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The Use of Helicopters Against Guerrillas the Israeli Model
JEMEAA - FEATURE The Use of Helicopters against Guerrillas The Israeli Model DR. TAL TOVY ince its establishment, the State of Israel has been facing a bloody struggle against terrorism and guerrilla warfare, in addition to four conventional wars.1 The Israeli war against guerrilla fighters or terrorists began almost Simmediately after the War of Independence. Palestinian terrorists attempted to infiltrate Israel from the surrounding Arab countries and perform sabotage ac- tions near the border, which were little more than lines drawn on a map and proved wholly inadequate in stopping the infiltrations. After the 1967 war, most terrorists crossed over from Jordan. Following the “Black September” conflict in 1970 and up until 1982 (Operation Peace for Galilee), most terrorists infiltrated through the Lebanese border. In the 1980s and 1990s, Israel fought against the Shiite Amal Movement and Hezbollah organization in Lebanon. Since October 2000, Israel has struggled against widespread military uprisings in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. To counter these activities, the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) uses various opera- tional methods. Special Forces have raided known terrorist bases and routine se- curity activities have been conducted along the borders and in the major cities. A third method has been targeting specific terrorist leaders or installations in the Middle East and in Europe. Most operations of the first and third categories are still classified. The IDF has launched a few large attacks targeting terrorist infra- structure—for example Karameh and Litany—with the most extensive one being the Lebanon War (1982), at least initially. In these large-scale operations, Israel has deployed massive infantry, armor, and artillery forces. -
Palestine 100 Years of Struggle: the Most Important Events Yasser
Palestine 100 Years of Struggle: The Most Important Events Yasser Arafat Foundation 1 Early 20th Century - The total population of Palestine is estimated at 600,000, including approximately 36,000 of the Jewish faith, most of whom immigrated to Palestine for purely religious reasons, the remainder Muslims and Christians, all living and praying side by side. 1901 - The Zionist Organization (later called the World Zionist Organization [WZO]) founded during the First Zionist Congress held in Basel Switzerland in 1897, establishes the “Jewish National Fund” for the purpose of purchasing land in Palestine. 1902 - Ottoman Sultan Abdul Hamid II agrees to receives Theodor Herzl, the founder of the Zionist movement and, despite Herzl’s offer to pay off the debt of the Empire, decisively rejects the idea of Zionist settlement in Palestine. - A majority of the delegates at The Fifth Zionist Congress view with favor the British offer to allocate part of the lands of Uganda for the settlement of Jews. However, the offer was rejected the following year. 2 1904 - A wave of Jewish immigrants, mainly from Russia and Poland, begins to arrive in Palestine, settling in agricultural areas. 1909 Jewish immigrants establish the city of “Tel Aviv” on the outskirts of Jaffa. 1914 - The First World War begins. - - The Jewish population in Palestine grows to 59,000, of a total population of 657,000. 1915- 1916 - In correspondence between Sir Henry McMahon, the British High Commissioner in Egypt, and Sharif Hussein of Mecca, wherein Hussein demands the “independence of the Arab States”, specifying the boundaries of the territories within the Ottoman rule at the time, which clearly includes Palestine. -
THE PLO and the PALESTINIAN ARMED STRUGGLE by Professor Yezid Sayigh, Department of War Studies, King's College London
THE PLO AND THE PALESTINIAN ARMED STRUGGLE by Professor Yezid Sayigh, Department of War Studies, King's College London The emergence of a durable Palestinian nationalism was one of the more remarkable developments in the history of the modern Middle East in the second half of the 20th century. This was largely due to a generation of young activists who proved particularly adept at capturing the public imagination, and at seizing opportunities to develop autonomous political institutions and to promote their cause regionally and internationally. Their principal vehicle was the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), while armed struggle, both as practice and as doctrine, was their primary means of mobilizing their constituency and asserting a distinct national identity. By the end of the 1970s a majority of countries – starting with Arab countries, then extending through the Third World and the Soviet bloc and other socialist countries, and ending with a growing number of West European countries – had recognized the PLO as the legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. The United Nations General Assembly meanwhile confirmed the right of the stateless Palestinians to national self- determination, a position adopted subsequently by the European Union and eventually echoed, in the form of support for Palestinian statehood, by the United States and Israel from 2001 onwards. None of this was a foregone conclusion, however. Britain had promised to establish a Jewish ‘national home’ in Palestine when it seized the country from the Ottoman Empire in 1917, without making a similar commitment to the indigenous Palestinian Arab inhabitants. In 1929 it offered them the opportunity to establish a self-governing agency and to participate in an elected assembly, but their community leaders refused the offer because it was conditional on accepting continued British rule and the establishment of the Jewish ‘national home’ in what they considered their own homeland. -
