EU Trade Policy and Democracy Building in South Asia
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Lower to Middle Income Countries
World Bank list of lower to middel income countries x x Economy Code X Region Income group 1 Afghanistan AFG South Asia Low income 2 Albania ALB Europe & Central Asia Upper middle income 3 Algeria DZA Middle East & North Africa Upper middle income 4 American Samoa ASM East Asia & Pacific Upper middle income 5 Angola AGO Sub-Saharan Africa Lower middle income 6 Armenia ARM Europe & Central Asia Upper middle income 7 Azerbaijan AZE Europe & Central Asia Upper middle income 8 Bangladesh BGD South Asia Lower middle income 9 Belarus BLR Europe & Central Asia Upper middle income 10 Belize BLZ Latin America & Caribbean Upper middle income 11 Benin BEN Sub-Saharan Africa Low income 12 Bhutan BTN South Asia Lower middle income 13 Bolivia BOL Latin America & Caribbean Lower middle income 14 Bosnia and Herzegovina BIH Europe & Central Asia Upper middle income 15 Botswana BWA Sub-Saharan Africa Upper middle income 16 Brazil BRA Latin America & Caribbean Upper middle income 17 Bulgaria BGR Europe & Central Asia Upper middle income 18 Burkina Faso BFA Sub-Saharan Africa Low income 19 Burundi BDI Sub-Saharan Africa Low income 20 Cabo Verde CPV Sub-Saharan Africa Lower middle income 21 Cambodia KHM East Asia & Pacific Lower middle income 22 Cameroon CMR Sub-Saharan Africa Lower middle income 23 Central African Republic CAF Sub-Saharan Africa Low income 24 Chad TCD Sub-Saharan Africa Low income 25 China CHN East Asia & Pacific Upper middle income 26 Colombia COL Latin America & Caribbean Upper middle income 27 Comoros COM Sub-Saharan Africa Low income 28 Congo, Dem. -
China-Southeast Asia Relations: Trends, Issues, and Implications for the United States
Order Code RL32688 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web China-Southeast Asia Relations: Trends, Issues, and Implications for the United States Updated April 4, 2006 Bruce Vaughn (Coordinator) Analyst in Southeast and South Asian Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Wayne M. Morrison Specialist in International Trade and Finance Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress China-Southeast Asia Relations: Trends, Issues, and Implications for the United States Summary Southeast Asia has been considered by some to be a region of relatively low priority in U.S. foreign and security policy. The war against terror has changed that and brought renewed U.S. attention to Southeast Asia, especially to countries afflicted by Islamic radicalism. To some, this renewed focus, driven by the war against terror, has come at the expense of attention to other key regional issues such as China’s rapidly expanding engagement with the region. Some fear that rising Chinese influence in Southeast Asia has come at the expense of U.S. ties with the region, while others view Beijing’s increasing regional influence as largely a natural consequence of China’s economic dynamism. China’s developing relationship with Southeast Asia is undergoing a significant shift. This will likely have implications for United States’ interests in the region. While the United States has been focused on Iraq and Afghanistan, China has been evolving its external engagement with its neighbors, particularly in Southeast Asia. In the 1990s, China was perceived as a threat to its Southeast Asian neighbors in part due to its conflicting territorial claims over the South China Sea and past support of communist insurgency. -
The Khyber Pass the Khyber Pass Is a Narrow, Steep-Sided Pass That Connects Northern Pakistan with Afghanistan
Name ___________________ Date ____ Class _____ Physical Geography of South Asia DiHerentiated Instrudion The Khyber Pass The Khyber Pass is a narrow, steep-sided pass that connects northern Pakistan with Afghanistan. (A pass is a lower point that allows easier access through a mountain range.) The Khyber Pass winds for about 30 miles (48 km) through the Safed Koh Mountains, which are part of the Hindu Kush range on the Pakistan-Afghanistan border. Roads through the pass link the cities of Peshawar, Pakistan, . and Kabul, Afghanistan. Because of its strategic location, the Khyber Pass has been a vital trade-and invasion-route from Central Asia to South Asia for centuries. About 326 B.C., Alexander the Great moved his troops through the pass on the way to India. British and Indian forces used it as an entry point for their invasions of Afghanistan during the three Afghan Wars (the last occurring in 1919). Some historians have even theorized that the Aryan people originally migrated to India by going through the Khyber Pass. Today two highways snake through the Khyber Pass-one for vehicles and the other for traditional camel caravans. A railway line also winds through the pass. Recently, the Khyber Pass has been used by refugees from the Afghanistan civil war to get into Pakistan, and by arms dealers transporting weapons into Afghanistan. The people who live in the villages along the Khyber Pass are mainly ethnic Pashtuns. During the Afghan-Soviet War (1979-1989), Pashtuns were important members of the mujahideen. These are Islamic guerrilla groups that fought the Soviets during their takeover of Afghanistan. -
