PAU PAGE 224 11=15-14 1778 ROAD to STATEHOOD 1959 The

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

PAU PAGE 224 11=15-14 1778 ROAD to STATEHOOD 1959 The PAU PAGE 224 11=15-14 1778 ROAD TO STATEHOOD 1959 The following is quoted from www.freehawaii.org: History 1 - The Beginning to Pa‘ao All quotes, unless otherwise noted, are taken from Daniel Kikawa's excellent book, Perpetuated in Righteousness. The language of the Polynesian peoples is basically one language, the missionary translators who first assigned a written spelling for the different island groups, heard the words differently and represented these sounds that they heard with different letters. For instance the Hawaiian word for 'woman' is wahine (vah-hee-nee), the Tongan word for 'woman' is fahine (fah-hee-nee). Much like the differences between American English and British English - there is understanding but differences in accents and idioms. So, the oral traditions of the Polynesian peoples, with minor differences, give a remarkably similar account of their history and beliefs. There are Polynesians today, who can recite their lineage back to one common ancestor. Here are some excerpts from those accounts. Note that these predate the coming of the missionaries and were not influenced by Biblical record. These legends include stories from Hawaii, Tahiti, Samoa, Tonga, Marquesa and the Maori of New Zealand. Fornander (leading foreign source of Hawaiian history) said, ". I learned that the ancient Hawaiians at one time worshipped one god, comprised of three beings, and respectively called Kane, Ku and Lono, equal in nature, but distinctive in attributes..." This Polynesian god had many titles, but one name, too holy to be mentioned in casual conversation and this name was`Io. The first group of Proto-polynesians probably left the middle east around BC 2300, about the time of the tower of Babel heading toward Sumatra. The second leaving around 1400 BC, going to India' with the first group making it to Fiji a hundred years later (1300 BC). The Marquesans first settled in 100 AD and the Marquesans reaching Hawaii, the most geographically remote archipelago in the world, around 400 AD. The Maori landing in New Zealand in 700 AD and the Tahitians beginning to arrive in Hawaii between 1100-1200 AD. The conquering war chief, Pa'ao from Tahiti around 1300 AD. Pa'ao to Kamehameha I In the period of 100 years, 1300-1400 AD, an unknown number of warlike Tahitians arrived on the peaceful islands of Hawaii. At some point the warrior/priest Pa`ao came to Hawaii and found that the religion (that of the Tahitians) was at a 'low ebb'. He was disturbed that the people lived in peace and that the ". kapus were few and the ceremonies were easy: that human sacrifices were not practiced, and cannibalism was unknown; and that the government was more patriarchal than regal in nature." (Fornander, An Account of the Polynesian Race, Vol.1,p 209) To him, it seemed that the previous invasions from Tahiti, had failed. 1 There being no real class distinctions and the newcomers being assimilated into the culture was with typical Hawaiian Aloha. This could not be tolerated. He went back to Tahiti and then returned with warriors, priests (kahuna) and royalty (ali'i) of much mana (spiritual power). With this force, he invaded the peaceful land. He killed the priests of 'Io and changed the attributes of Ku, Lono and Kane, from detesting human death, to demanding it. He brought bloody stones from a human sacrificial site in Tahiti and used them to desecrate the primary heiau (temple) of 'Io on the "Big Island" and then built his luakini (human sacrificial) heiau on top of it. A few of the priests of `Io escaped to New Zealand, before Pa'ao had the great voyaging canoes burnt, his own included. I don't know if the great Hawaiian navigators were put to death with the destruction of their vessels, or their escape so infuriated the invader that he burnt the remaining canoes as retaliation, but Hawaii had very little contact with the outside world for the next 100 years. Pa`ao is credited with, not only the destruction of the peaceful culture of the Hawaiians and the perversion of the worship of Ku, but with the introduction of many elemental spirits (like Pele - one chant mentions 400,000 lesser 'gods'), but also of the cruel 'kapu' system. This forbid many things and demanded many more, with any infraction being punishable by death. The laws were strict and always favored the kahuna and the ali`I. British explorer Captain James Cook’s arrival in Hawai‘i in 1778 was the beginning of a close relationship between the British and the Hawaiian ali‘i (the ruling class - Kings, Queens, Chiefs, Chiefesses). A few Chinese men and at least one German man arrived with Captain Cook. Ships arriving after Captain Cook’s arrival and prior to 1800 brought more Chinese men and a few German and Portuguese men to Hawai‘I. When Captain Cook arrived in Hawai‘i, the population of Hawai‘i was about 300,000. Over the course of time, a substantial decrease in the Hawaiian population was caused (1) by the Hawaiian vs. Hawaiian military battles and (2) diseases new to Hawai‘i such as sexually transmitted diseases (syphilis, gonorrhea, etc.), leprosy, measles, smallpox, Asiatic cholera, whooping cough, scarlet fever, diphtheria, influenza, bubonic plague, dysentery and Hansen’s disease. When Captain Cook arrived in Hawai‘i, some of the inhabited islands had multiple Chiefs, one for each geographically defined part of the island. Other inhabited islands had one Chief for the entire island. In A Cultural History of Three Traditional Hawaiian Sites on the West Coast of Hawai‘i Island (1993), Diane Lee Rhodes described pre-1778 Hawaiian society as follows: Chapter I: BEFORE THE WRITTEN RECORD . 