On Shulamit Aloni (Including Great Links)

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

On Shulamit Aloni (Including Great Links) More on Shulamit Aloni (including great links) From our blogger/colleague, Hillel Schenker, co-editor of the Palestine- Israel Journal: In memory of Shulamit Aloni, the dedicated fighter for human rights, civil rights, women’s rights, consumers rights, democracy and peace, I searched through my collection and found this photo from an anti-nuclear action in the mid-90s, when we floated a balloon with streamers along the Mediterranean coastline warning about the dangers of nuclear proliferation in the Middle East. Shula Aloni, who lived in nearby Kfar Shmaryahu, came to support the action, organized by the Israeli branch of IPPNW (International Physicians for Prevention of Nuclear War) at the small Herzliya airport. That’s my son Adi with the eye patch, who is now 26. Naomi Chazan, a veteran of Meretz and Ratz who worked closely with Shula over the years, wrote a comprehensive biographical essay, well worth reading, some time ago for the Jewish Women’s Archive. And this by a writer in Tablet, celebrates her legacy as a feminist. The NY Times obit is by Jodi Rudoren, its Jerusalem bureau chief: Shulamit Aloni, Outspoken Israeli Lawmaker, Dies at 86, with the subhead, “Mrs. Aloni was an early champion of civil liberties, challenger of religious hegemony and outspoken opponent of Israel’s occupation of the Palestinian territories.” Unfortunately, in referring to Meretz as “far-left,” Rudoren (perhaps inadvertently) continues the mainstream American press tendency to disparage the party’s seriousness as a liberal and social democratic political force; Meretz — Yitzhak Rabin’s main coalition partner, and later Ehud Barak’s principled ally and honest critic — was never extreme. Still, she did remind us of a resolute measure urged by Aloni and Meretz that sadly was not taken by Rabin: After Baruch Goldstein massacred 29 Muslims at the Tomb of the Patriarchs in 1994, she was among the first to call for the expulsion of hundreds of Jewish settlers from the West Bank city of Hebron. The tributes and remembrances keep on cropping up. An excellent one is by Yossi Beilin in The Jewish Daily Forward. Beilin, then a Labor MK, worked in the Yitzhak Rabin government with Aloni and other Meretz cabinet ministers. Later, he joined Meretz, and led the party from 2004 until 2008. His predecessor as leader of Meretz, Yossi Sarid (now a columnist for Haaretz), wrote one of the earliest tributes to Shula: The legacy of Shulamit Aloni, our fearless teacher. An editorial in Haaretz both salutes Shula and promotes Zehava Galon, the current leader of Meretz, as her worthy successor: Farewell to one of Israel’s true fighters on the left; it also includes a sidebar with links to other pieces on Shula. An uncharacteristically enthusiastic testimonial was written by the “Magnes Zionist,” Jerry Haber (a blogger who is often an acerbic critic of our brand of progressive Zionism): One of Israel’s Last Remaining Jews Dies. We continue to invite your reflections and remembrances as comments on this or other of our posts remembering Shula. Just remember that comments do not post immediately, as they are reviewed by an administrator for civility and to guard against spam..
Recommended publications
  • Tailwind Construction on Their Land Or on Public Land
    Yesh Din Illegal construction in the settlements and outposts in the West Bank has been compounded in recent years Tailwind by a pattern of violating judicial orders issued by the Non-enforcement of judicial orders, foot dragging and the retroactive Supreme Court to stop it. The orders were issued as part legalization of illegal construction in the occupied Palestinian territories of petitions submitted by Palestinians following illegal construction on their land or on public land. Despite the gravity of the acts and the depth of the contempt they show for the law enforcement system, they are not met with an adequate enforcement response by the enforcement authorities. בבית המשפט העליון Besides ignoring judicial orders, the State repeatedly בג"ץ 2759/09 evades presenting its position on the petitions. These Tailwind בפני: כבוד השופט ח' מלצר delays, along with the failure to enforce interim orders, העותר: עבד אל נאצר חמד לבום - ראש מועצת הכפר are often exploited to establish new facts on the ground קריות with the intention of preventing the requested remedy נ ג ד from being delivered in the petitions. Furthermore, the State does everything it can to avoid demolishing the המשיבים: 1. שר הבטחון,אהוד ברק 2. מפקד כוחות צה"ל בגדה המערבית ,האלוף גד שמני buildings and tries to legalize the illegal construction 3. ראש המינהל האזרחי , תא"ל יואב מרדכי 4. מפקד משטרת מטה בנימין retroactively by declaring it to be public land (state 5. המועצה האזורית מטה בנימין 6. עלי- אגודה שיתופית חקלאית להתיישבות .land) or by approving plans קהילתית בע"מ עתירה למתן
    [Show full text]
  • Institute for Palestine Studies | Journals