China's Influence on Conflict Dynamics in South Asia
USIP SENIOR STUDY GROUP FINAL REPORT China’s Influence on Conflict Dynamics in South Asia DECEMBER 2020 | NO. 4 USIP Senior Study Group Report This report is the fourth in USIP’s Senior Study Group (SSG) series on China’s influence on conflicts around the world. It examines how Beijing’s growing presence is affecting political, economic, and security trends in South Asia and the Indian Ocean region. The bipartisan group was comprised of senior experts, former policymakers, and retired diplomats. They met six times by videoconference over the course of 2020 to examine how an array of issues—from military affairs to border disputes, trade and development, and cultural issues—come together to shape and be shaped by Chinese involvement. The group members drew from their deep individual experiences working in and advising the US government to generate a set of top-level findings and actionable policy recommen- dations. Unless otherwise sourced, all observations and conclusions are those of the SSG members. Cover illustration by Alex Zaitsev/Shutterstock The views expressed in this report are those of the members of the Senior Study Group alone. They do not necessarily reflect the views of the United States Institute of Peace. An online edition of this and related reports can be found on our website (www.usip.org), together with additional information on the subject. © 2020 by the United States Institute of Peace United States Institute of Peace 2301 Constitution Avenue NW Washington, DC 20037 Phone: 202.457.1700 Fax: 202.429.6063 E-mail: [email protected] Web: www.usip.org First published December 2020. -
Policy Brief
ASIA-PACIFIC RESEARCH AND TRAINING NETWORK ON TRADE POLICY BRIEF BRIEF NO. 50 | July 2017 India-Sri Lanka Free Trade Agreement: Sri Lanka reaping the benefits from preferential trade SAMAN KELEGAMA* Usage of the preferential tariffs in the free trade agreement The objective of a free trade agreement (FTA) is not to bring about a balance in trade, but to work out a ‘win-win’ situation for both producers and consumers in FTA member countries. In doing so, there can be instances where the trade deficit increases for one partner. For instance, the inflow of necessary consumer goods, machinery and spare parts for industrial activity, and intermediate goods like textiles and oil, to one trading partner can be huge while the supply capacity of the same trading nation may be limited and cannot immediately increase to expand its exports to match the import flow. If one looks at the composition of imports from India to Sri Lanka, the bulk of it comes mainly to fulfill consumer needs like vehicles, pharmaceuticals, sugar, etc. Some other imports are intermediate imports for the industry like textiles, vehicle parts, and oil. For example, Sri Lanka annually imports close to US$60 million worth of yarn and US$300 million of fabric from India for use as inputs in the apparel industry. All these items constitute, on average, nearly 80% of Sri Lankan imports from India and they are imported outside the provisions of the FTA. In other words, these items are subject to normal customs duties and do not benefit from any tariff concessions. -
Myanmar: the Key Link Between
ADBI Working Paper Series Myanmar: The Key Link between South Asia and Southeast Asia Hector Florento and Maria Isabela Corpuz No. 506 December 2014 Asian Development Bank Institute Hector Florento and Maria Isabela Corpuz are consultants at the Office of Regional Economic Integration, Asian Development Bank. The views expressed in this paper are the views of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views or policies of ADBI, ADB, its Board of Directors, or the governments they represent. ADBI does not guarantee the accuracy of the data included in this paper and accepts no responsibility for any consequences of their use. Terminology used may not necessarily be consistent with ADB official terms. Working papers are subject to formal revision and correction before they are finalized and considered published. In this paper, “$” refers to US dollars. The Working Paper series is a continuation of the formerly named Discussion Paper series; the numbering of the papers continued without interruption or change. ADBI’s working papers reflect initial ideas on a topic and are posted online for discussion. ADBI encourages readers to post their comments on the main page for each working paper (given in the citation below). Some working papers may develop into other forms of publication. Suggested citation: Florento, H., and M. I. Corpuz. 2014. Myanmar: The Key Link between South Asia and Southeast Asia. ADBI Working Paper 506. Tokyo: Asian Development Bank Institute. Available: http://www.adbi.org/working- paper/2014/12/12/6517.myanmar.key.link.south.southeast.asia/ Please contact the authors for information about this paper. -
Chapter 2 the Hindu Kush-Himalayas: Searching for Viable Socioeconomic and Environmental Options