2 E. Major Aspects of Traditional Hawaiian Culture 1. Social Organization a) Stratification During the period from about A.D. 1400 to European contact, Hawaiian society underwent a systematic transformation from its ancestral Polynesian descent-group system to a state-like society. The stratification that came to characterize Hawaiian society — consisting of a highly cultivated upper class with territorial control supported by a substructure of an underprivileged lower class — was somewhat reminiscent of ancient Mediterranean and Asian civilizations as well as of medieval Europe, and indeed has been referred to as feudal in nature. The ali‘i attained high social rank in several ways: by heredity, by appointment to political office, by marriage, or by right of conquest. The first was determined at birth, the others by the outcomes of war and political intrigue. At the time of European contact in 1778, Hawaiian society comprised four levels: the ali‘i, the ruling class of chiefs and nobles (kings, high chiefs, low chiefs) considered to be of divine origin; the kahuna, the priests and master craftsmen (experts in medicine, religion, technology, natural resource management, and similar areas), who ranked near the top of the social scale; the maka‘ainana, those who lived on the land, the commoners — primarily laborers, cultivators, fishermen, house and canoe builders, bird catchers who collected feathers for capes, cloaks, and helmets, and the like; and the kauwa, social outcasts! "untouchables" — possibly lawbreakers or war captives, who were considered "unclean" or kapu, that is, ritually polluting to aristocrats. Their position was hereditary, and they were attached to "masters" in some sort of servitude status. b) Rights and Duties of Each Class Earlier it was stated that the ali‘i are thought to have arrived in the Hawaiian Islands after initial colonization had occurred. According to E.S. Craighill Handy, the origin and cultural heritage of the ali‘i, who had earlier invaded and conquered aboriginal populations in central Polynesia, distinguished them from the older Hawaiian population. Historically and socially different, they maintained the purity of their blood and the integrity of their cultural heritage through barriers of kapu that isolated them from the lower echelons. Varying degrees of sanctity existed among the ali‘i, the highest kapu belonging to an ali'i born to an ali‘i of supreme rank and his full sister. In his/her presence, commoners prostrated themselves. The Hawaiian Islands are the only place in Polynesia where this type of extreme inbreeding was sanctioned, although only among the chiefly class, and the only place where the prostration kapu (kapu moe) was imposed. Recognized degrees of superior sacredness demanded special deference. All nobles of lesser rank had to observe prescribed forms of obeisance to those of the several sacred ranks and avoid their persons and personal property. Death resulted from failure to observe the proper form of homage. Lesser nobles occupied degrees of rank that were significant in connection with marriage and offspring but not in relation to the entire community. The 3 mass of the people, the maka‘ainana, probably descended from the aboriginal Hawaiian population. They performed many duties for their social superiors, producing food, supplying items for clothing and home furnishings, and laboring on community projects such as roads, water courses, taro patches, fortifications, and temples. A division existed not only between classes but also between the duties of commoner men and women. While men engaged in farming, deep sea fishing, manufacturing tools and weapons, building houses, and conducting religious rituals, women raised the children, helped in some agricultural tasks and in-shore fishing, collected wild foods, and made barkcloth, mats, and baskets. c) Role of the Kapu System The Hawaiian concept of the universe embodied the interrelationship of the gods, man, and nature. The former, although the ultimate controlling influence in this system, granted their direct descendants — the nobility — secular control over the land, the sea, and their resources: The aristocracy fiefed these resources to commoners, and commoners allowed the pariah to attach themselves to their households in domestic servitude.