    Institute for Palestine Studies | Journals Journal of Palestine Studies issue 141, published in Fall 2006 The 1948 Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine by Ilan Pappé This article, excerpted and adapted from the early chapters of a new book, emphasizes the systematic preparations that laid the ground for the expulsion of more than 750,000 Palestinians from what became Israel in 1948. While sketching the context and diplomatic and political developments of the period, the article highlights in particular a multi-year “Village Files” project (1940–47) involving the systematic compilation of maps and intelligence for each Arab village and the elaboration—under the direction of an inner “caucus” of fewer than a dozen men led by David Ben-Gurion—of a series of military plans culminating in Plan Dalet, according to which the 1948 war was fought. The article ends with a statement of one of the author’s underlying goals in writing the book: to make the case for a paradigm of ethnic cleansing to replace the paradigm of war as the basis for the scholarly research of, and the public debate about, 1948. ILAN PAPPÉ, an Israeli historian and professor of political science at Haifa University, is the author of a number of books, including The Making of the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1947–1951 (I. B. Tauris, 1994) and A History of Modern Palestine: One Land, Two Peoples (Cambridge University Press, 2004). The current article is extracted from early chapters of his latest book, The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine (Oneworld Publications, Oxford, England, forthcoming in October 2006). THE 1948 ETHNIC CLEANSING OF PALESTINE ILAN PAPPÉ This article, excerpted and adapted from the early chapters of a new book, emphasizes the systematic preparations that laid the ground for the expulsion of more than 750,000 Palestinians from what became Israel in 1948.
    [Show full text]
  • Nostalgia for Shulamit Aloni and Scenario for Meretz
    Nostalgia for Shulamit Aloni and Scenario for Meretz Benn Aluf Benn, chief editor of Haaretz, met with our Israel Symposium delegation in Tel Aviv, this past October. I was impressed with his calm astute analysis, especially in his pointing out that if alienated Tel Avivians and suburban voters were to actually vote, along with Israeli Arabs who used to vote, the left/dovish bloc could return to power with a shift of a mere six seats. Livni The election campaign has just become more complicated, however, with the reemergence of Tzipi Livni as head of a new party list called Hatenuah (the Movement). It is currently polling at seven seats, but basically drawn from other centrist and center-left lists; Livni seems to have more or less obliterated prospects for Kadima and complicated life for Labor and Yair Lapid. But there’s also something of a challenge for Meretz here, because even though (unlike Meretz) Livni does not take a progressive stand on economic and social issues, Meretz is no longer the only party daring to advocate moving forward on peace with the Palestinians. (In another shakeout, Ehud Barak has again retired from politics, giving up on his “Independence party” splitoff from Labor, now even more certain than Kadima to be headed for oblivion.) In an article quoted from below, Aluf Benn writes nostalgically of one-time Meretz leader Shulamit Aloni, the first of three equal leaders of Meretz when as a bloc of three political parties in 1992 (not yet coalesced into one), it was at the height of its influence with 10% of the seats in the Knesset.
    [Show full text]
  • Inside Israel (Armistice Line [Green Line] of 1948–49) 1967-Occupied Arab Territories
    Inside Israel (Armistice Line [Green Line] of 1948–49) 1967-occupied Arab Territories Part III Article 2 A. Measures to eliminate racial discrimination 1. Measures preventing discrimination by all public authorities and institutions [See Article 4 for a discussion on the judicial, legislative and penal measures taken by the State to eliminate discrimination] Favoured Status for Jewish (“national”) Institutions Nonetheless, both Israel’s state and parastatal institutions exclusively proscribe Palestinians from enjoying the rights and Under the World Zionist Organization/Jewish Agency Status Law freedoms guaranteed to them by international law, and ratified by (1952), major Zionist organizations have special parastatal status. Israel. It is impossible for Palestinians to have fair appeals in Israeli They manage land, housing and services exclusively for the Jewish courts to uphold their rights. A dual system of law discriminates population. As no non-Jewish organizations enjoy similar status, this between Jewish Israelis and indigenous Palestinians based on a yields a vastly inferior quality of life for the indigenous Palestinian constructed status of “Jewish nationality.” This prejudicial Arab community. (More on these mechanisms of material application of law is apparent in all processes of the legal system, discrimination below under the specific rights affected). from the rights to information and fair trial to detention and prison treatment. State policies compound judicial failures by contracting The State party has taken no measures to address the charters or parastatal institutions (WZO, JNF, etc.) to annex and manage the the operations of these parastatal institutions, which form the most properties confiscated from indigenous Palestinians by developing fundamental and pervasive institutional discrimination in the country, and transferring them to possession by “Jewish nationals” in disadvantaging the entire class of indigenous Palestinian Arab perpetuity.