The War of Attrition in the “Land of Pursuits”: the 1968-1970 War in the Jordan Valley Dr
The War of Attrition in the “Land of Pursuits”: The 1968-1970 War in the Jordan Valley Dr. Aaron Yaffe1 Introduction Following the 1967 War, a War of Attrition began on the eastern front. At a meeting in Damascus, on June 23, 1967, headed by Yasser Arafat, the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) leadership decided to continue the armed struggle against Israel by moving all organizations’ headquarters into the occupied territories. This resolution opened a new front in the Jordan Valley, followed by armed terror squads crossing the Jordan River and the Jordan Valley on their way to the eastern mountains of Samaria. The purpose of these infiltrations was to stir up the Palestinians in the West Bank into a popular rebellion or disobedience, to supply them with weapons and to prepare an effective leadership to initiate and execute terror operations in the future. The Israel Defense Forces (IDF), aware of these intentions, developed a new strategy based on two major components: A. Constructing land barriers of few elements, taking into account the Jordan River and the topography of the Jordan Valley. B. Developing a “Pursuits Strategy”, which was based on pursuing terrorists by foot, by vehicle, and by air in which operations were led by the high ranking commanders to engage terrorists face to face and liquidate them before they cross the Jordan River and attack civilians. The IDF performed dozens of pursuit operations in which most of the terrorist were killed or captured. In addition to 140 pursuit actions, the Central Command initiated 28 operations, whose goal was to raid terrorist bases on their own ground, searching for terrorists and liquidating them before they cross the Jordan River border. -
Black September and Identity Construction in Jordan
Article OPEN ACCESS Black September and Identity Construction in Jordan Georgetown University, Washington D.C., USA Barbara Gallets Email: [email protected] Abstract The events of Black September were a turning point in the development of Jordanian st identity. As a result of the attempt on King Hussein’s life on 1 September 1970 and the subsequent bloody civil war that played out between the Palestinian Resistance Movements that had acted as a “state within a state” inside Jordan, the Hashemite government expelled the Palestinian Liberation Organization from the country and other Fedayeen groups that comprised the Palestinian Resistance Movements. A second consequence of the war was the increased distrust of Palestinians and the crystallization of a distinct Jordanian identity as a reaction to the developing Palestinian identity. After a brief overview of the events leading up to Black September and the war itself, this paper describes the period of “Jordanization” that the government, the military, and the public sector experienced under Prime Minister Wasfi al-Tall. It then discusses the expanding societal divisions of the period immediately following, during which the state restructured itself at the expense of the Jordanians of Palestinian origin. Finally, the paper discusses social manifestations that resulted from the government’s construction of a Jordanian national identity, such as the linguistic assimilation of Palestinian males, and the use of the kefiyyeh to denote ethnic identity and political stances. http://dx.doi.org/10.5339/ messa.2015.12 Accepted: 1 March 2015 © 2015, Gallets, licensee Bloomsbury Qatar Foundation Journals. This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution license CC BY 4.0, which permits unrestricted use, distribution and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. -
The Making of a Palestinian Islamist Leader an Interview with Khalid Mishal
THE MAKING OF A PALESTINIAN ISLAMIST LEADER AN INTERVIEW WITH KHALID MISHAL:PART I MOUIN RABBANI Khalid Mishal (Abu Walid), a founder of the Islamic Resistance Movement (Hamas) and the head of its politbureau since 1996, has been the recognized head of the movement since the assassination of Shaykh Ahmad Yasin in spring 2004. Despite his considerable influence within the organization, at least dating back to the early 1990s, Mishal did not attract attention in the West until he survived Israel’s botched assassination attempt in Amman in September 1997, which made headlines when King Hussein (with possible help from U.S. President Bill Clinton) compelled Israeli prime minister Ben- jamin Netanyahu to provide the antidote to the poison with which he had been injected in broad daylight by Mossad agents disguised as Canadian tourists. Mishal’s prominence has only increased following the Hamas vic- tory in the January 2006 legislative elections in the occupied territories. De- spite the U.S.-led campaign to isolate the Islamist movement internationally, Mishal has functioned as the main interlocutor with regional and interna- tional actors seeking direct or informal contact with the organization, as well as with the international media. Since Hamas’s “external leadership” was expelled from Jordan in August 1999 following the ascension of King Abdallah II, Mishal has been based in Damascus. I met him there several times in 2006 and 2007 in my then- capacity as senior Middle East analyst with the International Crisis Group, and I had been impressed by his willingness to engage in substantive discus- sion to a degree rare among political leaders (of whatever nationality). -