Recommended publications
  • An Analysis of Hawaiʻi‟S Cultural Impact Assessment Process As a Vehicle of Environmental Justice for Kānaka Maoli
    Innovation or Degradation?: An Analysis of Hawaiʻi‟s Cultural Impact Assessment Process as a Vehicle of Environmental Justice for Kānaka Maoli Elena Bryant* INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................ 231 I. PROVIDING A FRAMEWORK: ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE FOR KĀNAKA MAOLI COMMUNITIES ........................................................ 235 A. Incorporating Environmental Justice into Hawaiʻi‟s EIS Process: Racializing Environmental Justice ........................... 236 B. Defining the “Injustice” ........................................................... 238 C. The Enactment of Natural and Cultural Resource Protections as a Mechanism for Restorative Justice for Kānaka Maoli ..... 244 II. THE CULTURAL AND HISTORICAL SIGNIFICANCE OF WIND AND WATER TO KĀNAKA MAOLI .............................................................. 245 A. Kumulipo: Kānaka Maoli‟s Source of Origin .......................... 246 B. “I paʻa i ke Kalo ʻaʻole ʻoe e puka; If it had ended with the Kalo you would not be here.” ................................................... 247 C. Cultural Significance of the Wind ............................................. 248 D. Cultural Significance of the Sea ............................................... 250 III. THE PUSH TO “GO GREEN”: HAWAIʻI‟S INTERISLAND WIND PROJECT ........................................................................................... 252 A. Hawaiʻi Clean Energy Initiative: Moving Hawaiʻi Towards Energy Self-sufficiency ............................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Typescript List of Images in Album
    Inventory of volume 16. Lady Annie Brassey Photograph Collection, The Huntington Library, San Marino, California Sixteen ..... Page One Ve,rl Dyk~ e~ttached la The originEtl :srass shack which \vas the fi!'st \TolcB.-DO Eouse Hotel,rir.:: of Kiluea voltra.y~.o, islaYlc1 of tlS,;,7aii, 1'1..0.• , TI. ~0hotog., o'Tal 21hot.o n H 5 x 7 • Ib A "{Tolaano ''"1f'intin~, pTob2.. bly Kiluee, by Jules Tavernier* n.d., TI. unouog.,.v, . ~ '" 1_, /S"r X?.2- .... " '" 28. Lgva flow he8.din.:p: tovlarc1s Hj.lo, Hawaj.. ~t perh8/~s 1884 cr 1887 .. n. :0hotog",9 1/8n x 6 3/4n .. 2b Rainbow }I'alls to the rear of the ci ty o~ Hilo, Hawaii, n.d .. , n. 1Jhotog.,9 1/8a x 6 5/8n • 3 !!"odel of a double outrigger canoe and in front a single out:rigger canoe.. Gauoes 8.re c2yllec1 ·VAl,.. ::"l .. d.,. n .. p~","·"ho+oC1" Lr ~.:::>. 'J 9 -"-,,4 X 6 '/R"j '--' .. A v-voman i:1. riding hgbi t caJ..led a E'A 'U--a are.wing either by Bur~ess or Enoch "'iood TlerrJl-. nsd .. , n ~hoto~ 7/St! -~ .. .i::-'-- ~.)., 8" x 4' , , . 4b Native type 'weE':,ri'ng a heed lei of -vvhi te ginger blossoms and a neck lei of the same. The leaves are fragrant and I!luch :?rized even tod.ay called HT:TAII.En., n .. d.., ~J.L.. ~"ho~o~\.) ....1. u t:) .. , 6-"-"2 x Qv 3/11"/, • 'Dosed studio -r,ortrF;..i t of nat:Lve t~.'""0es 8-S they would be sitti.ng at 8.
