Anti-Adaptation and Black America
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Ethnic Studies Review
esr37-38_cv_esr37-38_cv 7/28/2017 1:37 PM Page 2 COLOR IS FOR APPROXIMATION ONLY – DO NOT USE FOR COLOR APPROVAL Volumes 37 and 38 Volumes National Association For Ethnic Studies Ethnic Studies Review Ethnic Studies Review Pages 1–154 Pages 2014-2015 2014-2015 Volumes 37 and 38 ISSN: 1555-1881 esr37-38_cv_esr37-38_cv 7/28/2017 1:37 PM Page 3 The National Association For Ethnic Studies Ethnic Studies Review (ESR) is the journal of the National Association For Ethnic Studies (NAES). ESR is a multi-disciplinary international journal devoted to the study of ethnicity, ethnic groups and their cultures, and inter-group relations. NAES has as its basic purpose the promotion of activities and scholarship in the field of Ethnic Studies. The Association is open to any person or institution and serves as a forum for its members in promoting research, study, and curriculum as well as producing publications of interest in the field. NAES sponsors an annual spring Ethnic Studies Review conference. Journal Information Editorial Board Editor Associate Editors Ron Scapp, College of Mount Saint Vincent David Aliano, College of Mount Saint Vincent Guidelines for Submitting Manuscripts Ravi Perry, Virginia Commonwealth University ESR uses a policy of blind peer review. All papers are read by at least two Book Review Editor reviewers who are experts in the area. Manuscripts must not have been Emily M. Drew, Willamette University published previously or be under consideration by other publications. ESR seeks manuscripts of 7500 words or less, inclusive of notes and works cited. Editorial Advisory Board Endnotes rather than footnotes should be utilized, although these should be Edna Acosta-Belen Rosanne Kanhai kept to a minimum. -
Restorative Policing-Buildingtrust in Police
Citation: Laura Merkey, Building Trust and Breaking down the Wall: The Use of Restorative Justice to Repair Police-Community Relationships, 80 Mo. L. Rev. (2015) Content downloaded/printed from HeinOnline Tue Nov 28 10:10:19 2017 -- Your use of this HeinOnline PDF indicates your acceptance of HeinOnline's Terms and Conditions of the license agreement available at http://heinonline.org/HOL/License -- The search text of this PDF is generated from uncorrected OCR text. -- To obtain permission to use this article beyond the scope of your HeinOnline license, please use: Copyright Information Use QR Code reader to send PDF to your smartphone or tablet device Building Trust and Breaking Down the Wall: The Use of Restorative Justice to Repair Police-Community Relationships Laura Merkey* I. INTRODUCTION The town of Ferguson, Missouri, captured national attention when a grand jury failed to indict Darren Wilson, a white police officer who shot and killed Michael Brown, an unarmed black teenager, three months prior.' Simi- lar citizen deaths involving police in both New York City and Cleveland have magnified the tensions felt across the country, and in many cities and com- munities, the community-police relationships are rapidly becoming untena- 2 ble. Baltimore, Maryland, is a prime example; protests, riots, and an atmos- phere of mistrust pervaded the city for months after the deaths of Michael 3 Brown, Eric Garner, and Tamir Rice. The situation was, simply put, a pow- der keg waiting to explode. Our traditional justice system is simply not adequately responding to all of the issues currently confronting society. A new strategy needs to be put into place, and quickly. -
Stay Woke, Give Back Virtual Tour Day of Empowerment Featuring Justin Michael Williams
11 1 STAY WOKE, GIVE BACK VIRTUAL TOUR DAY OF EMPOWERMENT FEATURING JUSTIN MICHAEL WILLIAMS On the STAY WOKE, GIVE BACK TOUR, Justin empowers students to take charge of their lives, and their physical and mental wellbeing with mass meditation events at high schools, colleges, and cultural centers across the country. The tour began LIVE in-person in 2020, but now with the Covid crisis—and students and teachers dealing with the stressors of distance learning—we’ve taken the tour virtual, with mass Virtual Assemblies to engage, enliven, and inspire students when they need us most. From growing up with gunshot holes outside of his bedroom window, to sharing the stage with Deepak Chopra, Justin Michael Williams knows the power of healing to overcome. Justin Michael Williams More: StayWokeGiveBack.org