Masterarbeit / Master's Thesis

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Masterarbeit / Master's Thesis MASTERARBEIT / MASTER’S THESIS Titel der Masterarbeit / Title of the Master‘s Thesis “Bringing Back Bilateralism? An Analysis of the US-UK ‘Special Relationship’ in the 21st century” verfasst von / submitted by Ulrike Wabusseg, BA BA angestrebter akademischer Grad / in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (MA) Wien, 2018 / Vienna, 2018 Studienkennzahl lt. Studienblatt / A 066 824 degree programme code as it appears on the student record sheet: Studienrichtung lt. Studienblatt / MA Politikwissenschaft degree programme as it appears on the student record sheet: Betreut von / Supervisor: Univ.-Prof. Dr. Heinz Gärtner Table of Contents I. Introduction ............................................................................................................................... 4 II. What is the ‘special relationship’? ........................................................................................... 6 III. Theoretical background – bilateralism ................................................................................. 11 1. Multi – and bilateralism in the Theories of International Relations .......................................... 12 2. The phenomenon of multilateralism .......................................................................................... 14 2.1. Multilateralism and multilateral organisations .................................................................. 16 2.1.1. Ideal types of multilateral organisations - collective security systems ...................... 17 2.1.2. NATO as a ‘truncated’ ideal type? ............................................................................ 18 2.2. The EU as a multilateral organisation?.............................................................................. 19 2.2.1. The UK and the EU – ‘awkward’ partners? .............................................................. 20 2.2.2. Under the banner of multilateralism? – The USA’s promotion of European integration .................................................................................................................................. 22 3. Bilateralism ............................................................................................................................... 23 3.1. Nazi Germany’s approach to international trade – exemplified bilateralism? .................. 23 3.2. Bilateralism and multilateralism – a difference in essence? .............................................. 24 3.3. Bilateralism in (multilateral) orders, regimes and organisations ....................................... 27 3.3.1. EU bilateralism and multilateralism .......................................................................... 27 3.3.2. Bilateralism and the ‘special relationship’ ................................................................ 28 IV. Methods .................................................................................................................................... 30 V. A ‘special relationship’ at the UN? ........................................................................................ 33 1. Voting cohesion in the UNGA - results of previous studies ..................................................... 35 2. Vetoes in the UN Security Council ........................................................................................... 36 3. US-UK voting cohesion in the General Assembly .................................................................... 38 3.1. Matters of multilateralism ................................................................................................. 39 3.2. Issues of arms control, (nuclear) disarmament etc. ........................................................... 42 4. Embedding the discussion into the broader one of multilateralism ........................................... 44 VI. The sphere of economics- a looming Brexit and ‘special’ relations .................................... 47 1. US bilateral trade treaties .......................................................................................................... 48 2. EU trade agreements ................................................................................................................. 49 3. ‘Deeply’ integrated – A survey of economic data ..................................................................... 50 3.1. Foreign direct investments ................................................................................................ 51 3.2. US service and merchandise exports ................................................................................. 51 2 3.3. US-UK bilateral trade flows .............................................................................................. 52 4. Towards a post-Brexit US-UK Free Trade Agreement? ........................................................... 53 5. A special economic relationship? .............................................................................................. 56 6. Channelling back to the theory – bilateralism and trade ........................................................... 56 VII. Defence Relations .................................................................................................................... 59 1. General Parameters .................................................................................................................... 60 2. The UK and the US’s involvement in UN Peacekeeping .......................................................... 61 3. NATO – peacekeeping and ‘collective defence’ between multi- and bilateralism ................... 