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Honorary Doctor of Social Science Dr LIEN Chan Citation Written and Delivered by Professor CHENG Pei-Kai
2011 學位頒授典禮 2011 Congregation Honorary Doctor of Social Science Dr LIEN Chan Citation written and delivered by Professor CHENG Pei-kai Pro-Chancellor: Dr Lien Chan grew up in a family with a scholarly tradition, receiving his education from his father at a very young age. In addition to being an accomplished scholar, he has long devoted himself to public and political affairs and over the course of his career has become a major influence on both the academic and the political life of Taiwan. Now Honorary Chairman of the Kuomintang of China, and Chairman of the Board of Directors of the Lien Chan Foundation for Peace and Development, Dr Lien Chan has made historic contributions to promoting peace across the Taiwan Strait, not only by encouraging cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Chinese Communist Party, but also by promoting friendly relations between Taiwan and the mainland. In so doing he has not only won the acclaim of the far-sighted, but has also opened a new page in the history of China. Dr Lien’s family originated in Longxi county in Zhangzhou prefecture, Fujian. From there his forefathers migrated to Tainan, Taiwan, where they were held in high esteem. In 1895, the Qing Government ceded Taiwan and the Penghu Islands to Japan, prompting Dr Lien’s grandfather Lien Heng, who was opposed to Japanese colonial rule, to write, using his own funds, A General History of Taiwan. In that work he pays tribute to the Chinese people for the hard, pioneering work they had put into the development of the island. -
27 the China Factor in Taiwan
Wu Jieh-min, 2016, “The China Factor in Taiwan: Impact and Response”, pp. 425-445 in Gunter Schubert ed., Handbook of T Modern Taiwan Politics and Society, Routledge. 27 THE CHINA FACTOR IN TAIWAN Impact and response Jieh-Min Wu* Since the turn of the century, the rise of China has inspired global a1nbitions and heightened international anxiety. Though Chinese influence is not a ne\V factor in the international geo political syste1n, the synergy between China's growing purchasing po\ver and its political \vill is dra\ving increasing attention on the world stage. With China's e111ergence as a global econontic powerhouse and the Chinese state's extraction of massive revenues and tremendous foreign reserves, Beijing has learned to flex these financial 1nuscles globally in order to achieve its polit ical goals. Essentially, the rise of China has enabled the PRC to speed up its n1ilitary moderniza tion and adroitly co1nbine econonllc measures and 'united front \Vork' in pursuit of its national interests. Hence Taiwan, whose sovereignty continues to be contested by the PRC, has been heavily i1npacted by China's new strategy. The Chinese ca1npaign kno\vn as 'using business to steer politics' has arguably been success ful in achieving inany of the effects desired by Beijing. For exan1ple, the Chinese government has repeatedly leveraged Taiwan's trade and econonllc dependence to intervene in Taiwan's elections. Such econonllc dependence n1ay constrain Taiwanese choices within a structure of Beijing's creation. In son1e historical 1no1nents, however, subjective identity and collect ive action could still en1erge as 'independent variables' that open up \Vindo\vs of opportun ity, expanding the range of available choices. -
Voting Shift in the November 2014 Local Elections in Taiwan
Current affairs China perspectives Voting Shift in the November 2014 Local Elections in Taiwan Strong rebuke to Ma Ying-jeou's government and policies and landslide victory for the DPP. FRANK MUYARD n 29 November 2014, Taiwan held the largest series of local elections policies, including its trumpeted cross-strait economic and political rap - in its history, in a nine-in-one format combining polls for 11,130 po - prochement, left the KMT candidates with few national or local policy Ositions, ranging from mayors of municipalities and cities achievements to run with. In many cases, Ma was seen as so politically toxic (zhixiashi/shizhang 直轄市 /市長 ), county magistrates ( xianzhang 縣長 ), city that candidates declined to stand with him on a public stage. In a desperate and county councillors ( shi/xian yihuiyuan 市/縣議會員 ), township chiefs attempt, Lien Sheng-wen and the KMT tried to nationalise and polarise the (zhenzhang 鎮長 , xiangzhang 鄉長 ), and village and borough chiefs ( cunzhang campaign into a classic