The Pacific Alliance
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Venezuela's Withdrawal from the Andean Community of Nations And
Area: Latin America - ARI 54/2006 (Translated from Spanish) Date: 30/5/2006 Venezuela’s Withdrawal from the Andean Community of Nations and the Consequences for Regional Integration (Part I) Carlos Malamud ∗ Theme: The unexpected announcement by Venezuela of its decision to withdraw from the Andean Community of Nations (CAN), plus the nationalisation of Bolivian hydrocarbons, have further shaken the already unsteady scenario of South American regional integration. Summary: The President of Venezuela took advantage of a meeting with his colleagues from Bolivia, Paraguay and Uruguay on 19 April 2006 to unexpectedly announce the country’s withdrawal from the Andean Community of Nations (Comunidad Andina de Naciones or CAN), the sub-regional integration block formed by Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru and Venezuela, whose annual trade turnover totals close to US$9 billion. Ten days later, Bolivia’s President Evo Morales announced the nationalisation of the country’s hydrocarbons. Venezuela insists that withdrawal from the CAN was a direct result of the immediate harm it would be caused by the free trade agreements (FTAs) signed by Colombia and Peru. Regardless of the real reasons behind Commander Chavez’s attitude, Venezuela’s move sent a deep shudder of concern through other CAN members and further stirred the already choppy waters of regional integration in the continent. In the Andean Community, Colombia and Peru held Chávez responsible for withdrawing from the block, Bolivia clearly aligned itself alongside Venezuela and Ecuador took a more neutral stance, although it defended the process of regional integration. Theoretically, Venezuela’s withdrawal from the CAN should imply a greater and more active role for the Bolivarian regime in Mercosur, which has not pleased Argentina and Brazil, who are suspicious of attempts by Chávez to align with the smaller countries in the block, Paraguay and Uruguay, which in turn have their bones of contention with the two major players. -
Alba and Free Trade in the Americas
CUBA AND THE CONSTRUCTION OF ALTERNATIVE GLOBAL TRADE SYSTEMS: ALBA AND FREE TRADE IN THE AMERICAS LARRY CATÁ BACKER* & AUGUSTO MOLINA** ABSTRACT The ALBA (Alternativa Bolivariana para los Pueblos de Nuestra América) (Bolivarian Alternative for The People of Our America), the command economy alternative to the free trade model of globalization, is one of the greatest and least understood contributions of Cuba to the current conversation about globalization and economic harmonization. Originally conceived as a means for forging a unified front against the United States by Cuba and Venezuela, the organization now includes Nicaragua, Honduras, Dominica, and Bolivia. ALBA is grounded in the notion that globalization cannot be left to the private sector but must be overseen by the state in order to maximize the welfare of its citizens. The purpose of this Article is to carefully examine ALBA as both a system of free trade and as a nexus point for legal and political resistance to economic globalization and legal internationalism sponsored by developed states. The Article starts with an examination of ALBA’s ideology and institutionalization. It then examines ALBA as both a trade organization and as a political vehicle for confronting the power of developed states in the trade context within which it operates. ALBA remains * W. Richard and Mary Eshelman Faculty Scholar and Professor of Law, Dickinson Law School; Affiliate Professor, School of International Affairs, Pennsylvania State University, University Park, Pennsylvania; and Director, Coalition for Peace & Ethics, Washington, D.C. The author may be contacted at [email protected]. An earlier version of this article was presented at the Conference, The Measure of a Revolution: Cuba 1959-2009, held May 7–9, 2009 at Queen’s University, Kingston, Ontario, Canada. -
The Pacific Alliance 1 the Pacific Alliance – Deep Integration for Prosperity
ABC The Pacific Alliance 1 The Pacific Alliance – Deep integration for prosperity The Pacific Allianceis a mechanism for regional integration formed by Chile, Colombia, Mexico and Peru, in April 2011. It acquired legal and formal existence on 6 June 2012, with the signature of the Framework Agreement. The process seeks to create attractive markets among its member countries and enhance their competitiveness in the wider world. 2 3 Member Countries Observer Countries The Pacific Alliance The Pacific Alliance United Kingdom Canada Mexico Netherlands Germany People's Republic Colombia France Switzerland of China United Spain Turkey States Peru of America Italy Japan Chile Portugal Honduras Dominican Republic Republic Guatemala of Korea Costa Rica El Salvador Panama Ecuador Australia Paraguay Uruguay New Zealand Member-Candidate countries The Pacific Alliance Costa Rica Panama 3 Objectives of the Pacific Alliance: To build, through participation and consensus, an area of deep integration that will move progressively forward towards the free circulation of goods, services, capital and persons. To dynamize growth, development and competitiveness in the economies of the Parties, in order to achieve greater welfare, overcome socioeconomic disparities and secure social inclusion in their societies. To become a platform for political articulation, economic and commercial integration, and projection to the world, especially to Asia-Pacific. The Alliance has a comprehensive agenda, determined by results already achieved in trade, in joint and coordinated action between promotion agencies, cooperation to strengthen the competitiveness and innovation of SMEs, research in climate change, student and academic mobility and the facilitation of migration movements. 4 5 Benefits of the Pacific Alliance (Trade, investment and services) Chile, Colombia, Mexico and Peru have solid and democratic institutional structures and systems of regular elections of their governments; their markets are dynamic and globalized and they offer favourable conditions for investment. -