64 4. Excursion: The EU, CSDP, PESCO and the UK ...................................................................... 66 5. UK military presence in the world ............................................................................................ 67 6. US military presence in the world ............................................................................................. 69 7. “I will be with you, whatever” – Iraq and the ‘special defence relationship’............................ 71 8. Military relations in terms of multilateralism and bilateralism ................................................. 75 VIII. The matter of intelligence cooperation .................................................................................. 77 1. Cooperation in a sensitive field ................................................................................................. 78 2. Structures of US-UK intelligence cooperation – a very special relationship? .......................... 79 2.1. Sharing of SIGINT and harmonisation .............................................................................. 80 2.2. New Challenges and Five Eyes ......................................................................................... 82 3. US-UK intelligence cooperation in terms of multilateralism and bilateralism ......................... 83 IX. State visits and official visits ................................................................................................... 86 1. Important distinctions, practices and protocol ........................................................................... 86 2. Costs and limitations ................................................................................................................. 89 3. Purposes and possible effects of state and official visits ........................................................... 90 4. Visiting friends? – Categorising US-UK official visits ............................................................. 92 5. The statistics of UK-US official visits since 2000 in terms of bilateralism and multilateralism ..... 94 X. Conclusion ............................................................................................................................... 98 XI. References .............................................................................................................................. 101 XII. Index of graphs and tables .................................................................................................... 109 XIII. Absract/ Kurzbeschreibung ................................................................................................. 110 3 I. Introduction The theoretical concept of bilateralism can be said to be quite understudied. Particularly since the fall of the Iron Curtain, multilateralism seems to have been the dominating organising form of the international system and bilateralism has therefore been rather neglected by scholars of International Relations (IR). However, due to an increase in multilateralism and its growing complexity, bilateralism has become a considerable alternative in our complex globalised world in recent years (Heydon & Woolcock 2009: 9; Renard 2016: 18-19). On the 23rd of June 2016, a slight majority of voters in the United Kingdom (51.9 percent (Electoral Commission 2016)) opted in a referendum about the country’s membership of the European Union (EU) against a continued remaining inside the union and for a so-called and often stylised ‘Brexit’. Subsequently, the government of the United Kingdom formally triggered Article 50 of the Treaty of the European Union (TEU) in March 2017, which addresses the possibility of such a withdrawal from the EU. About six months after the Brexit vote, the outspoken EU-sceptic and critic of multilateral organisations and arrangements, Donald Trump, won the presidential elections on the 8th of November 2016, in the
Recommended publications
  • Bilateral Negotiations and Multilateral Trade: the Case of Taiwan - U.S
    This PDF is a selection from an out-of-print volume from the National Bureau of Economic Research Volume Title: Regionalism versus Multilateral Trade Arrangements, NBER-EASE Volume 6 Volume Author/Editor: Takatoshi Ito and Anne O. Krueger, Eds. Volume Publisher: University of Chicago Press Volume ISBN: 0-226-38672-4 Volume URL: http://www.nber.org/books/ito_97-1 Publication Date: January 1997 Chapter Title: Bilateral Negotiations and Multilateral Trade: The Case of Taiwan - U.S. Trade Talks Chapter Author: Tain-Jy Chen, Meng-Chun Liu Chapter URL: http://www.nber.org/chapters/c8605 Chapter pages in book: (p. 345 - 370) 12 Bilateral Negotiations and Multilateral Trade: The Case of Taiwan-U.S. Trade Talks Thin-Jy Chen and Meng-chun Liu 12.1 Introduction It is widely recognized that the multilateral trading system embodied in the GATT has played an instrumental role in expanding world trade and supporting the phenomenal economic growth the world has experienced since World War 11. Even a nonmember like Taiwan has benefited from access to increasingly open markets in industrial countries, particularly the United States. Immedi- ately after the war, as a hegemonic power, the United States championed multi- lateralism in world trade and led the way in successive multilateral negotiations for trade liberalization. This effort created international public goods on which even a nonmember like Taiwan can ride free. Since the 1970s, however, the United States has resorted with increasing frequency to unilateral measures to solve trade problems. The 1974 US. Trade Law provided the U.S. Trade Representative (USTR) with a set of weaponry for practicing unilateralism, such as the Section 301 provision, and strength- ened safeguard measures.