Blue-Green battle around cross-strait relations and 村長 , lizhang 里長 ), to indigenous district chiefs and councillors ( zhixiashi identity, pushing the “save the Republic of China (ROC)” card to rally deep- shandi yuanzhumin quzhang , qumin daibiao 直轄市山地原住民區長，區民 Blue voters and prop up their campaign. It had the mostly opposite result 代表 ). All were elected for four-year terms. Two-and-a-half years into the sec - of showing even more clearly the disconnect between today’s mainstream ond presidential term of Ma Ying-jeou, the nation-wide elections were seen national Taiwanese identity and the KMT mainlander old guard such as for - as a mid-term test for his administration and a prelude to the next legislative mer premiers Hau Pei-tsun 郝柏村 and Lien Chan, aggravated by repeated and presidential elections in early 2016. -
China-Taiwan Relations: Relative Calm in the Strait
Comparative Connections A Triannual E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations China-Taiwan Relations: Relative Calm in the Strait David G. Brown, Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies Kevin Scott, The Brookings Institution The contrast between tensions elsewhere in the region and the relative calm in the Taiwan Strait, evident for some time, was clearly in focus in the first months of 2013. In a late April event commemorating the 20th anniversary of cross-strait exchanges, President Ma Ying-jeou said recent progress is “an example for East Asia and the world by demonstrating peaceful resolution of disputes.” With little fanfare, Taipei and Beijing continue to make slow but steady progress in expanding and institutionalizing cross-strait ties. Health and crime issues, which provoked controversy in the past, have been addressed cooperatively and talks on an exchange of unofficial representative offices have begun. Nevertheless, fundamental policy divergences and differences over the pace and scope of interaction will likely place real limits on future integration. Taipei and Tokyo successfully concluded a landmark fisheries agreement with respect to the Senkaku/Diaoyutai Islands that constructively focuses on resource cooperation. Cross-strait progress During the first four months of 2013, the region was threatened by hostile rhetoric from North Korea as well as continuing tensions in the East and South China Seas. In the midst of this turmoil, relative stability prevailed in the Taiwan Strait, where the two sides continued to make modest but steady progress in expanding economic relations and institutionalizing ties. The most significant step was the implementation of the Cross-Strait Currency Settlement Memorandum of Understanding (MOU), which provides a framework for the use of the Renminbi (RMB) in Taiwan and the New Taiwan Dollar (NT$) in China. -
The Divided China Problem: Conflict And
Hoover Press : EPP 101 DP5 HPEP01FM01 24-05-00 rev2 page i THE DIVIDED CHINA PROBLEM Conflict Avoidance and Resolution Linda Chao and Ramon H. Myers HOOVER INSTITUTION on War, Revolution and Peace Stanford University 2000 Hoover Press : EPP 101 DP5 HPEP01FM01 24-05-00 rev2 page ii The Hoover Institution on War, Revolution and Peace, founded at Stanford University in 1919 by Herbert Hoover, who went on to become the thirty-first president of the United States, is an interdisciplinary research center for advanced study on domestic and international affairs. The views expressed in its publications are entirely those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the staff, officers, or Board of Overseers of the Hoover Institution. www.hoover.org Essays in Public Policy No. 101 Copyright 2000 by the Board of Trustees of the Leland Stanford Junior University Material contained in this essay may be quoted with appropriate citation. First printing, 2000 Manufactured in the United States of America 050403020100987654321 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Chao, Linda. The divided China problem : conflict avoidance and resolution / Linda Chao and Ramon H. Myers ; Hoover Institution on War, Revolution and Peace. p. cm. — (Essays in public policy ; 101) Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 0-8179-4361-5 (paper : acid-free) 1. China—Foreign relations—Taiwan. 2. Taiwan—Foreign relations—China. 3. China—Foreign relations—1949– 4. Taiwan—Foreign relations—1945– 5. Chinese reunification question, 1949– 6. United States—Foreign relations—China. 7. China—Foreign relations—United States. 8. United States—Foreign relations— Taiwan. 9. Taiwan—Foreign relations—United States. -