    [Show full text]
  • AMERICA's ANNEXATION of HAWAII by BECKY L. BRUCE
    A LUSCIOUS FRUIT: AMERICA’S ANNEXATION OF HAWAII by BECKY L. BRUCE HOWARD JONES, COMMITTEE CHAIR JOSEPH A. FRY KARI FREDERICKSON LISA LIDQUIST-DORR STEVEN BUNKER A DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History in the Graduate School of The University of Alabama TUSCALOOSA, ALABAMA 2012 Copyright Becky L. Bruce 2012 ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ABSTRACT This dissertation argues that the annexation of Hawaii was not the result of an aggressive move by the United States to gain coaling stations or foreign markets, nor was it a means of preempting other foreign nations from acquiring the island or mending a psychic wound in the United States. Rather, the acquisition was the result of a seventy-year relationship brokered by Americans living on the islands and entered into by two nations attempting to find their place in the international system. Foreign policy decisions by both nations led to an increasingly dependent relationship linking Hawaii’s stability to the U.S. economy and the United States’ world power status to its access to Hawaiian ports. Analysis of this seventy-year relationship changed over time as the two nations evolved within the world system. In an attempt to maintain independence, the Hawaiian monarchy had introduced a westernized political and economic system to the islands to gain international recognition as a nation-state. This new system created a highly partisan atmosphere between natives and foreign residents who overthrew the monarchy to preserve their personal status against a rising native political challenge. These men then applied for annexation to the United States, forcing Washington to confront the final obstacle in its rise to first-tier status: its own reluctance to assume the burdens and responsibilities of an imperial policy abroad.
    [Show full text]
  • The Fantastic Life of Walter Murray Gibson Walter Murray Gibson the Fantastic Life of Walter Murray Gibson HAWAII’S MINISTER of EVERYTHING
    The Fantastic Life of Walter Murray Gibson Walter Murray Gibson The Fantastic Life of Walter Murray Gibson HAWAII’S MINISTER OF EVERYTHING JACOB ADLER and ROBERT M. KAMINS Open Access edition funded by the National En- dowment for the Humanities / Andrew W. Mellon Foundation Humanities Open Book Program. Licensed under the terms of Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 Inter- national (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0), which permits readers to freely download and share the work in print or electronic format for non- commercial purposes, so long as credit is given to the author. Derivative works and commercial uses require permission from the publisher. For details, see https://creativecommons.org/li- censes/by-nc-nd/4.0/. The Creative Commons license described above does not apply to any material that is separately copy- righted. Open Access ISBNs: 9780824883669 (PDF) 9780824883676 (EPUB) This version created: 5 September, 2019 Please visit www.hawaiiopen.org for more Open Access works from University of Hawai‘i Press. © 1986 UNIVERSITY OF HAWAII PRESS ALL RIGHTS RESERVED For Thelma C. Adler and Shirley R. Kamins In Phaethon’s Chariot … HAETHON, mortal child of the Sun God, was not believed by his Pcompanions when he boasted of his supernal origin. He en- treated Helios to acknowledge him by allowing him to drive the fiery chariot of the Sun across the sky. Against his better judg- ment, the father was persuaded. The boy proudly mounted the solar car, grasped the reins, and set the mighty horses leaping up into the eastern heavens. For a few ecstatic moments Phaethon was the Lord of the Sky.
    [Show full text]
  • Ka Wai Ola O
    .... --.- .. -. OFFICE OF HAWAIIAN AFFAIRS RULING CHIEFS RET U RNS Volume 9, No. 6 "The Living Water of OHA" lune (June) After more than a decade out of print, Ruling Chiefs of Hawaii by Samuel Manaiakalani Kamakau (1 8 15 -1876) i being reissued by Schools/ Bernice Pauahi Bishop E tat . The 500-page volume, complete with index, begin with the story of the great ch ief 'Umi and ends with the death of Kamehameha III in 1854. An indi pen able rence on Hawai- ian hi tory and culture, Ruling Chiefs is available at Kamehameha', chool Store a well as retail outlet statewide. Cost is $39.95 (hardcover) and $24.95 (paper- back). T o order by mail, plea e make heck payable to Kamehameha School Pre s (include $3 .00 for each book a rc! red to cover postage and handling) and mail to: Native Books, P.O. Box 37095, Hono- lulu, H awaii 96837. For more information, call 842-8864. • KAMEHAMEHA SCHOOLS/BERNI E PAUAHI BISH P ESTAT E Ka Wai Ola 0 OHA OFFICE OF HAWAIIAN AFFAIRS 711 Kapiolani Blvd., Suite 500 Honolulu, Hawaii 96813-5249 OHA, State agree on $111.8 million settlement ................... page 1 H-3 route in Halawa to spare ancient sites .......................... page 1 Genealogy proves right to rule of Kamehameha ................ page 7 Summary of legislative action .............................................. page 5 0 OFJf\ Volume 9, No.6 "The Living Water of OHA" lune (June) 1992--,0 OHA, state agree on $11 .8 million by Ann L. Moore Chairman Hee said the past-<iue, present and An agreement on the dollar amount of rent future revenues from OHA's portion of the ced- owed the Office of Hawaiian Affairs from ed land revenue will be used according to the retroactive revenues the state has derived from office's mandate, "for the betterment of native ceded la nds (1981 through 1990) was Hawaiians.