    [Show full text]
  • The Representation of Women in Israeli Politics
    10E hy is it important for women to be represented in the Perspective A Comparative Politics: in Israeli Women of Representation The WKnesset and in cabinet? Are women who are elected The Representation of to these institutions expected to do more to promote “female” interests than their male counterparts? What are the factors influencing the representation of women in Israeli politics? How Women in Israeli Politics has their representation changed over the years, and would the imposition of quotas be a good idea? A Comparative Perspective This policy paper examines the representation of women in Israeli politics from a comparative perspective. Its guiding premise is that women’s representation in politics, and particularly in legislative bodies, is of great importance in that it is tightly bound to liberal and democratic principles. According to some researchers, it is also important because female legislators Policy Paper 10E advance “female” issues more than male legislators do. While there has been a noticeable improvement in the representation of women in Israeli politics over the years, the situation in Israel is still fairly poor in this regard. This paper Assaf Shapira | Ofer Kenig | Chen Friedberg | looks at the impact of this situation on women’s status and Reut Itzkovitch-Malka gender equality in Israeli society, and offers recommendations for improving women’s representation in politics. The steps recommended are well-accepted in many democracies around the world, but have yet to be tried in Israel. Why is it important for women to be Assaf Shapira | Ofer Kenig | Chen Friedberg | Reut Itzkovitch-Malka Friedberg | Chen | Ofer Kenig Shapira Assaf This publication is an English translation of a policy paper represented in the Knesset and in cabinet? published in Hebrew in August 2013, which was produced by Are women who are elected to these the Israel Democracy Institute’s “Political Reform Project,” led by Prof.
    [Show full text]
  • Anti-Semitism Weaponized by Edward C
    Anti-Semitism Weaponized By Edward C. Corrigan - May 2, 2018 On August 14, 2002, Amy Goodman interviewed on the radio and TV program Democracy Now the individual who has been described as “Israel’s First Lady of Human Rights” Shulamit Aloni. She is also a former Israeli Minister of Education.[i] The following is a partial transcript of the Interview. TRANSCRIPT: Amy Goodman: Often when there is dissent expressed in the United States against policies of the Israeli government, people here are called anti-Semitic. What is your response to that as an Israeli Jew? Shulamit Aloni: Well, it’s a trick, we always use it. When from Europe somebody is criticizing Israel, then we bring up the Holocaust. When in this country people are criticizing Israel, then they are anti-Semitic. And the organization is strong, and has a lot of money, and the ties between Israel and the American Jewish establishment are very strong and they are strong in this country, as you know. And they have power, which is okay. They are talented people and they have power and money, and the media and other things, and their attitude is “Israel, my country right or wrong,” identification. And they are not ready to hear criticism. And it’s very easy to blame people who criticize certain acts of the Israeli government as anti-Semitic, and to bring up the Holocaust, and the suffering of the Jewish people, and that is justify everything we do to the Palestinians.[ii] Here is a comment from Stanford University History Professor Joel Beinin on the use of the accusation of anti- Semitism to silence criticism of Zionism and of Israel’s policies toward the Palestinians.
    [Show full text]
  • The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine, Ilan Pappe
    PRAISE FOR THE ETHNIC CLEANSING OF PALESTINE ‘Ilan Pappe is Israel’s bravest, most principled, most incisive historian.’ —John Pilger ‘Ilan Pappe has written an extraordinary book of profound relevance to the past, present, and future of Israel/Palestine relations.’ —Richard Falk, Professor of International Law and Practise, Princeton University ‘If there is to be real peace in Palestine/Israel, the moral vigour and intellectual clarity of The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine will have been a major contributor to it.’ —Ahdaf Soueif, author of The Map of Love ‘This is an extraordinary book – a dazzling feat of scholarly synthesis and Biblical moral clarity and humaneness.’ —Walid Khalidi, Former Senior Research Fellow, Center for Middle Eastern Studies, Harvard University ‘Fresh insights into a world historic tragedy, related by a historian of genius.’ —George Galloway MP ‘Groundbreaking research into a well-kept Israeli secret. A classic of historical scholarship on a taboo subject by one of Israel’s foremost New Historians.’ —Ghada Karmi, author of In Search of Fatima ‘Ilan Pappe is out to fight against Zionism, whose power of deletion has driven a whole nation not only out of its homeland but out of historic memory as well. A detailed, documented record of the true history of that crime, The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine puts an end to the Palestinian “Nakbah” and the Israeli “War of Independence” by so compellingly shifting both paradigms.’ —Anton Shammas, Professor of Modern Middle Eastern Literature, University of Michigan ‘An instant classic. Finally we have the authoritative account of an historic event, which continues to shape our world today, and drives the conflict in the Middle East.