Justin is an author, top 20 recording artist, and transformational speaker whose work has been featured by The Wall Street Journal, Grammy.com, Yoga Journal, Billboard, Wanderlust, and South by Southwest. With over a decade of teaching experience, Justin has become a pioneering millennial voice for diversity and inclusion in wellness. What is the Stay Woke Give Back Tour? Even before the start of Covid-19, anxiety and emotional unrest have been plaguing our youth, with suicide rates at an all-time high. Our mission is to disrupt that pattern. We strive to be a part of the solution before the problem starts—and even prevent it from starting in the first place. Instead of going on a traditional “book tour,” Justin is on a “GIVE BACK” tour. At these dynamic Virtual Assemblies—think TED talk meets a music concert—students will receive: • EVENT: private, school-wide Virtual Assembly for entire staff and student body (all tech setup covered by Sounds True Foundation) • LONG-TERM SUPPORT: free access to a 40-day guided audio meditation program, delivered directly to students daily via SMS message every morning, requiring no staff or administrative support. -
Our Commitment to Black Lives
Our Commitment to Black Lives June 3, 2020 Dear Friends of the CCE, We are writing today to affirm that we, the staff of the Center for Community Engagement, believe and know that Black Lives Matter. We honor wide-spread grief for the murders of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor and Ahmaud Arbery among the many named and unnamed Black lives lost to racial violence and hatred in the United States. The Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement — co-founded by Alicia Garza, Patrisse Cullors, and Opal Tometi — arose to address ongoing legacies of racialized violence in our country. As BLM leaders have consistently stated, disproportionate violence toward Black communities by law enforcement is one manifestation of anti-Black systemic racism perpetuated across public and private institutions including health care, housing and education. We are firmly and deeply committed to the lives of Black community members, Black youth and their families, and Seattle U’s Black students, faculty and staff. We believe that messages like this one can have an impact, and yet our words ring hollow without action. The Center for Community Engagement is committed to becoming an anti-racist organization. Fulfilling our mission of connecting campus and community requires long-term individual, organizational, and system-wide focus on understanding and undoing white supremacy. We see our commitment to anti-racism as directly linked to Seattle University’s pursuit of a more just and humane world as well as our Jesuit Catholic ethos of cura personalis, care for the whole person. We urge you to participate in ways that speak to you during the national racial crisis that is continuing to unfold. -
A Herstory of the #Blacklivesmatter Movement by Alicia Garza
A Herstory of the #BlackLivesMatter Movement by Alicia Garza From The Feminist Wire, October 7, 2014 I created #BlackLivesMatter with Patrisse Cullors and Opal Tometi, two of my sisters, as a call to action for Black people after 17-year-old Trayvon Martin was post-humously placed on trial for his own murder and the killer, George Zimmerman, was not held accountable for the crime he committed. It was a response to the anti-Black racism that permeates our society and also, unfortunately, our movements. Black Lives Matter is an ideological and political intervention in a world where Black lives are systematically and intentionally targeted for demise. It is an affirmation of Black folks’ contributions to this society, our humanity, and our resilience in the face of deadly oppression. We were humbled when cultural workers, artists, designers and techies offered their labor and love to expand #BlackLivesMatter beyond a social media hashtag. Opal, Patrisse, and I created the infrastructure for this movement project—moving the hashtag from social media to the streets. Our team grew through a very successful Black Lives Matter ride, led and designed by Patrisse Cullors and Darnell L. Moore, organized to support the movement that is growing in St. Louis, MO, after 18-year old Mike Brown was killed at the hands of Ferguson Police Officer Darren Wilson. We’ve hosted national conference calls focused on issues of critical importance to Black people working hard for the liberation of our people. We’ve connected people across the country working to end the various forms of injustice impacting our people. -