    [Show full text]
  • Indo-Sri Lanka Trade in Services: Fta Ii and Beyond
    WORKING PAPER NO. 145 INDO-SRI LANKA TRADE IN SERVICES: FTA II AND BEYOND Nisha Taneja Arpita Mukherjee Sanath Jayanetti Tilani Jayawardane NOVEMBER 2004 INDIAN COUNCIL FOR RESEARCH ON INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC RELATIONS Core-6A, 4th Floor, India Habitat Centre, Lodi Road, New Delhi-110 003 website1: www.icrier.org, website2: www.icrier.res.in INDO-SRI LANKA TRADE IN SERVICES: FTA II AND BEYOND Nisha Taneja Arpita Mukherjee Sanath Jayanetti Tilani Jayawardane NOVEMBER 2004 The views expressed in the ICRIER Working Paper Series are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect those of the Indian Council for Research on International Economic Relations (ICRIER). Contents List of Tables ......................................................................................................................i List of Abbreviations.........................................................................................................ii Foreword...........................................................................................................................iv I Introduction ...........................................................................................................1 II Analytical Framework ..........................................................................................3 III Methodology ..........................................................................................................5 III.1 Secondary Data.....................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Bilateralism Jeffrey W
    University of Richmond UR Scholarship Repository Political Science Faculty Publications Political Science 2008 Bilateralism Jeffrey W. Legro University of Richmond, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.richmond.edu/polisci-faculty-publications Part of the International Relations Commons Recommended Citation Legro, Jeffrey W. "Bilateralism." In International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, volume 1, 2nd edition, edited by William A Darity, Jr., 296-297. Detroit: Macmillan Reference USA, 2008. This Book Chapter is brought to you for free and open access by the Political Science at UR Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Political Science Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of UR Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Bilateralism Although interest in studying bigotry has varied over against women and the paradoxical intimacy that charac- the years, a renewed interest in the topic is evident among terizes relations between heterosexual males and females, researchers addressing issues related to cyberhate, terror- it becomes clear that contact, while necessary, is not suffi- ism, and religious and nationalistic fanaticism. In the case cient to eliminate bigotry. Furthermore, there is relatively of cyberhate, the speed of the Internet and its widespread little research investigating the extent to which contact accessibility make the spread of bigotry almost instanta- between different real-world racial and ethnic groups can neous and increasingly available to vulnerable populations actually breed harmony. How then to solve the problem of (Craig-Henderson 2006). As for the relationship between bigotry? The best strategy is one that includes education, bigotry and nationalism, there are a host of researchers interaction, and legislation.
    [Show full text]
  • Shifting Trade Winds: US Bilateralism & Asia-Pacific
    By• Wendy Cutler, Charles Finny, Peter Grey, Kim Jong-Hoon & Shotaro Oshima January 2018 SHIFTING TRADE WINDS: U.S. BILATERALISM & ASIA-PACIFIC ECONOMIC INTEGRATION ABOUT THE ASIA SOCIETY POLICY INSTITUTE BACKGROUND & SUMMARY With a problem-solving The withdrawal of the United States from the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) in mandate, the Asia January 2017 shook the Asia-Pacific region. It prompted governments and stake- Society Policy Institute holders across the region to reassess their reliance on American economic leadership (ASPI) tackles major policy and the U.S. market. As the United States stepped back from its economic engage- challenges confronting the ment in the region, Asia-Pacific economies took matters into their own hands and Asia-Pacific in security, prosperity, sustainability, are now pressing ahead with negotiating their own trade and investment agreements and the development within the Asia-Pacific region, and with other major economies around the world. of common norms and This Asia Society Policy Institute (ASPI) issue paper, written by an ASPI “Trade values for the region. Forum” composed of senior trade experts and chaired by Wendy Cutler, updates the findings and recommendations made almost one year ago (March 2017) in another ASPI report, Charting a Course for Trade and Economic Integration in the Asia- Pacific.1 This issue paper reflects the unfolding economic developments in the most dynamic area of the world, and over the course of an unusually eventful year for trade. This paper makes a number of recommendations to policymakers across the region on how to navigate an increasingly complex Asia-Pacific trade landscape.