Sucre Protocol
SUCRE PROTOCOL THE GOVERNMENTS OF BOLIVIA, COLOMBIA, ECUADOR, PERU AND VENEZUELA; AGREE through their duly authorized plenipotentiary representatives to the following amendments to the Andean Subregional Integration Agreement (Cartagena Agreement): Article 1. – In Article 2 replace the term "gross national product" by "gross domestic product." Article 2.- Substitute the following text for Article 3: "Article 3.- The following mechanisms and measures, among others, shall be used to achieve the objectives of this Agreement: The intensification of integration with the other regional economic blocs and of political, social, economic, and commercial relations with extra-regional systems; The gradual harmonization of economic and social policies and dovetailing of national laws on pertinent matters; Joint programming, the intensification of subregional industrialization and the execution of industrial programs and other forms of industrial integration; A more advanced trade liberalization schedule than the commitments arising out of the 1980 Treaty of Montevideo; A Common External Tariff; Programs to accelerate the development of the agricultural and agribusiness sectors; The channeling of internal and external resources to the Subregion to finance the investments that are needed for the integration process; Programs in the field of services and of the deregulation of intra-subregional trade in services; Physical integration; and Preferential treatment for Bolivia and Ecuador. The following economic and social cooperation programs and actions shall be carried out in coordination to complement the above-cited mechanisms: Programs designed to expedite scientific and technological development; Actions in the field of border integration; Tourism programs; Actions for the use and conservation of natural resources and the environment; Social development programs; and Actions in the field of social communication Article 3.- Eliminate Article 26c). -
The Andean Community at the Crossroads
Working Group on Development and Environment in the Americas Discussion Paper Number 16 Natural Resources & Foreign Investors: A tale of three Andean countries Leonardo Stanley April 2008 The Working Group on Development and Environment in the Americas, founded in 2004, brings together researchers from several countries in the Americas who have carried out empirical studies of the social and environmental impacts of economic liberalization. The goal of the Working Group Project is to contribute empirical research and policy analysis to the ongoing policy debates on national economic development strategies and international trade. The project also brings more prominently into U.S. policy debates the rich body of research carried out by Latin American experts, as well as their informed perspectives on trade and development policies. Hosted by Tufts' Global Development and Environment Institute, the Working Group Project has four initiatives. The Working Group’s web page is http://ase.tufts.edu/gdae/WGOverview.htm Leonardo Stanley is an economist at Universidad de Mar del Plata and a visiting researcher in the Department of Economics at CEDES. He has previously worked in the Programa de Teoría Económica at Instituto de Desarrollo Económico y Social in Buenos Aires. Leonardo Stanley received his MA in Science in Economics from Queen Mary & Westfield, London University, and a Diplome d’Etudes Approfondies from Universidad de Evry Val-d'Essone. © 2008, Leonardo Stanley and the Working Group on Development and Environment in the Americas Natural Resources & Foreign Investors: A tale of three Andean countries Leonardo Stanley Introduction Over the past 25 years, Latin American governments have undertaken a structural-adjustment process including, among other actions, the elimination of trade barriers, privatization of large public domestic firms, and deregulation of markets. -
Doing Deals in Peru
pwc.com/pe 2013 Doing Deals in Peru Doing Deals in Peru 2013 1 Contents* 1. General 2. Macroeconomic Information 2 Situation by Sector 1.1 Geographical 5 5 2.1 Financial System, location 53 Insurance System and 6 Private Pension System 1.2 Population 7 802.2 Capital Market 1.3 Government 2.3 Construction Organization 90 2.4 Mining 9 1.4 Economy 9 8 6 3. Legal 6 Economic 2.5 Manufacturing Aspects 1.5 Monetary Policy 106 17 32 177 3.1 Tax Issues 14 2.6 Energy & Utilities 1.6 Investment 1 Grade 3.2 Corporate 18 Issues 35 1 2.7 Agriculture 6 1.7 Commercial 27 3 Agreements 3.3 Work Force and Labor 7 2.8 Fishing 1 19 Charges 1.8 Economic 34 2 Freedom 3.4 Financial 4 4 2.9 Telecommunications 19 Accounting 1 Reporting 1.9 Doing 14 7 Business 3.5 Environmental 4 2.10 Tourism 4 and Social 1 199 Aspects 1.10 Investment 51 Promotion 3.6 Regulatory 2.11 Real Estate 49 15 202 Bodies 1.11 Economic 8 Indicators 3.7 Business 2.12 Retail 20 Associations 51 167 4 (*) Prepared on the basis of the economic information available until March 2013. 207 Acronyms Doing Deals in Peru 2013 2 Esteban Chong Territory Senior Partner - PwC Perú Foreword During 2012, Peru’s GDP growth reached 6.3%, primarily driven by private investment and domestic consumption. These steady and favorable economic conditions continue to support our prospects as an economically strong country with sustained development; despite the slowdown of the U.S. -