    [Show full text]
  • "From 'Time for Peace' to 'Days of Rage'," Jewish Affairs (March 1990), Pp
    "From 'Time for Peace' to 'Days of Rage'," Jewish Affairs (March 1990), pp. 5-6 by Gordon Welty Wright State University Dayton, OH 45435 USA During 1989, three powerful political forces came together to express their outrage and rejection of the vicious Shamir-Rabin regime's unwillingness to pursue genuine peace in the Middle East. These forces included the Israeli peace movement -- such as Peace Now, Hadash, etc.; the Palestinian national liberation movement in the Occupied Territories; and the international peace movement, especially the Italian Peace Association, and various solidarity organizations such as The Palestine Aid Society, etc. As new winds of change, peace and democracy manifest themselves in the socialist world and elsewhere around the globe, the intransigence of the "National Unity Government" in Israel and its patron, the Reaganite Bush administration, is increasingly anachronistic if not downright archaic. The peace and liberation movements decided to demonstrate their rejection of the Shamir-Rabin pigheadedness at the close of 1989. This was to initiate, as they put it, a "Time for Peace." The political platform they worked out included Two States for Two Peoples, Peace Negotiations with the PLO, an End to the Occupation, an International Peace Conference, Self-Determination for the Palestinian People, Peace and Security for Both Peoples, among other planks. Plans were laid for a show of solidarity with the Israeli Women in Black on Friday, December 29, and for a Human Chain around the Old City on Saturday, December 30. The Time for Peace events began on Thursday, December 28 with convocations at the Al-Hakawati Theatre in East Jerusalem, then at the Michtal Ha-Knesset Hotel in West Jerusalem.
    [Show full text]
  • The Rise of the Israeli Peace Camp
    The Rise of the Israeli Peace Camp By Naomi Chazan While peace initiatives have always been part of Israel’s political landscape, they have varied widely in the form and intensity of their dynamics, significance for the public debate and impact over the years. Diverse movements, networks, groups and alliances have been created to nurture Israeli-Palestinian relations as part of an effort to bring an end to the conflict and putting a stop to the enmity, violence and injustices it entails. This broad assortment of initiatives has come to be loosely known as the Israeli peace camp.[1] In the past few decades, this camp has attained notable achievements yet also faced considerable setbacks. This essay reviews the history of the peace camp in the period 1967-2000. The Israeli peace camp first emerged on Israel’s social and political fringes after the 1967 war. Advocates of peace gained massive traction after the first Intifada broke out in 1987, and officially became a political bloc at this time. After the implementation of the Oslo Accords began in the mid-1990s, the camp gradually declined following the assassination of Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin, who championed the peace negotiations with the Palestinians, and the consequent victory of the right-wing Likud party in the general election soon after. I argue that these shifts were driven by a changing political context that led to an adjustment of goals and methods, and by varying levels of public receptivity to pro-peace messages.[2] The conclusion is that to succeed, peace activism must identify sociopolitical currents and consequent opportunities, strategize to navigate pitfalls, and work to not only gain public support but also maintain it.
    [Show full text]
  • Shulamit Aloni, Founder of Ratz & Meretz, Dies at 85
    Shulamit Aloni, Founder of Ratz & Meretz, Dies at 85 Shulamit Aloni, 1928 – 2014, Z”L We announce with sadness the passing of a dear friend. Shulamit Aloni was a leading progressive politician, a member of the Knesset from 1965 until her retirement from party politics at the end of 1996, but she remained an outspoken advocate for progressive causes. For example, she served on the board of the Israeli NGO, Yesh Din (There is Law), established in March 2005 to provide legal representation for Palestinians suffering from the arbitrary dictates of the occupation authorities. Born in Tel Aviv, she was a member of the Hashomer Hatzair socialist Zionist youth movement and the Palmach. Early in her career, she worked as an attorney and as the host of a radio show advocating for women’s rights and human rights in general. She was first elected as a Labor Member of Knesset in 1965, but split to form Ratz, the Citizens’ Rights Movement, in 1973. In 1992, she led Ratz into the new bloc of three dovish parties (with Mapam and Shinui) known as Meretz, winning 12 seats at the head of its joint electoral list, becoming Yitzhak Rabin’s main coalition partner. She served in the Rabin cabinet as education minister and later as minister of communications, science and culture. Shula had a special relationship with our organization. It was as a result of meeting her nearly 25 years ago, that Harold Shapiro was inspired to help create the American Friends of CRM, a support group for her Ratz party, which merged in 1997 with Americans for Progressive Israel to form Meretz USA, now Partners for Progressive Israel.