Taiwan's 9-In-1 Local Elections
12th Annual Conference on “The Taiwan Issue in China-Europe Relations” Shanghai, China September 21-22, 2015 A workshop jointly organised by the German Institute for International and Security Affairs / Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik (SWP), Berlin and the Shanghai Institutes for International Studies (SIIS), Shanghai. With friendly support of the Friedrich-Ebert- Stiftung (Shanghai Office). Discussion Paper Do not cite or quote without author’s permission Taiwan’s 9-in-1 local elections: Implications for 2016 Jonathan Sullivan School of Contemporary Chinese Studies, University of Nottingham Taiwan’s 9-in-1 local elections: Implications for 2016 Jonathan Sullivan1 Introduction In November 2014, Taiwan undertook a largescale exercise in democratic competition, with the simultaneous election of over eleven thousand public officials. The election results were interpreted as a categorical reversal for the ruling Kuomintang (KMT).2 The KMT share of the popular vote was among its worst ever nationwide performances (just over 40%), and the party ceded control of a number of previous strongholds. In terms of the highest level of office on offer, the party won six of 22 mayoral and commissioner contests, its worst showing since 1997 when it won eight of 23 available seats. The opposition Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) increased its share from six mayoral and commissioner seats (from 2009 and 2010 when elections were held separately), to 13 out of 22. A DPP-endorsed independent with no political experience, Ko Wen- je (Ke Wenzhe 柯文哲), won the marquee contest for Taipei City, beating the KMT candidate, Sean Lien (Lian Shengwen 連勝文), scion of the fabulously wealthy political family that had given us earlier benchmarks in electoral futility, including Lien Chan’s (Lian Zhan 連戰) third place in the 2000 presidential election. -
Taiwan's 2014 Nine-In-One Election
TAIWAN’S 2014 NINE-IN-ONE ELECTION: GAUGING POLITICS, THE PARTIES, AND FUTURE LEADERS By John F. Copper* TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION .................................. 2 II. PAN-GREEN’S HANDICAPS ...................... 6 III. PAN-BLUE’S TRAVAILS ........................... 17 IV. PRE-ELECTION POLITICS ........................ 28 A. State of the Economy ............................ 28 B. Sunflower Student Movement ................... 31 C. Gas Explosion in Kaohsiung and Bad Cooking Oil Incidents ..................................... 36 V. THE CANDIDATES AND THE CAMPAIGN ..... 39 A. Taipei Mayor Race: Sean Lien v. KO Wen-je .... 44 B. Taichung Mayor Race: Jason Hu v. LIN Chia- Lung . ............................................ 48 C. Predictions of Other Elections ................... 50 D. How Different Factors May Have Influenced Voting ........................................... 50 VI. THE ELECTION RESULTS ........................ 51 A. Taipei City Mayoral Election Results ............ 53 B. Taichung Mayoral Election Results .............. 55 C. New Taipei Mayoral, Taoyuan Mayoral and Other Election Results ................................. 56 D. Main Reasons Cited Locally for the DPP Win and KMT Defeat ................................ 59 E. Reaction and Interpretation of the Election by the Media and Officialdom in Other Countries . 61 VII. CONCLUSIONS ......... ........................... 64 A. Consequences of This Election in Terms of Its Impact on Taiwan’s Future ...................... 70 * John F. Copper is the Stanley J. Buckman Professor of International Studies (emeritus) at Rhodes College in Memphis, Tennessee. He is the author of a number of books on Taiwan, including Taiwan’s Democracy on Trial in 2010, Taiwan: Nation-State or Province? Sixth edition in 2013 and The KMT Returns to Power: Elections in Taiwan 2008 to 2012 (Lanham: Lexington Books, 2013). He has written on Taiwan’s elections since 1980. (1) 2 CONTEMPORARY ASIAN STUDIES SERIES B. -
Political Change in Taiwan: Implications for American Policy An