    [Show full text]
  • Bilateralism, Multilateralism, and the Architecture of International Law
    Bilateralism, Multilateralism, and the Architecture of International Law The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Gabriella Blum, Bilateralism, Multilateralism, and the Architecture of International Law, 49 Harv. Int'l L.J. 323 (2008). Published Version http://www.harvardilj.org/site/wp-content/uploads/2010/07/ HILJ_49-2_Blum.pdf Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:10880577 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Open Access Policy Articles, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#OAP \\server05\productn\H\HLI\49-2\HLI201.txt unknown Seq: 1 20-MAY-08 13:29 VOLUME 49, NUMBER 2, SUMMER 2008 Bilateralism, Multilateralism, and the Architecture of International Law Gabriella Blum* This paper studies the different roles, impact, and operation of bilateral treaties and multilateral treaties as structures within the architecture of international law. I observe that the preference for bilateralism or multilateralism in international lawmaking is often determined not by an informed choice but by an instinctive association of political schools or bureaucratic affiliations with different forms of international regulation. This association, however, is not always founded on a just appreciation of the workings of either form in various contexts or of the way in which the two interact with each other. I set out to offer a framework for such an appreciation and assess the workings of multilateral treaties and bilateral treaties along three dimensions: the contribution of the respective instruments to the advancement of an interna- tional rule of law; the operation of the regime in terms of its effectiveness, efficiency, and compliance; and the democratic legitimacy of the making of each regime.
    [Show full text]
  • EU-LA Relations: from Interregionalism to Bilateralism?
    Pactos territoriales y partenariado transnacional: Estrategias locales para enfrentar los desafíos de la globalización CAEIBy Leandro Venacio Centro Argentino de Estudios Internacionales EU-LA relations: from interregionalism to bilateralism? by Sebastian Santander Working paper # 29 Programa de América Latina 0 Todos los derechos reservados. - Pág. 0 Sebastian Santander Professor in Political Science and International Relations at the Univesrity of Liège and at the Université libre de Bruxelles LASA Congres of Toronto, Canada, Panel on Theoretical Implications of the New Regional, Interregional and Extra- Regional Relations of Latin America Co-chaired by Carlos Quenan and Gonzalo Páz Friday 8, 2010 EU-LA relations: from interregionalism to bilateralism? This conference focus on the EU-Latin America relationship and in particular on the issue of interregional relations. The main question this paper is dealing with is the following: are the EU relations with Latin America moving from an interregional approach to a bilateral one?1 1. Regionalism and interregionalism as key elements in the EU-Latin American relationship a. The 1990s: a new start Relations between the EU and Latin America, as they now stand, date back to the early 1990s. There are several elements that helped to institutionalize relations between the EU and the whole Latin America continent the collapse of the bipolar world, the spread of economic and political liberalism, the re-launch of regional integration projects in Latin America and the EU’s ambitions to play a stronger role on the international stage. 1 This conference is an updating of some elements which have been treated in the following article : Sebastian Santander, « EU-LAC relations: from interregionalism to selective bilateralism? », in Christian Franck, Jean- Christophe Defraigne et Virginie de Monriamé, The European Union and the Rise of Regionalism : source of Inspiration and Active Promoter, Bruylant, Brussels, 2009, pp.
    [Show full text]
  • Bhutan-China Relations: Towards a New Step in Himalayan Politics
    CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by CrossAsia-Repository BHUTAN-CHINA RELATIONS: TOWARDS A NEW STEP IN HIMALAYAN POLITICS ∗ THIERRY MATHOU here is an apparent paradox in Bhutan-China’s relationship. The geographical location of Bhutan gives it both political and strategic Timportance in the Himalayan region. Bhutan has a long tradition of cultural and religious interaction with Tibet and shares a common border with China. Yet, the kingdom is China’s only neighbour which does not have diplomatic relations with the People’s Republic of China (PRC). Even trade and economic contacts between the two countries are very small and their common border remains closed. However, the status quo resulting from the turmoil that followed the integration of Tibet in the PRC and the Sino-Indian border conflict in 1962 is about to change. Political contacts have been resumed since the mid 1980s. The two governments have been using the annual border consultations to exchange views on a wide range of bilateral issues. Both countries have interest in the normalization of their relationship. Yet, their perspectives are different. While Bhutan prefers to remain cautious according to the approach it has always favoured on the diplomatic scene1, China is considering its relation with Bhutan as part of its “Western development strategy”, that could allow Tibet to regain a central position in the Himalayan region. The present paper places Bhutan-China relations in an historical perspective that shows the importance of the Tibetan factor. Linkage politics and perceptions of security in the context of India-China relations are also described.