    [Show full text]
  • Download Clinton Email August Release
    UNCLASSIFIED U.S. Department of State Case No. F-2014-20439 Doc No. C05775710 Date: 08/31/2015 RELEASE IN PART B6 From: H <[email protected]> Sent: Monday, May 17, 2010 5:52 AM To: 'JilotyLC©state.gov' Subject: Fw: H: Must read when you can. Sid Pls print 3 copies. Original Message From: sbwhoeop To: H Sent: Sun May 16 23:58:51 2010 Subject: H: Must read when you can. Sid H: I'm sure you are preoccupied with the adventures of Lula, et al. Nonetheless, the article below, just posted by the NY Review, soon to be published, is a breakthrough piece that will have a large impact. It's worth reading, not least for Frank Luntz's poll numbers. The hysterical tone of much of the Israeli leadership and US Jewish community is partly rooted in this long-term and profound development. Sid http://www.nybooks.com/articles/archives/2010/jun/10/failure-american-jewish-establishment/ The Failure of the American Jewish Establishment June 10, 2010 <http://www.nybooks.com/issues/2010/jun/10/> by Peter Beinart <http://www.nybooks.com/contributors/peter-beinart/> E-mail <http://www.nybooks.com/mail_friend/5/23934/> Single Page <http://www.nybooks.com/articles/archives/2010/jun/10/failure-american-jewish-establishment/?Pagination=false> Share <http://www.addthis.com/bookmark.php> More by Peter Beinart <http://www.nybooks.com/contributors/peter-beinart/> <http://www.nybooks.com/galleries/john-springs-illustrator/2009/jun/11/benjamin-netanyahu/> Benjamin Netanyahu; drawing by John Springs In 2003, several prominent Jewish philanthropists hired Republican pollster Frank Luntz to explain why American Jewish college students were not more vigorously rebutting campus criticism of Israel.
    [Show full text]
  • Ornan V. Ministry of the Interior.Pdf
    In the Supreme Court Sitting As a Court of Civil Appeals CA 8573/08 Before: His Honor, President A. Grunis His Honor, Justice H. Melcer His Honor, Justice U. Vogelman The Appellants: 1. Uzi Ornan 2. Uri Avneri 3. Itamar Even-Zohar 4. Joseph Agassi 5. Yehudit Buber Agassi 6. Shulamit Aloni 7. Alon Oleartchik 8. Yosef Barnea 9. Ibrahim Dwiri 10. Einav Hadar 11. Yuval Halperin 12. Chen Yehezkeli 13. Hubert Yu-Lon 14. Ofra Yeshua Lyth 15. Yehoshua Sobol 16. Yehoshua Porath 17. Rivka (Becky) Kook 18. Nili Kook 19. Adal Kaadan 20. Dan Tamir 21. Gideon Chapski 1 VS. The Respondents: 1. Ministry of the Interior 2. Attorney General Appeal against the judgment of the District Court of Jerusalem (Judge N. Sohlberg) of July 5, 2008, in OM 6092/07 On behalf of the Appellants: Adv. Yoela Har-Shefi, Adv. Yosef Ben Moshe On behalf of the Respondents: Adv. Ruth Gordin [Israeli Supreme Court cases cited: [1] CA 630/70 Tamrin v. State of Israel [1972] IsrSC 26(1) 197. [2] HCJ 11286/03 Ornan v. Minister of the Interior (20.9.2004). [3] HCJ 910/86 Ressler v. Ministry of Defense [1988] IsrSC 42(2) 441. [4] HCJ 143/62 Funk-Schlesinger v. Minister of the Interior [1963] IsrSC 17(1) 225. [5] HCJ 58/68 Shalit v. Minister of the Interior [1970] IsrSC 23(2) 477. [6] HCJ 4/69 Ben Menashe v. Minister of the Interior [1970] IsrSC 24(1) 105. [7] HCJ 147/80 Shtederman v. Minister of the Interior [1970] IsrSC 24(1) 766.
    [Show full text]