Energy Agenda Pacific Alliance
Pacific Alliance an Energy Agenda Energy for the Pacific Alliance an Energy Agenda for the Pacific Alliance A Working Paper of the Americas Society/Council of the Americas Energy Action Group 1 AmericAs society/council of the AmericAs Written by Christian Gómez, Jr. Director of Energy, Council of the Americas Published by the Americas Society and Council of the Americas February 2015 2 An energy AgendA for the PAcific AlliAnce Foreword 4 developing an Energy Agenda for the PaciFic Alliance 6 A snapshot of energy issues in Alliance member countries 6 i. Conventionals 6 II. Power generation 11 III. Renewables 13 recommendations – 17 building the PaciFic Alliance energy agenda conclusion 19 3 AmericAs society/council of the AmericAs Foreword The Pacific Alliance is the most exciting economic group to emerge from Latin America. The Alliance is groundbreaking because it is one of the first regional attempts to create a larger internal market while also building a gateway to Asian markets. The like-minded countries have demonstrated a commitment to open- markets, private investment, and rule of law, and are pursuing commercial and economic integration. Thus far, however, energy cooperation in the Alliance has been elusive, despite its tremendous potential for integration and coordination. The Alliance was informally created in April 2011 when Chile, Colombia, Mexico and Peru signed the Lima Declaration, which called for a free flow of capital, goods, people, and services among its members. Together, the four members account for 35 percent of Latin America’s GDP and 55 percent of the region’s exports. The group officially launched a year later. -
Common Agenda Agenda a Common Toward Toward a Common Agenda Agenda a Common Toward
Andean-U.S. Dialogue Forum February 2011 This report has been developed by The Carter Center and the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (International IDEA) as part of the Andean-U.S. Dialogue Forum. It is intended to promote more effective cooperation by identifying convergences and divergences in priorities among the countries and the peoples of Venezuela, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia and the United States. Developed as a "Common Agenda", it seeks to enhance understanding of the internal dynamics in e ach country and reduce stereotypes that impede cooperation. The report highlights the transnational issues of energy, climate change, trade, and illegal drugs, Andean Countries and the United States the for Agenda a Common Toward recognizing that progress requires a collective response. The Carter Center The Carter Center was founded in 1982 by former U.S. President Jimmy Carter and his wife, Rosalynn, in partnership with Emory University, to advance peace and health worldwide. A not-for-profit, nongovernmental organization, the Center has helped to improve life for people in more TowardToward aa CommonCommon AgendaAgenda than 70 countries by resolving conflicts; advancing democracy, human rights, and economic opportunity; preventing diseases; and improving forfor thethe AndeanAndean CountriesCountries mental health care. andand thethe UnitedUnited StatesStates International IDEA International IDEA is an intergovernmental organization with 25 member countries. The Institute supports democratic institutions and processes worldwide by providing resources to strengthen capacities, developing policy proposals and supporting democratic reforms. International IDEA's main areas of expertise are electoral processes, political party systems, constitutional processes, gender and democracy. ISBN: 978-91-86565-09-1 Toward a Common Agenda for the Andean Countries and the United States Andean-U.S. -
Institutionalized Inequality in Peru
University of New Hampshire University of New Hampshire Scholars' Repository Master's Theses and Capstones Student Scholarship Spring 2009 The limits of democracy and economic growth: Institutionalized inequality in Peru Elizabeth Kyriacou University of New Hampshire, Durham Follow this and additional works at: https://scholars.unh.edu/thesis Recommended Citation Kyriacou, Elizabeth, "The limits of democracy and economic growth: Institutionalized inequality in Peru" (2009). Master's Theses and Capstones. 108. https://scholars.unh.edu/thesis/108 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Scholarship at University of New Hampshire Scholars' Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Master's Theses and Capstones by an authorized administrator of University of New Hampshire Scholars' Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Limits of Democracy and Economic Growth: Institutionalized Inequality in Peru BY Elizabeth Kyriacou BA in Political Science and International Affairs, University of New Hampshire, 2007 THESIS Submitted to the University of New Hampshire in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in Political Science May, 2009 UMI Number: 1466938 INFORMATION TO USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleed-through, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. -