Applicant V. DERAY MCKESSON; BLACK LIVES MATTER; BLACK LIVES MATTER NETWORK, INCORPORATED Defendants - Respondents
STATE OF LOUISIANA 2021-CQ-00929 LOUISIANA SUPREME COURT OFFICER JOHN DOE, Police Officer Plaintiff - Applicant v. DERAY MCKESSON; BLACK LIVES MATTER; BLACK LIVES MATTER NETWORK, INCORPORATED Defendants - Respondents OFFICER JOHN DOE Plaintiff - Applicant Versus DeRAY McKESSON; BLACK LIVES MATTER; BLACK LIVES MATTER NETWORK, INCORPORATED Defendants - Respondents On Certified Question from the United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit No. 17-30864 Circuit Judges Jolly, Elrod, and Willett Appeal From the United States District Court for the Middle District of Louisiana USDC No. 3:16-CV-742 Honorable Judge Brian A. Jackson, Presiding OFFICER JOHN DOE ORIGINAL BRIEF ON APPLICATION FOR REVIEW BY CERTIFIED QUESTION Respectfully submitted: ATTORNEY FOR THE APPLICANT OFFICER JOHN DOE Donna U. Grodner (20840) GRODNER LAW FIRM 2223 Quail Run, B-1 Baton Rouge, Louisiana 70808 (225) 769-1919 FAX 769-1997 [email protected] CIVIL PROCEEDING TABLE OF CONTENTS TABLE OF AUTHORITIES.. ii CERTIFIED QUESTIONS. 1 1. Whether Louisiana law recognizes a duty, under the facts alleged I the complaint, or otherwise, not to negligently precipitate the crime of a third party? 2. Assuming McKesson could otherwise be held liable for a breach of duty owed to Officer Doe, whether Louisiana’s Professional Rescuer’s Doctrine bars recovery under the facts alleged in the complaint? . 1 STATEMENT OF JURISDICTION. 1 STATEMENT OF THE CASE. 1 A. NATURE OF THE CASE. 1 B. PROCEDURAL HISTORY. 12 1. ACTION OF THE TRIAL COURT. 12 2. ACTION OF THE FIFTH CIRCUIT. 12 3. ACTION OF THE SUPREME COURT. 13 4. ACTION OF THE FIFTH CIRCUIT. 13 C. -
Black Lives Matter, American Jews, and Antisemitism: Distinguishing Between the Organization(S), the Movement, and the Ubiquitous Phrase
Black Lives Matter, American Jews, and Antisemitism: Distinguishing Between the Organization(s), the Movement, and the Ubiquitous Phrase Today’s Black Lives Matter movement has become one of the most prolific social movements in decades. It is a movement focused on improving the safety and well-being of Black people in the U.S., achieving racial justice, and ending racial disparities in all areas of our society. When Jews are asked to march with or just assert “Black lives matter,” we are not being asked to “check” our love of Israel at the door or embrace an antisemitic agenda. To most invoking the phrase, Black Lives Matter is an inspiring rallying cry, a slogan, and a demand for racial justice. That fight for racial justice is also a fight for our own multiracial, multiethnic Jewish community. The phrase “Black Lives Matter” was coined as the Twitter “hashtag” #BlackLivesMatter in response to George Zimmerman’s 2013 acquittal in 17-year-old Treyvon Martin’s murder. Both his death and Zimmerman’s acquittal sparked large-scale protests across the country. The originators of the hashtag, Alicia Garza, Patrisse Cullors, and Opal Tometi went on to found the Black Lives Matter Network as an organizing platform for activists that emphasizes local over national leadership. The Black Lives Matter network now has 16 chapters. There are at least two other national groups with Black Lives Matter Network in their titles. Not surprisingly, the overall BLM movement is a decentralized network of activists with no formal hierarchy. In response to the high-profile police killings of Michael Brown, Eric Garner, and Tamir Rice in 2015, about 1500 activists, including those with the Black Lives Matter Network, gathered at Cleveland State University to discuss the movement. -
MOVEMENT and SPACE MOVEMENT and SPACE Creating Dialogue on Systemic Racism from the Modern Civil Rights Movement to the Present