Chapter 2 The Hindu Kush-Himalayas: Searching for Viable Socioeconomic and Environmental Options MAHESH BANSKOTA Deputy Director General ICIMOD, Kathmandu 2.1 Introduction The Hindu Kush-Himalayan Region has experienced both continental as well as cultural collisions between mainland Asia and the Indian sub-continent. It is one of the most diverse physical and cultural landscapes in the world. Within very short distances, components of almost all the principal ecosystems and a wide range of cultural systems of the world are found. In response to different environmental factors, each has also developed its own unique features. Yet, for all its biological and cultural diversity, it is among the least known of the world’s mountain systems. For centuries the only information coming out of these mountains was the experiences or impressions of a few travellers who were migrants, invaders, traders, or missionaries (Fürer-Haimendorf 1975; Hammerton 1984; Biddulph 1986). Mountain people themselves knew very little about each other. Barricaded by high mountains, swift rivers, and an array of dialects and customs, with the added impact of fierce competition for limited resources, they were also strangers to each other. The long history of isolation and conflicts in the region has made its inhabitants highly suspicious of outsiders and their motives. This is also experienced at times by central governments when they try to implement their development activities (Clarke 1987; Shrestha 1993; Bahuguna 1994). 57 Untitled-4 57 7/19/2007, 1:07 PM The traditional isolation of mountain areas is being increasingly broken by the wheels of technology, the increasing education of mountain people, and the expansion of modern commerce and communications. -
Sample Chapter
Copyright material – 9781137025746 Contents List of Figures, Tables and Boxes viii Preface to the Second Edition x List of Abbreviations xii Introduction 1 Scope, Rationale and Relevance of the Book 1 The Changing Context of EU Foreign Policy 4 Objectives and Approach 6 Outline of Chapters 6 1 The Nature of EU Foreign Policy 11 Understanding EU Foreign Policy 11 Areas of Tension in EU Foreign Policy 19 Back to the Treaties: Principles and Objectives 25 Relational and Structural Foreign Policy 27 The Globalizing Context of EU Foreign Policy 30 Conclusion 33 2 European Integration and Foreign Policy: Historical Overview 35 European Integration: The Product of a Structural Foreign Policy (1945–52) 35 The First Decades (1952–70): A Taboo on Defence, Decisive Steps on Trade and International Agreements 39 European Political Cooperation: Setting the Stage (1970–93) 42 The Maastricht Treaty (1993) and the Illusory CFSP 46 The Amsterdam Treaty (1999) and ESDP: Moving towards Action 51 Eastern Enlargement (2004/07), the Lisbon Treaty (2009) and New Challenges 55 Conclusion 60 3 The EU’s Foreign Policy System: Actors 61 One Framework, Two Policy-making Methods, or a Continuum? 61 The European Council 63 The Council 66 The Commission 72 The High Representative/Vice-President and the EEAS 77 The European Parliament 85 v Copyright material – 9781137025746 vi Contents The Court of Justice 89 Other Actors 90 Conclusion 93 4 The EU’s Foreign Policy System: Policy-making 94 Competences 94 Decision-making 97 Policy-making in Practice 104 Financing EU Foreign -
India FTA and the Sri Lanka – Pakistan FTA
UNCTAD REGIONAL VALUE CHAINS BACKGROUND PAPER Experiences of Sri Lanka in the Sri Lanka – India FTA and the Sri Lanka – Pakistan FTA Saman Kelegama and Chandana Karunaratne Institute of Policy Studies BACKGROUND PAPER NO. RVC-10 1 This study was prepared for UNCTAD as a background paper for to the ECIDC Report 2012. The financial Experiences of Sri Lanka in the Sri Lanka – India FTA and the Sri Lanka – Pakistan FTA Saman Kelegama and Chandana Karunaratne UNCTAD JANUARY 2013 Executive Director, Institute of Policy Studies, Sri Lanka Research Officer, IPS 2 Experiences of Sri Lanka in the Sri Lanka – India FTA and the Sri Lanka – Pakistan FTA Saman Kelegama and Chandana Karunaratne Introduction Since the implementation of Sri Lanka’s Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) with India and Pakistan, there have been markedly different impacts on its bilateral trade with the two countries. The India – Sri Lanka Free Trade Agreement (ISFTA) was signed in December 1998 and was among the first attempts to promote trade liberalization in South Asia. It was India’s first bilateral free trade agreement and resulted in substantial growth in trade between the two countries after becoming operational in March 2000. An analysis of sectoral growth that follows below shows that within the first two years following implementation of the Agreement, several sectors experienced over 100% growth, including industries such as chemical product manufacturing, cement manufacturing, and pearl harvesting. Among Sri Lanka’s key exports, textile articles grew noticeably by 370%. Nonetheless, some industries did suffer negative growth. Nonetheless, the development-oriented impacts of the ISFTA have been fairly limited. -
Eu-Acp Economic Partnership Agreements Empirical Evidence for Sub-Saharan Africa