    [Show full text]
  • Taro As the Symbol of Postcolonial Hawaiian Identity ______
    Growing resistance: Taro as the symbol of postcolonial Hawaiian identity __________ A thesis presented to the faculty of the Department of Sociology and Anthropology University of Canterbury __________ In partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts __________ by Charles Pipes February 2020 ii iii Abstract Taro is a root vegetable that has held important dietary, spiritual, and social roles with Native Hawaiian culture for centuries. The cultivation and management of the taro plant was a significant foundation of ancient Hawaiian society. Following the 19th century Western colonization of Hawaii, and the ensuing degradation of the indigenous culture, taro cultivation went into a steep decline as a result of land alienation, commercialization, and resources being designated for alternative, non- native crops. In the years following annexation by the United States, there was a growing Hawaiian identity and sovereignty movement. This thesis examines how taro became a potent symbol of that movement and Indigenous Hawaiian resistance to Western hegemony. The thesis will examine taro’s role as a symbol of resistance by analyzing the plant’s traditional uses and cultivation methods, as well as the manner in which Hawaiian taro was displaced by colonial influence. This resistance, modeled after the Civil Rights Movement and American Indian Movement in the United States, used environmental, spiritual, and cosmological themes to illustrate the Hawaiian movement’s objectives. Taro cultivation, encapsulating nearly every aspect of traditional Hawaiian society and environment, became a subtle form of nonviolent protest. To examine taro farming from this perspective, the plant’s socioeconomic, spiritual, and biological aspects will be explored.
    [Show full text]
  • 1856 1877 1881 1888 1894 1900 1918 1932 Box 1-1 JOHANN FRIEDRICH HACKFELD
    M-307 JOHANNFRIEDRICH HACKFELD (1856- 1932) 1856 Bornin Germany; educated there and served in German Anny. 1877 Came to Hawaii, worked in uncle's business, H. Hackfeld & Company. 1881 Became partnerin company, alongwith Paul Isenberg andH. F. Glade. 1888 Visited in Germany; marriedJulia Berkenbusch; returnedto Hawaii. 1894 H.F. Glade leftcompany; J. F. Hackfeld and Paul Isenberg became sole ownersofH. Hackfeld& Company. 1900 Moved to Germany tolive due to Mrs. Hackfeld's health. Thereafter divided his time betweenGermany and Hawaii. After 1914, he visited Honolulu only threeor fourtimes. 1918 Assets and properties ofH. Hackfeld & Company seized by U.S. Governmentunder Alien PropertyAct. Varioussuits brought againstU. S. Governmentfor restitution. 1932 August 27, J. F. Hackfeld died, Bremen, Germany. Box 1-1 United States AttorneyGeneral Opinion No. 67, February 17, 1941. Executors ofJ. F. Hackfeld'sestate brought suit against the U. S. Governmentfor larger payment than was originallyallowed in restitution forHawaiian sugar properties expropriated in 1918 by Alien Property Act authority. This document is the opinion of Circuit Judge Swan in The U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals forthe Second Circuit, February 17, 1941. M-244 HAEHAW All (BARK) Box 1-1 Shipping articleson a whaling cruise, 1864 - 1865 Hawaiian shipping articles forBark Hae Hawaii, JohnHeppingstone, master, on a whaling cruise, December 19, 1864, until :the fall of 1865". M-305 HAIKUFRUIT AND PACKlNGCOMP ANY 1903 Haiku Fruitand Packing Company incorporated. 1904 Canneryand can making plant installed; initial pack was 1,400 cases. 1911 Bought out Pukalani Dairy and Pineapple Co (founded1907 at Pauwela) 1912 Hawaiian Pineapple Company bought controlof Haiku F & P Company 1918 Controlof Haiku F & P Company bought fromHawaiian Pineapple Company by hui of Maui men, headed by H.