Creating Dialogue on Systemic Racism from the Modern Civil MOVEMENT Rights Movement to the Present AND SPACE ABOUT THE SOUTHERN POVERTY LAW CENTER The Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC) is a nonprofit civil rights organization founded in 1971 to combat discrimination through litigation, education and advocacy. The SPLC is a catalyst for racial justice in the South and beyond, working in partnership with com- munities to dismantle white supremacy, strengthen intersectional movements, and advance the human rights of all people. For more information about THE SOUTHERN POVERTY LAW CENTER visit splcenter.org © 2021 SOUTHERN POVERTY LAW CENTER LEE / KIRBY AP IMAGES 2 MOVEMENT AND SPACE MOVEMENT AND SPACE Creating Dialogue on Systemic Racism from the Modern Civil Rights Movement to the Present WRITTEN BY CAMILLE JACKSON AND JEFF SAPP EDITORIAL DIRECTION BY JEFF SAPP, TAFENI ENGLISH AND DAVID HODGE AP IMAGES / KIRBY LEE / KIRBY AP IMAGES 4 MOVEMENT AND SPACE TABLE OF CONTENTS Preface .................................................................................................................................................7 What Do We Mean by Movement and Space? .......................................................................8 Objectives, Enduring Understanding and Key Concepts ..................................................9 Audience, Time and Materials ................................................................................................. 10 Considerations ............................................................................................................................. -
DEEN FREELON CHARLTON D. MCILWAIN MEREDITH D. CLARK About the Authors: Deen Freelon Is an Assistant Professor of Communication at American University
BEYOND THE HASHTAGS DEEN FREELON CHARLTON D. MCILWAIN MEREDITH D. CLARK About the authors: Deen Freelon is an assistant professor of communication at American University. Charlton D. McIlwain is an associate professor of media, culture and communi- cation and Associate Dean for Faculty Development and Diversity at New York University. Meredith D. Clark is an assistant professor of digital and print news at the University of North Texas. Please send any questions or comments about this report to Deen Freelon at [email protected]. About the Center For Media & Social Impact: The Center for Media & Social Impact at American University’s School of Communication, based in Washington, D.C., is an innovation lab and research center that creates, studies, and showcases media for social impact. Fo- cusing on independent, documentary, entertainment and public media, the Center bridges boundaries between scholars, producers and communication practitioners across media production, media impact, public policy, and audience engagement. The Center produces resources for the field and academic research; convenes conferences and events; and works collaboratively to understand and design media that matters. www.cmsimpact.org Internal photos: Philip Montgomery Graphic design and layout: openbox9 The authors gratefully acknowledge funding support from the Spencer Foundation, without which this project would not have been possible. We also thank Ryan Blocher, Frank Franco, Cate Jackson, and Sedale McCall for transcribing participant interviews; David Proper and Kate Sheppard for copyediting; and Mitra Arthur, Caty Borum Chattoo, Brigid Maher, and Vincent Terlizzi for assisting with the report’s web presence and PR. The views expressed in this report are the authors’ alone and are not necessarily shared by the Spencer Foundation or the Center for Media and Social Impact. -
Remedying the Effects of Government-Sanctioned Segregation in a Post-Freddie Gray Baltimore Yvette N
University of Maryland Law Journal of Race, Religion, Gender and Class Volume 16 | Issue 1 Article 6 Remedying the Effects of Government-Sanctioned Segregation in a Post-Freddie Gray Baltimore Yvette N. Pappoe Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.law.umaryland.edu/rrgc Recommended Citation Yvette N. Pappoe, Remedying the Effects of Government-Sanctioned Segregation in a Post-Freddie Gray Baltimore, 16 U. Md. L.J. Race Relig. Gender & Class 115 (). Available at: http://digitalcommons.law.umaryland.edu/rrgc/vol16/iss1/6 This Notes & Comments is brought to you for free and open access by the Academic Journals at DigitalCommons@UM Carey Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in University of Maryland Law Journal of Race, Religion, Gender and Class by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@UM Carey Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Pappoe REMEDYING THE EFFECTS OF GOVERNMENT-SANCTIONED SEGREGATION IN A POST-FREDDIE GRAY BALTIMORE * YVETTE N. PAPPOE I. INTRODUCTION Since the civil unrest following the death of Freddie Gray, a 25-year-old Black1 man who suffered a spinal cord injury and died in police custody, many—including political pundits, politicians, and residents—have debated about what went wrong in Baltimore. While some commentators believe the unrest was solely in response to “police mistreatment of black men,”2 some have opined that the unrest was a product of pent up frustration caused by “crushing poverty, lack of opportunity,”3 and the denial, to Black youth in Baltimore, of “the opportunity to participate in mainstream American society.”4 This Comment argues that the aforementioned issues are a byproduct of racist government-sanctioned policies that continue to perpetuate racial and economic segregation and concentrated poverty in Black communities. -