THE ROLE and STATUS of PALESTINIAN WOMEN in the STRUGGLE for NATIONAL LIBERATION: STATIC OR DYNAMIC? by Ashley Michelle Toenjes
The Role and Status of Palestininan Women in the Struggle for National Liberation: Static or Dynamic? Item Type text; Electronic Thesis Authors Toenjes, Ashley Publisher The University of Arizona. Rights Copyright © is held by the author. Digital access to this material is made possible by the University Libraries, University of Arizona. Further transmission, reproduction or presentation (such as public display or performance) of protected items is prohibited except with permission of the author. Download date 02/10/2021 06:45:04 Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/201492 THE ROLE AND STATUS OF PALESTINIAN WOMEN IN THE STRUGGLE FOR NATIONAL LIBERATION: STATIC OR DYNAMIC? by Ashley Michelle Toenjes ______________________ A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of the DEPARTMENT OF NEAR EASTERN STUDIES In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS IN THE GRADUATE COLLEGE THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA 2011 2 STATEMENT BY AUTHOR This thesis has been submitted in partial fulfillments of requirements for an advanced degree at the University of Arizona and is deposited in the department library to be made available to borrowers under rules of the library. Brief quotations from this thesis are allowable without special permission, provided that accurate acknowledgment of source is made. Requests for permission for extended quotation from or reproduction of this manuscript in whole or in part may be granted by the head of the major department or the Dean of the Graduate College when in his or her judgment the proposed use of the material is in the interests of scholarship. In all other instances, however, permission must be obtained from the author. -
Jordan Within the Shifting Balance of Middle East Politics
JORDAN WITHIN THE SHIFTING BALANCE OF MIDDLE EAST POLITICS by Shaina E. Katz Honors Thesis Appalachian State University Submitted to the Department of Government and Justice Studies and The Honors College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Arts May, 2018 2 ABSTRACT The period between 1967-1973 was transformative for the governments of the Middle East. King Hussein and the leadership in Jordan faced many challenges on both domestic and international fronts. This case study attempts to explain how the Hashemite kingdom dealt with the pressures from military defeats, loss of territory, threats from religious fundamentalism, Marxist-Nationalist uprisings, continued tensions with Israel, and Cold War politics. This study will explore how the regime's survival and success compares with many of their neighbors who faced crisis instability and similar external and internal pressures. Jordan's strategies in the face of these challenges did not result in the bloody coups that overthrew previous ‘colonial regimes’ in the region. Instead of falling victim to increasing pressures from all sides, Jordan used these internal and external challenges to propel itself forward to become a stabilizing and moderate force in the region. The strategies made in those challenging times by King Hussein's government will be explored to better understand how moderation can succeed against the ever- challenging forces of radicalism and reaction. Keywords: King Hussein, Cold War politics, The Hashemite Kingdom, Middle East 3 INTRODUCTION: JORDAN CONFRONTS ITS PAST AND FUTURE 1967-1973 Over 2,000 years ago Aristotle observed and stated that nature abhors a vacuum. -
Revolution Until Victory Revolution Until Victory
REVOLUTION UNTIL VICTORY REVOLUTION UNTIL VICTORY THE PALESTINE NATIONAL LIBERATION MOVEMENT, FATEH It is impossible to speak of the Palestine National Li- beration Movement, Fateh, without at least a brief excur- sion into history to untangle the snarled and knotted threads of the Palestine problem. Despite Zionist political myths that, through constant repetition, have acquired the status of facts, our cause in Palestine is squarely based on justice, legality and principle. This case does not need to be shouted, but six basic facts need to be reiterated: 1. The argument from 4000-year-old Biblical prophe- cies upon which the whole Zionist ideological edifice is based is no title-deed for a political state in the present. 2. The Balfour Declaration in 1917 and the grant in 1922 by the Council of the League of Nations of a mandate to the British Government to administer Palestine were vile and unjust documents that prevented the Palestinians from the exercise of full and effective sovereignty. The Balfour Declaration, which the Zionists have utilized almost as a document of title for the establishment of a Jewish state in Palestine, never possessed any juridi- cal value. At no time did the British Government as the author of such declaration possess any right of sove- reignty over Palestine, whether on the date on which the Balfour Declaration was made or at any time thereafter, which could have enabled it to recognize any rights in favour of the Jewish people in or over Palestine. Much more important than the Balfour Declaration are the words which Arthur James Balfour confided in secret to his cabinet two years after the Declaration: " In Palestine we do not propose to go through the form of consulting the wishes of the present inhabitants of the country.. -
Data Collection Survey on Trade and Logistics in Jordan, Palestine and Region
Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan Data Collection Survey on Trade and Logistics in Jordan, Palestine and Region Final Report May 2018 JAPAN INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION AGENCY PADECO Co., Ltd. Data Collection Survey on Trade and Logistics in Jordan, Palestine and Region Final Report (Executive Summary) Executive Summary The overall objective of the survey was to propose assistance plans to facilitate regional logistics to contribute to the peace and stability of the region by promoting the economic development of Jordan and Palestine through realization of the Corridor for Peace and Prosperity. Specific objectives included: • assessing changes in regional logistics resulting from the civil wars in Syria and Iraq, and the current situation and issues related to border facilities and systems, by systematically reviewing existing research and data on logistics in Jordan, Palestine, and the surrounding region; • preparing a forecast of the demand for logistics volumes and trade and assessing changes in freight flows, considering various possibilities and scenarios including postwar reconstruction, the reopening of borders, national transport development plans and policies, and assistance from other international development partners; and • offering recommendations for the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) and other international development partners for assistance projects for Jordan and Palestine, respectively, to facilitate the smooth flow of freight transport, with a list of short-, medium-, and long-term priority projects. The overall approach to the survey was to determine the volume and direction(s) of cargo flows in the region to the extent possible and to identify and evaluate necessary infrastructure projects and policy measures to accommodate these cargo flows. Changes in trade patterns at each of the border crossings in the past and in the future were assessed and considered to be a particularly useful indicator for forecasting cargo flows, on the basis of which infrastructure projects and measures were evaluated. -
The Palestinians, the PLO, and Political Representation: the Search for Palestinian Self-Determination
The Atkin Paper Series The Palestinians, the PLO, and Political Representation: the Search for Palestinian Self-Determination Salem Barahmeh, ICSR Atkin Fellow June 2014 About the Atkin Paper Series Thanks to the generosity of the Atkin Foundation, the International Centre for the Study of Radicalisation and Political Violence (ICSR) offers young leaders from Israel and the Arab world the opportunity to come to London for a period of four months. The purpose of the fellowship is to provide young leaders from Israel and the Arab world with an opportunity to develop their ideas on how to further peace and understanding in the Middle East through research, debate and constructive dialogue in a neutral political environment. The end result is a policy paper that will provide a deeper understanding and a new perspective on a specific topic or event. Author Salem Barahmeh joined ICSR as a Autumn 2013 Atkin Fellow. Whilst Salem was in London his research analyzed representation of the Palestinian people and their various interests across governmental institutions such as the PLO and the PA. The concept of representation is essential to understanding the Palestinian position in peace negotiations with Israel, as well as the mechanism for future Palestinian governmental decision making. A Palestinian from Jericho, Salem has previously worked at the General Delegation of the PLO to the United States doing Government and Public Affairs. He holds a BA in Government from Lawrence University in Wisconsin, and an MA in International Peace and Security from King’s College London. Editor Dr Peter R. Neumann Director, ICSR Editor Dr Ahron Bregman King’s College London Editor Jeni Mitchell King’s College London Editorial Assistant Katie Rothman ICSR To order hardcopies or contact the editor, please write to [email protected]. -
The United States Position Towards the Battle of Al-Karameh and Its Repercussions, March 21, 1968
Athens Journal of History - Volume 7, Issue 2, April 2021 – Pages 163-184 The United States Position towards the Battle of Al-Karameh and its Repercussions, March 21, 1968 By Yousef Omar This paper explores the United States' position towards the battle for Al-Karameh and its repercussions on the 21 March 1968. It argues that even though American policy has always been completely biased in favor of Israel since Israel's founding on 15 May 1948, its position on the battle of Al-Karameh was at the time considered supportive of Israel, balanced with Jordan, and hostile to Palestinian organizations. The United States position in the research relies mainly on the documents of the US State Department (Foreign Relations of the United States FRUS) and on some of the minutes of the Israeli parliament (Knesset) sessions (Knesset Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee meetings). This research dealt with an introduction to the crystallization of the Palestinian resistance after the defeat of the Arabs in the Six-Day War of 1967 as well as the policy of the United States towards the region after this war, its position on the escalation of Palestinian resistance from inside Jordan, and the dialectic of Jordan's control of its territories and borders. It also dealt with the incident of the bombing of the Israeli bus on 18 March 1968, and the escalation of tension, which eventually led to Israel attacking Jordan in the battle for Al-Karameh on 21 March 1968, the initial American reaction to it, and the subsequent issuance of Security Council Resolution 248 and its implications.