    [Show full text]
  • How America Views China-South Korea Bilateralism∗
    HOW AMERICA VIEWS CHINA-SOUTH KOREA BILATERALISM∗ Jae Ho CHUNG Visiting Fellow, Center for Northeast Asian Policy Studies The Brookings Institution 2002-2003 and Professor of International Relations Seoul National University ∗I would like to extend my gratitude to Richard C. Bush, Director of CNAPS, and his staff at the Brookings Institution, as well as to fifty-six interviewees who shared their knowledge and insight. 1 The South Korea-United States alliance has come a long way from being an indispensable front-line checkpoint against Communist aggression in East Asia. The Cold War structure firmly anchored in the region has now been largely dismantled, a transformation most clearly evidenced by South Korea’s diplomatic normalization with both China and Russia. While North Korea still remains a security threat to the South, the evolving strategic configurations of the region are likely to precipitate certain changes in the half- century alliance relationship between Seoul and Washington.1 The ever-expanding South Korea-China bilateralism, in particular, has become the locus of much interest and concern on the part of an increasing number of American policy experts that, in the long run, Seoul may eventually choose to depart the U.S.-led security framework and instead join the orbits of Beijing’s diplomacy.2 The Republic of Korea (hereafter South Korea) has of late been attracting diplomatic, economic and strategic attention from both the United States and China. The curious relationship between Seoul and Beijing has come a long way from antagonistic enemies to cooperative partners for the future. While South Korea has been quite successful in engaging China, that success has at the same time generated an intricate dilemma for South Korea and its alliance with the United States.
    [Show full text]
  • Bilateralism Under the World Trade Organization Y.S
    Northwestern Journal of International Law & Business Volume 26 Issue 2 Winter Winter 2006 Bilateralism under the World Trade Organization Y.S. Lee Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/njilb Part of the International Trade Commons Recommended Citation Y.S. Lee, Bilateralism under the World Trade Organization, 26 Nw. J. Int'l L. & Bus. 357 (2005-2006) This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Northwestern Journal of International Law & Business by an authorized administrator of Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. Bilateralism Under The World Trade Organization Y.S.Lee, Ph.D. * I. INTRODUCTION The establishment of the World Trade Organization ("WTO"), which replaced the five decades of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade ("GATT") regime,' has significantly reinforced multilateral control over international trade on a global scale. As of October 2005, membership in the WTO has reached 148 nations, including the majority of former Soviet bloc and other communist countries, 2 making the WTO the "United Nations of International Trade.",3 WTO disciplines have significant impact on world trade today; they have been enforced by the monitoring activities of various WTO bodies and by strengthened dispute resolution mechanisms. In addition, a significant number of bilateral/regional trade agreements co- exist alongside the WTO. There are over 130 of these agreements in force. Around 90% of WTO members have signed at least one or more regional trade agreements ("RTAs"). Thus, the bilateralism represented by these RTAs is as much a factor as the multilateralism of the WTO in shaping international trade relations today.4 RTAs provide exclusive preferential treatment to trade with member * Dr.