And Visual and Performance Art in the Era of Extrajudicial Police Killings
International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Vol. 5, No. 10; October 2015 Protesting Police Violence: “Blacklivesmatter” And Visual and Performance Art in the Era of Extrajudicial Police Killings John Paul, PhD Washburn University Departments of Sociology and Art Topeka, Kansas 66621 Introduction This visual essay is an exploration of the art, performance, and visual iconography associated with the BlackLivesMatter social movement organization.[1]Here I examine art that is used to protest and draw awareness to extrajudicial violence and the “increasingly militarized systems of killer cops…in the United States of America.”[2]In this review, secondary themes of racism, dehumanization, racial profiling and political and economic injustice will also be highlighted. Ultimately this work intertwines (and illustrates with art) stories of recent and historic episodes of state violence against unarmed black and brown citizens, and my goals with this project are several. First, I simply seek to organize, in one place, a record of visual protest against excessive policing. In particular, I am interested in what these images have to say about the use of state violence when compared and analyzed collectively. Second, via these images, I hope to explore the various ways they have been used to generate commentary and suggest explanations (as well as alternatives) to racism, police brutality, and a militarized culture within police departments. Within this second goal, I ask whose consciousness is being challenged, what social change is being sought, and how these images hope to accomplish this change. Third, I claim these images as part of the symbolic soul of the BlackLivesMatter social movement—and I explore the art directly within the movement as well as the art in the surrounding culture.[3] I begin however with conceptions of social movement activism. -
Biracial Activism in the Black Lives Matter Era Maria Hamming Grand Valley State University
McNair Scholars Journal Volume 21 | Issue 1 Article 4 2017 Counting Color: Biracial Activism in the Black Lives Matter Era Maria Hamming Grand Valley State University Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.gvsu.edu/mcnair Recommended Citation Hamming, Maria (2017) "Counting Color: Biracial Activism in the Black Lives Matter Era," McNair Scholars Journal: Vol. 21 : Iss. 1 , Article 4. Available at: https://scholarworks.gvsu.edu/mcnair/vol21/iss1/4 Copyright © 2017 by the authors. McNair Scholars Journal is reproduced electronically by ScholarWorks@GVSU. https://scholarworks.gvsu.edu/ mcnair?utm_source=scholarworks.gvsu.edu%2Fmcnair%2Fvol21%2Fiss1%2F4&utm_medium=PDF&utm_campaign=PDFCoverPages Counting Color: Biracial Activism in the Black Lives Matter Era Introduction and was pregnant. Nixon knew that Colvin would be a “political liability in certain On March 2, 1955 Claudette Colvin parts of the black community”6 and would would find a seat on a city bus in certainly fuel stereotypes from the White Montgomery, Alabama and send the community.7 Montgomery bus boycott into motion. A 10th grader at Booker T. Washington Colorism explains why Claudette High School, Claudette felt empowered Colvin was not used as the face of the by her class history lessons on Harriet Montgomery bus boycott. Color classism, Tubman and Sojourner Truth, and was or colorism, is defined as “a social, disillusioned by the “bleak racial conditions economic, and political societal framework in Montgomery.”1 Per the segregation laws that follows skin-color differences, such at the time, Claudette sat in the rear of the as those along a continuum of possible bus, which was designated for “colored” shades, those with the lightest skin color passengers.