    [Show full text]
  • Microsoftxwordx ... Gexversjonenxx20.06.07.Pdf
    The Consequences of Eating With Men Hawaiian Women and the Challenges of Cultural Transformation By Paulina Natalia Dudzinska A thesis submitted for the Cand. Philol. Degree in History of Religions Department of Culture Studies and Oriental Languages University of Oslo Spring 2007 2 Summary Before 1819 Hawaiian society was ruled by a system of ritual laws called kapu. One of these, the aikapu (sacred eating), required men and women to eat separately. Because eating was ritual, some food items, symbolically associated with male deities, were forbidden to women. It was believed that women had a “haumia” (traditionally translated as “defiling”) effect on the male manifestations of the divine and were, as a consequence, barred from direct worship of male gods and work tasks such as agriculture and cooking. In Western history writing, Hawaiian women always presented a certain paradox. Although submitted to aikapu ideology, that was considered devaluing by Western historians, women were nevertheless always present in public affairs. They engaged in the same activities as men, often together with men. They practised sports, went to war and assumed public leadership roles competing with men for power. Ruling queens and other powerful chiefesses appear frequently in Hawaiian history, chants and myths. The Hawaiians did not seem to expect different behaviour of men and women, except perhaps in ritual contexts. Rank transcended any potential asymmetry of genders and sometimes the highest-ranking women were considered above the kapu system, even the aikapu. In 1819, after 40 years of contact with the foreigners, powerful Hawaiian queens decided to abolish the kapu system, including the aikapu.
    [Show full text]
  • Richard Henry and Anna Scott Sloggett John William and Alice Scott Anderson
    RICHARD HENRY AND ANNA SCOTT SLOGGETT JOHN WILLIAM AND ALICE SCOTT ANDERSON THE WATUMULL FOUNDATION ORAL HISTORY PROJECT Richard Henry Sloggett (1904 - ) John William Anderson (1912 - ) This is a twofold interview with Richard Hen­ ry and Anna Scott Sloggett and John William and Alice Scott Anderson, all prominent kamaainas. The two men have been associated, respective­ ly, with ranching and the sugar industry in Hawaii during their entire adult lives. The two women, descendents of the Rice family on their mother's side, are sisters. Richard Sloggett is a descendent, on his mother's side, of Abner and Lucy (Hart) Wilcox, missionary teachers who arrived with the Eighth Company in 1837· Interestingly enough, his uncle, Ralph Lyman Wilcox, married his wife's aunt, Anna Charlotte Rice. The interview consists of personal histories and anecdotes of experiences on Kauai. It is sug­ gested that it be read in conjunction with the in­ terview of Edith Rice Flews, who relates the his­ tory of the Rice family. Mrs. J, A. Veech, Interviewer @ 1979 The Watumull Foundation, Oral History Project 2051 Young Street, Honolulu, Hawaii, 96826 All rights reserved. This transcript, or any part thereof, may not be reproduced in any form without the permission of the Watumull Foundation. INTERVIEW WITH RICHARD HENRY SLOGGETT, SR. At Haena, Kauai, 96714 August 8, 1971 A: Anna Scott Sloggett S: Richard H. Sloggett V: Mrs. J. A. Veech, Interviewer S: Senior. Richard Henry Sloggett, Senior. V: Senior. Born on ... S: Born on Hanamaulu, Kauai. V: When? S: You want the date? May 31, 1904. V: And your parents were ..