Reshaping Economic Geography BACKGROUND PAPER EU-ACP ECONOMIC PARTNERSHIP AGREEMENTS EMPIRICAL EVIDENCE FOR SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA Sebastian Vollmer¤ Inmaculada Mart¶³nez-Zarzosoy Felicitas Nowak-Lehmann D.z Nils-Hendrik Klan University of GÄottinge EU-ACP Economic Partnership Agreements Empirical Evidence for Sub-Saharan Africa Sebastian Vollmer¤ Inmaculada Mart¶³nez-Zarzosoy Felicitas Nowak-Lehmann D.z Nils-Hendrik Klannx Abstract Since early 2008 interim trade agreements between the EU and six regions of ACP countries (respectively sub-groups within the region) are in force. These agreements could be stepping stones towards full Economic Partnership Agree- ments between the EU and all ACP countries. We estimate the welfare e®ects of the interim agreements for nine African countries: Botswana, Cameroon, C^ote d'Ivoire, Ghana, Kenya, Mozambique, Namibia, Tanzania, and Uganda. Our analysis is based on highly disaggregated data for trade and tari®s (HS six digit level) and follows a simple analytical model by Milner et al. (2006) to quantify the welfare e®ects of trade liberalization. We extend the literature in two principal ways: First, we estimate elasticities of import demand for the nine African countries importing from the EU and Sub-Saharan Africa respectively. Second, we apply the actual tari® reduction rates recently negotiated between the EU and the African countries to estimate the agreement's welfare e®ects of trade liberalization for the African countries. Results indicate that Botswana, Cameroon, Mozambique, and Namibia will sig- ni¯cantly pro¯t from the interim agreements, while the trade e®ects for C^ote d'Ivoire, Ghana, Kenya, Tanzania, and Uganda are close to zero. -
Implications for ACP-EU Trade and Trade Negotiations
The Lisbon Treaty and Commonwealth Developing Countries: Implications for ACP‐EU trade and trade negotiations Christopher Stevens and Paul Goodison1 The Lisbon Treaty which came into force on 1 December 2009 alters institutional arrangements and the distribution of responsibilities within the European Union. Despite being an internal EU change it is certain to produce external effects. Although neither the scale nor precise nature of these effects can yet be predicted clearly, this issue of Commonwealth Trade Hot Topics offers a preliminary guide to the potential areas of change and an assessment of how these might impact upon Commonwealth developing countries in general (including least developed countries and small vulnerable economies) and on members of the ACP group in particular. Less a turning point than a staging post The Lisbon Treaty is the latest in a line of agreements (from Maastricht to Nice via Amsterdam) that modify the basis of the EU’s trade policy process. Addressing aspects of the Nice Treaty that created a degree of confusion and uncertainty it: • changes the Union‐level institutions responsible for external relations; • creates a European External Action Service (EEAS); • changes responsibilities for policy on trade and investment; and • gives new powers to the European Parliament. The broad thrust is to enhance the responsibilities and powers of the Union institutions relative to those of the European member states and to redistribute influence between the former. The Common Commercial Policy, for example, has been extended explicitly to apply with a few exceptions to trade in services, protection of intellectual property rights and foreign direct investment. -
Politics of Ports China's Investments in Pakistan, Sri Lanka & Bangladesh
Politics of ports China’s investments in Pakistan, Sri Lanka & Bangladesh Thilini Kahandawaarachchi A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in International Studies: South Asia University of Washington 2015 Committee: Sunila Kale Anand Yang Program Authorized to Offer Degree: The Henry M. Jackson School of International Studies © Copyright 2015 Thilini Kahandawaarachchi ii University of Washington Abstract Politics of ports China’s investments in Pakistan, Sri Lanka & Bangladesh Thilini Kahandawaarachchi Chair of the Supervisory Committee: Dr. Sunila Kale South Asia Studies Department Over the last decade China has heavily invested in deep-water ports in Pakistan, Sri Lanka and Bangladesh. Many scholars explain these investments in light of China’s economic expansion and long-term strategic goals. However, scholars have not paid enough attention to the rationale for recipient countries to encourage and even actively seek Chinese investments. This thesis will examine the rationale behind the governments of Pakistan, Sri Lanka and Bangladesh for involving China to build their maritime infrastructure. Firstly, I argue that these countries consider China to be a favourable alternative to funding from international financial institutions and Western donors that usually have numerous conditionalities when extending development loans. Secondly, I argue that South Asian countries around India perceive China as a counter balance against the regional hegemony of India. Further, China is also a useful friend to these South Asian countries to resist the influence of external powers and international organizations such as the UN. Thirdly, I argue that Chinese funding for these projects is used to achieve local development agendas and to increase regional connectivity in South Asia.