From Asia-Pacific to Indo-Pacific Significance, Implementation and Challenges
SWP Research Paper Felix Heiduk and Gudrun Wacker From Asia-Pacific to Indo-Pacific Significance, Implementation and Challenges Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs SWP Research Paper 9 July 2020, Berlin Abstract ∎ More and more states and regional organisations employ the term “Indo- Pacific”. It is increasingly supplanting the previously common term, “Asia-Pacific”. In Europe, only France has so far presented its own “Indo- Pacific” concept. ∎ The term “Indo-Pacific” is used to refer to various, sometimes divergent, concepts. These in turn are based on very different ideas on regional order. What they all have in common is the reference to the importance of a rules-based international order. ∎ “Indo-Pacific” is a political term and therefore neither purely descriptive nor value-neutral. In particular, the Trump administration’s “Free and Open Indo-Pacific” concept aims to contain China and is thus an expres- sion of the growing strategic rivalry between Washington and Beijing. In Beijing, “Indo-Pacific” is primarily understood as a U.S.-led containment strategy directed against China. ∎ Other actors, for example ASEAN or India, emphasise aspects such as economic prosperity, connectivity and multilateral cooperation in their Indo-Pacific concepts. ∎ The EU and its member states are under increasing pressure from Washington to commit themselves directly or indirectly to the “Indo- Pacific” – and thus, from a U.S. perspective, for Washington and against Beijing. In their deliberations, Europeans should not succumb to this zero-sum logic. ∎ The EU and its member states have at their disposal three (ideal type) approaches: “equidistance”, “alignment” and “autonomy”. -
Latin America and the Caribbean in the World Economy
2014 Latin America and the Caribbean in the World Economy Regional integration and value chains in a challenging external environment 2014 Alicia Bárcena Executive Secretary Antonio Prado Deputy Executive Secretary Osvaldo Rosales Chief, Division of International Trade and Integration Ricardo Pérez Chief, Publications and Web Services Division Latin America and the Caribbean in the World Economy is the annual report prepared by the Division of International Trade and Integration of ECLAC. The ECLAC subregional headquarters for the Caribbean, the ECLAC subregional headquarters in Mexico and the Latin American and Caribbean Institute for Economic and Social Planning (ILPES) assisted with the preparation of this year’s edition. The production of the report was overseen by Osvaldo Rosales, Chief of the Division of International Trade and Integration. Keiji Inoue, Senior Economic Affairs Officer of the Division, was responsible for its technical coordination. The following staff members of the Commission assisted in the preparation and drafting of the chapters: José Elías Durán, Sebastián Herreros, Sheldon McLean, Nanno Mulder and Dayna Zaclicever. The authors are grateful for contributions made to the work by Sebastián Castresana, Carlos D’Elía, Myriam Echeverría, Alfonso Finot, Tania García-Millán, René Hernández, Antoine Le Squeren, Jorge Mario Martínez, José Carlos Mattos, Javier Meneses, Yoshimichi Murakami, Nahuel Oddone, Ramón Padilla and Gustavo Zanabria. Notes The following symbols have been used in the tables in this publication: • Three dots (…) indicate that data are not available or are not separately reported. • A dash (-) indicates that the amount is nil or negligible. • A comma (,) is used to indicate decimals. • The word “dollars” refers to United States dollars, unless otherwise specified. -
When Life Gives You Lemons… Argentina Comes in from the Cold
When Life Gives You Lemons… Argentina Comes in From the Cold Liam Eldon When Argentine President Mauricio Macri visited the White House in April, President Trump, announced the two countries were "great friends, better than ever before." As he so often does, Trump gave a blunt summary of what would be discussed by the two former business associates, saying: “I will tell him about North Korea, and he will tell me about lemons.” Argentina is the world’s fourth-largest producer of the fruit and since 2001 had been unable to export to the world’s biggest consumer due to bans imposed by the Bush Administration. The ban is now lifted and acts as a symbol for a new Argentina, attempting to come in from the cold and join the world economy. After several decades of serving as a testing ground for economic and social theories, Argentina is starting to resemble a sensible player in the international arena. As the leader of the Cambiemos (Let’s Change) party, President Macri has sought to convince the electorate that the protectionism and social tribalism of the past had been an own goal for the country. Macri implemented market-friendly policies that lifted Argentina out of a prolonged recession in 2016 and raised its gross domestic product figure to $550 billion, making it the third largest economies in Latin America after Mexico and Brazil. The efforts of the Macri Government have been acknowledged by international institutions such as the World Bank, who view the country as integrating into the global economy through an economic transformation that encourages sustainable economic development.