    [Show full text]
  • Canada V. United States of America
    Canada-United States Law Journal Volume 40 Issue 1 Article 3 2016 Canada v. United States of America Rosemary A. McCarney Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/cuslj Part of the Transnational Law Commons Recommended Citation Rosemary A. McCarney, Canada v. United States of America, 40 Can.-U.S. L.J. 13 (2016) Available at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/cuslj/vol40/iss1/3 This Niagara Moot Court is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Journals at Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Canada-United States Law Journal by an authorized administrator of Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. McCarney – CUSLI 40th Anniversary Conference Keynote Address 13 CANADA-UNITED STATES LAW INSTITUTE 40TH ANNIVERSARY CONFERENCE, APRIL 2016: KEYNOTE ADDRESS Rosemary A. McCarney* TABLE OF CONTENTS I. Introduction ...................................................................................................... 13 II. Borders Thick and Thin .................................................................................. 14 A. The Bilateral-Multilateral Relationship .................................................... 15 III. The Bilateral Relationship by the Numbers .................................................. 15 IV. Translating the Bilateral Relationship Multilaterally .................................... 17 A. Human Rights ..........................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Lhotshampas Refugees: Implications on Nepal-Bhutan Relations Eyasin Khan
    Lhotshampas Refugees: Implications on Nepal-Bhutan Relations Eyasin Khan ABSTRACT Refugee problem is an important arena of study on Human Rights. State policy makes refugees. There is a complex relationship between Human Rights and refugee problem. There are instances of exploitation in the hands of enforcement officials, citizens of the host country, and even United Nations peacekeepers. Instances of human rights violations, child labour, mental and physical trauma/torture, violence-related trauma, and sexual exploitation, especially of children, are not entirely unknown. In spite of absence of a viable refugee regime, South Asian countries continue to host a huge population of refugee and their preferred mode for the quest of durable solution has remained ad hoc with preference accorded to bilateralism between the refugee generating and refugee hosting countries. The experiences of the Bhutanese refugees in Nepal, evidence the inherent imperfection of bilateralism in the region and warrant a serious rethinking of the refugee approach of SAARC. Against this back drop, this paper attempts to understand the Nepal–Bhutan bilateralism with special emphasis on Lhotshampas Refugees. Key Words: Lhotshampas, Nepal, Bhutan, SAARC, GNH, Human Rights, Refugee. 1.0. Introduction of the changes that have occurred in these two The two SAARC member countries - Nepal and countries becomes quite important to anyone Bhutan - are situated between India and the Tibet interested in the study of relations between these China with a very potential geopolitical importance. two countries (Khadka 2003). Although from the very beginning, Nepal and Both the nations had formally established Bhutan have maintained extremely good mutual diplomatic relations in 1983.
    [Show full text]
  • Manifestations of Canadian Multilateralism 1 David Black and Greg Donaghy *
    BLACK AND DONAGHY MANIFESTATIONS OF CANADIAN MULTILATERALISM 1 DAVID BLACK AND GREG DONAGHY * For much of the period since the end of the Second World War, multilateralism has served as an article of faith for most Canadian foreign policy makers and their attentive publics. Admittedly, this broad consensus in support of multilateral institutions and practices masked significant ambiguities and tensions. There was often a gap between the idea of multilateralism and its practice. Moreover, multilateralism was understood quite differently by its various supporters. For some, it was a pragmatic tool for international problem solving among state representatives, while others embraced it as an inclusive and democratic means of transforming the global order. Indeed, it was precisely this breadth and ambiguity that allowed multilateralism to attract and retain a wide following. Canada’s participation in, and support for, a steadily growing array of postwar multilateral institutions was a staple of Canadian foreign policy thought and practice (Keating, 2002; Black & Sjolander, 1996). Over the past several decades, however, multilateralism in Canada has come under increasing scrutiny from a variety of political and theoretical perspectives. The first major breach arguably occurred in international economic relations when Canada decided in 1984 to pursue bilateral free trade with the United States (Tomlin, 2001). The potential to multilateralize this arrangement through its extension to Mexico in the North American Free Trade Agreement of 1993, and the pursuit of a hemispheric free trade arrangement, have remained more or less unfulfilled, underscoring bilateralism’s ascendancy. Some of the sharpest and most persistent challenges have come more recently in the domain of international security.
    [Show full text]