Political Change in Taiwan: Implications for American Policy An address by RICHARD BUSH and Roundtable Discussion on Taiwan’s Historic 2000 Elections October 2000 Table of Contents 5 About the Speaker Welcoming Remarks by Russell Hancock, Director of the 7 Walter H. Shorenstein Forum Introduction by Michel Oksenberg, Senior Fellow, Institute 9 for International Studies, Stanford University Address by Richard Bush, Chairman of the Board and 10 Managing Director, American Institute in Taiwan “Political Change in Taiwan: Implications for American Policy” Roundtable Discussion on Taiwan’s Historic 2000 33 Elections Larry Diamond, Senior Fellow, Hoover Insti- 34 tution and Professor of Political Science and Sociology, Stanford University Suisheng Zhao, Campbell National Fellow, 40 Hoover Institution, Stanford University Ramon H. Myers, Senior Fellow, Hoover Insti- 46 tution and Curator of the East Asian Collec- tion, Stanford University 3 About the Speaker RICHARD BUSH Chairman of the Board and Managing Director The American Institute in Taiwan Richard Bush is chairman of the board and managing director of the American Institute in Taiwan (AIT), a private or- ganization that conducts unofficial re- lations with the island of Taiwan on behalf of the United States government. Established in April 1979, AIT has a small headquar- ters in Washington, D.C., and offices in Taipei and Kaohsiung. Dr. Bush was appointed to the AIT Board by Secretary of State Madeleine Albright on September 2, 1997, and was selected as chairman and managing director on the same day. Dr. Bush was born in Chicago in 1947. As a boy, he lived in the Philippines (1950–55) and Hong Kong (1960–65), where his par- ents were missionaries. -
Newspaper and Television Advertising in 2004 Taiwan Presidential Election Christian Schafferer
Newspaper and Television Advertising in 2004 Taiwan Presidential Election Christian Schafferer Please note: This is a draft only At the end of the 20th century, political marketing appeared to have become a global phenomenon with more and more election campaigns resembling those of the US. Comparative research by Bowler (1992), Farrell (1996), Butler (1992) and others has shown the existence of a so-called ‘Americanization’ of election campaign practices in other democracies. This globalization of campaigning that can be best described as media and money driven has not only affected traditional democracies but also democracies of the Third Wave. The reason behind this worldwide proliferation of US campaigning is partly seen as the result of a modernization process and partly considered as a consequence of a transnational diffusion and implementation of US concepts and strategies of electoral campaigning. Modernization theorists claim that structural changes at the macro-level (changing media, political and social structure) has caused adaptive behavior at the micro level (parties, candidates, and journalists). Supporters of the transnational diffusion theory, however, focus “on the micro-level of entrepreneurial actors, exporting their strategic know-how to foreign contexts by supply- or demand- driven consultancy activities, thus changing and modifying the campaign practice in the respective countries.” (Plasser 2002, p.17). Observations on developments in East Asia suggest that any change in electoral campaigning has had its roots in both the macro and micro level, and its boundaries are set by institutional, legal, and social factors (Schafferer, forthcoming). As to Taiwan, the lifting of martial law in 1987 paved the way for a new era of election campaigning. -
Recent Japan-Taiwan Relations and the Taiwan Situation
Recent Japan-Taiwan Relations and the Taiwan Situation July 2013 First and Second China and Mongolia Divisions Asian and Oceanian Affairs Bureau, Ministry of Foreign Affairs Japan and Taiwan in general：Maintain Close, Friendly Relations - Record number of short-term visitors in both directions based on the positive public sentiment- (L) Group of Taiwanese high school students (100 students Positive public opinion members) visiting Japan as the Kizuna (Bond) Project [Photo: Interchange Association, Japan] Do not feel Don't know close to Japan 20% Close interaction & cultural exchange 4% Feel really Taiwan ⇒ Japan 1,466,688 (up 47.6% on the previous year) (Data) Japan National Tourist close to Japan 2012 Do not feel really 54% No. of short-term visitors *Record high: 2nd place ahead of China Organization close to Japan (Data) Tourism Bureau, Japan ⇒ Taiwan 1,432,315 (up 10.6% on the previous year) 2012 Ministry of Transportation & 11% No. of short-term visitors *Record high Communications, Taiwan No. of Japanese nationals As of Mar (Data) Ministry of the living in Taiwan 11,661 2013 Interior, Taiwan (long-term residents) * Results of Jan 2013 opinion poll of 1,002 Taiwanese citizens by No. of people studying 232,967 Interchange Association, Japan. 2012 (Data) Japan Foundation Japanese in Taiwan (5th after China, Indonesia, ROK & Australia) 58,837 No. of candidates for Japanese Jul + Dec (World's highest no. of candidates as a (Data) Japan Foundation Language Proficiency Test 2012 percentage of population) No. of international students 4,617 (Data) Japan Student Services Do not feel close to May 2012 from Taiwan (3rd after China & ROK) Organization Taiwan at all 7% Feel really close to Taiwan Do not feel really 48% close to Taiwan 26% Feel very close to Taiwan 19% * Results of May 2011 opinion poll of 1,000 Japanese adults by Taipei Economic & Cultural Representative Office in Japan. -