    [Show full text]
  • 'Āinahau: the Genealogy of Ka'iulani's Banyan
    ralph thomas kam The Legacy of ‘Āinahau: The Genealogy of Ka‘iulani’s Banyan “And I, in her dear banyan shade, Look vainly for my little maid.” —Robert Louis Stevenson ‘Āinahau, the home of Archibald Scott Cleghorn, his wife, Princess Miriam Kapili Likelike and their daughter, Princess Victoria Ka‘iu- lani, no longer stands, the victim of the transformation of Waikīkī from the playground of royalty to a place of package tours, but one storied piece of its history continues to literally spread its roots through time in the form of the ‘Āinahau banyan. The ‘Āinahau ban- yan has inspired poets, generated controversy and influenced leg- islation. Hundreds of individuals have rallied to help preserve the ‘Āinahau banyan and its numerous descendants. It is fitting that Archibald Cleghorn (15 November 1835–1 Novem- ber 1910), brought the banyan to Hawai‘i, for the businessman con- tinued the legacy of the traders from whom the banyan derives it etymology. The word banyan comes from the Sanskrit “vaniyo” and originally applied to a particular tree of this species near which the traders had built a booth. The botanical name for the East Indian fig tree, ficus benghalensis, refers to the northeast Indian province of Ralph Kam holds an M.A. and a Ph.D. in American Sudies from the University of Hawai‘i at Mānoa and an M.A. in Public Relations from the University of Southern California. The Hawaiian Journal of History, vol. 45 (2011) 49 50 the hawaiian journal of history Bengal, now split between India and Bangladesh. That the tree was introduced in Hawai‘i after Western contact is reflected in its Hawai- ian name: “paniana,” a transliteration of the English word.
    [Show full text]
  • Hawaiian Kingdom: Reinstated Use of Western Technology, He May Have Created a Greater Debt That Would Impact the Future of the Domini Molina Hawaiian Kingdom
    UNIVERSITY OF HAWAI‘I AT HILO ◆ HOHONU 2020 ◆ VOL. 18 Hawaiian Kingdom: Reinstated use of Western technology, he may have created a greater debt that would impact the future of the Domini Molina Hawaiian Kingdom. History 154 The Hawaiian Monarchy became so enamored This research paper discusses the causes and with Western technologies; they began to displace consequences of land dispossession that occurred their own people through foreign affairs. During in the Hawaiian Kingdom from the time of King the reign of King Kamehameha III, new laws were Kamehameha I in 1810 to 2019. With the power formed which changed the ways of the Kanaka of perspectivism, it is important to look at the past drastically. In the year 1848, the Great Mahele oc- of the Hawaiian Kingdom to understand its future, curred, dividing lands throughout the Hawaiian as much has been documented about the Hawaiian Kingdom. The Great Mahele and Kuleana Act Kingdom from both foreign and Hawaiian per- made Native Hawaiian commoners, who were spectives. Initially, this paper will examine how the land became dispossessed from the Native lands which they tended, and prove their rights to Hawaiians (Kanaka; Kanaka Maoli), second, the land. This displaced many of the Kanaka from the denationalization of Native Hawaiians in the their homelands, as they did not have the monies Hawaiian Kingdom, third, the illegal annexation necessary to exchange for the properties, which had been their main source of livelihood. There processes available today to reinstate the Hawaiian were additional laws limiting the rights of owner- Kingdom to the Native Hawaiians.
    [Show full text]
  • Native Hawaiians Study Commission.: Report Onthe TITLE , Culture, Needs and Concerns of Nativehawaiians
    DOCUMENT RESUME ED 254 609 UD 024'136 Native Hawaiians Study Commission.: Report onthe TITLE , Culture, Needs and Concerns of NativeHawaiians. Final ort. Volume II.Claims of Conscience: A Dissenting Study\ofs the Culture, Needs andConcerns of Native HawaiianS. , INSTITUTION Department of the Interior,Washington, D.C. PUB DATE 23 Jun 83 ° NOTE 194p.; For Volume Iof the final-report, see UD 024 135. PUB TYPE Reports -'Researcb/Technical (143r EDRS PRICE MF01/PC08 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS Federal Legislationl *Federal,StateRelationship; *Hawailans,"Legal Responsibility; *Needs Assessment; *State History; *Trust Responsibility (Government); United States History IDENTIFIERS *Hawaii; *Land Rights ABSTRACT , Volume II of the final report of theNative ftwaiians Study Commission (NHSC) on the culture,needs, and concerns of native Hawaiians, this book contains a formaldissent to the conclusions and recommendations presented in Volume I madeby three of the NBSC commissioners. Its principal criticism'is.that Volume 'I fails to address the' underlying intent of thecommissioned. study:. (1) to ssoss-the American involvementin the take-over of the Kingdom of Hawaii; (2)`based,on the findingregarding'American participation in the coup.etatWe of. 1893, to ascertainwhether American culpability 'for injuries or damages suffered. :.by Native Hawaiians existedrand (3) to advise about how toapproach. *lid answer any such.Native 'Hawaiian claims. This volume of the :eportfurther states that critical support is lacking for Volume\I'sargument that the United
    [Show full text]