual liberation 241 Women in Brasilia 261 Sex, masculinity, and violence in the frontier city 283 CHAPTER 8. CONCLUSION 308 REFERENCES 317 v LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1 Current map of Brazil 58 Figure 2 American Financial World Poster 98 Figure 3 Brasilia’s Monumental Axis 133 Figure 4 Workers on their way to work 163 Figure 5 Map of planned and unplanned settlements 169 Figure 6 Identification post 171 Figure 7 Construction workers, or Candangos 203 vi LIST OF TABLES Table 1Non-white population in Brazil’s two major regions 143 vii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS First, I need to publicly acknowledge the role that God and faith played in this accomplishment. Through the long periods of self-doubt and through the often frustrating long days of research in which I could not see the end of this project, faith that somehow everything would work out is what kept me going. Faith that God was also giving me the strength to continue in spite of every setback was also crucial for the completion of this work. I also want to thank my advisor Dr. Amy Bix who, through program changes, relocation, insecurities, and a constant bombardment of emails was always patiently by my side or “in my corner” as I like to say. With thoughtful suggestions, quick and efficient feedback, and general advice she helped me explore my topic and shape my discussion and analysis. She was nice, supportive, a mentor and a friend, and for that I am grateful. I also want to thank Jennifer Rivera, who through this long academic journey served as administrative and emotional support. Unexpectedly, what was professional became personal, and she became forever a close friend. I want to thank my parents, Alba and Helcio Pires, who are examples of resilience, intellectual curiosity, everlasting faith, and unending love. Without them and without their support I certainly would not be where I am now. Thank you and I hope I make you proud. Finally, I need to thank my husband, Rafael Quirino for his emotional, personal, and physical support. His unwavering belief in me, and his willingness to step in and help out viii with whatever was needed helped me prove that family life, maternity, and graduate school are not incompatible elements. For many weekends he played the “single-parent” role to our two children, while I hid in my office and wrote. For many nights he slept with our infant in order to help me rest for another day of research and dissertating. He is my partner, he is my rock, he is my fan, and he is my role model. Thank you. As for my children, our youngest is too young to remember, but I hope our daughter will look at my absences as a sign of perseverance and hard work. I did this for me, for my professional and personal ambitions, but I also did this for you, sweetheart. Thank you for inspiring me, and thank you for always welcoming me with a tight hug and a sweet kiss; it made everything ok. ix ABSTRACT This study explores the period from 1956 to 1960, when Brazil officially relocated its political center from Rio de Janeiro to Brasilia. It examines the complex process of defining national identity for Brazilian citizens in a frontier city, within the framework of conflicting racial, social, and gender roles and expectations. Methodologically, this work is based on an extensive research of Brasilia’s public records, newspapers, and oral-history interviews with some of the men and women who lived and worked in Brasilia. Most of the primary sources used are found in Brasilia’s Public Archives. Building on existing scholarship, this work expands into the field of gender studies and inequality, and illustrates the intricate ways that the frontier capital’s social expectations intersected with pre-established gender roles to create a unique new context of identities. Within this setting, men and women from different racial, social, and regional backgrounds experienced the new urban space in often contrasting ways, with levels of equality, emancipation, and integration varying according to gender, race, and class. This study also argues for the continued existence of regional racism as a reality that complicated the rhetoric of modernization and the goal of shaping a progressive Brazilian national identity, as embodied in the construction of a new capital. It also uncovers the malleability of Brazilians’ self-identification, and the importance of terminology in this process. In this sense, Brasilia’s inhabitants during the 1950s described themselves as either candangos or pioneiros. This terminology lay at the heart of disputes over inequalities, since each term carried different social and racial values. Finally, this work explores the universe of gender x roles and expectations by unveiling how masculinity and femininity were exercised differently in Brasilia, and how conflicting gender manifestations both reinforced and challenged traditional patriarchy, according to social and racial categorizations. 1 CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION If you are ever going to build more capital cities, invite me to go, and I will! It was a wonderful experience. It was great to arrive here, to look around at this vast, empty wilderness and then today see this wonder that is Brasilia.1 This delighted reminiscence from Brazilian worker Georgina Camara of the thrill she felt upon arriving in Brasilia in 1958 illustrates a sense of the city that many visitors still feel today. Travelers to Brasilia often feel the unnerving sensation of having landed in a distant land, a foreign and even alien country. The city’s architecture bears no resemblance to the country’s traditional colonial architectural style. Likewise, it does not possess the dizzying verticality of other Brazilian metropolitan centers. As the seat of Brazil’s political power, it is unquestionably a modern capital, but does not evoke the majesty and magnitude of traditional capital cities in other countries that feature elaborate monuments and symbols. Instead, Brasilia’s monumentality lies in its clear and horizontal lines, its connection with the blue horizon, and the buildings’ sharp contrast of modernist angles and lines with daring curvature. The city impresses not only with its architecture, but also with the fact that it was created from scratch, in the middle of Brazil’s open cerrado, or plateau, in the record breaking time frame of only four years. With all this, Brasilia’s past, present, and future truly deserve attention. 1Testimony of Georgina Camara who arrived in Brasilia in 1958. Cited in Mourao, Tania Fontenele; Oliveira, Monica Ferreira Gaspar de. Poeira e Batom no Planalto Central. 50 Mulheres na Construcao de Brasilia. Athalaia Grafica e Editora, 2010, p. 81. All translations from Portuguese to English from this source by the author. 2 On December 7, 1987, Brasilia was inscribed in the World Heritage List, a compilation by the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) of international sites deemed to hold outstanding universal values as symbols of specific cultures and artistic or intellectual production.2 The honor given to Brasilia reflected its importance as a landmark in the history of urban planning and innovative modernist architecture.
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