Cross-Strait Relations: Skepticism Abounds Alan D. Romberg
Cross-Strait Relations: Skepticism Abounds Alan D. Romberg Whether the issue is internal splits within Taiwan’s two major political parties or Beijing’s view of the parties and their leaders, the predominating mood today is skepticism. Not only have Tsai Ing-wen’s poll numbers continued to drop, she also faces increasing pressure from the Mainland. And although Wu Den-yih successfully assumed chairmanship of the badly riven Kuomintang (KMT), his reversion to Ma Ying-jeou’s carefully crafted cross-Strait policy has contributed to PRC doubts about the depth of his commitment to “one China.” Finally, while strengthening ties with Taiwan, even the United States has shown some frustration with both Taipei and Beijing about the need to do more to promote cross-Strait dialogue. Beijing Tightens the Net—Slowly After blocking Taiwan’s effort to send an “observer” to the May 2017 World Health Assembly (WHA),1 Beijing upped the ante in its campaign against Tsai Ing-wen and her DPP administration, including but going beyond issues of international space.2 Regarding WHA, with the departure of China-friendly WHO Director-General Margaret Chan in mid-2017,3 China’s support for her successor was clearly related to the new DG’s pledge to handle the Taiwan issue, including at WHA, in accordance with the “one China” principle.4 The Mainland also applied pressure on Taiwan’s diplomatic relations, finally allowing Panama to switch from Taipei to Beijing after deflecting it for several years.5 In the process, Panama’s recognition of “one China” of which Taiwan is an “inalienable part,” and its severance of all diplomatic and official “relations or exchanges” with Taiwan featured prominently.6 As PRC foreign minister Wang Yi noted, this agreement demonstrated that the “one China” principle is the fundamental premise and political basis on which the two countries could establish diplomatic ties. -
Retrospect and Prospects of Cross-Strait Political Relations
12th Annual Conference on “The Taiwan Issue in China-Europe Relations” Shanghai, China September 21-22, 2015 A workshop jointly organised by the German Institute for International and Security Affairs / Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik (SWP), Berlin and the Shanghai Institutes for International Studies (SIIS), Shanghai. With friendly support of the Friedrich-Ebert- Stiftung (Shanghai Office). Discussion Paper Do not cite or quote without author’s permission Retrospect and Prospects of Cross-Strait Political Relations NI Yongjie Deputy Director of Shanghai Taiwan Research Institute Editor-in-chief of Taiwan Strait Research Retrospect and Prospects of Cross-Strait Political Relations Ni Yongjie Since 2008, cross-strait relations have come to a new era of peaceful development, and considerable progress has been made in the political relations across the strait, involving many areas and many levels, with the pioneering and leading significance. However, the development of political relations across the strait have lagged behind that of the economic and cultural relations across the strait. The bounded political relations have restricted the consolidation and deepening of the peaceful development of the cross-strait relations. I. Achievements Since 2008, bumper practical results have been obtained in pushing ahead the development of political relations across the strait, as the main marks and important motive force in the peaceful development of cross-strait relations, and they are embodied mainly in six aspects. The political mutual trust across the strait has kept on enhancing, and the common political foundation of adhering to the “1992 Consensus” and opposing “Taiwan independence” has been established. The high levels of both Mainland and Taiwan have repeatedly emphasized the importance of the “1992 Consensus”, with the core of adhering to the one-China principle and the key point as recognizing that both the Mainland and Taiwan belong to one China.