Nation State: Journal of International Studies P ISSN 2620-391X Vol. 1 No. 1 | Juni 2018 E ISSN 2621-735X

Female Masculinity and Power Relation in Patriarchic System: Case Study Tomboyism of Bacha Posh in Afghanistan Made Fitri Maya Padmi

International Relations Department, Universitas 17 Agustus 1945 Jakarta – Indonesia Email: [email protected] Submitted: 23 Maret 2018, Accepted: 17 Mei 2018 Abstract The biological/essentialist theory of gender assumes that biological sexes determine the behavior patterns and roles of males and associates them with masculinity and females and associates them with femininity. However, there is debate to determine whether genders are biological or socially and culturally constructed. Feminist critique of the power relation between masculinity and femininity defined as the power to give privilege to the position of masculinity and men, and acknowledge the subordination of femininity and women. People also guided to conform to gender norms in society as identity. Female masculinity emerged as part of a resistance to the gender norms where females should adopt and perform feminine values and ways of life. This paper analyze the position of female masculinity, which is distinct from masculinity in patriarchic systems. This paper also analyze the early stage of female masculinity, tomboyism called Bacha Posh as experienced by many girls in Afghanistan. This paper showed to us that the phenomena of Bacha Posh reflect the gender trait was not flexible. It was decided by the need to fulfill patriarchy system in Afghan society. Keywords: Gender Relations, Female, Masculinity, Bacha Posh, Patriarchy, Tomboyisme.

Abstrak Konsepsi biologis/esensialis mengenai gender menyatakan bahwa jenis kelamin biologis manusia menentukan pola perilaku manusia, dan peran laki-laki yang dikaitkan dengan maskulinitas dan perempuan dengan femininitas. Akan tetapi, terdapat perdebatan mengenai apakah gender adalah sesuatu yang berkaitan dengan aspek biologis manusia atau merupakan hasil dari konstruksi sosial budaya. Kritik dari kaum feminis mengenai hubungan kekuasaan antara maskulinitas dan femininitas adalah dominasi hak khusus bagi kaum laki-laki dan sifat maskulin, dan pengakuan atas posisi perempuan dan sifat feminin yang lebih rendah dari laki-laki. Perempuan dengan sifat maskulin atau female masculinity dilihat sebagai bentuk perlawanan terhadap norma gender yang ada di masyarakat dimana perempuan harus mengadopsi dan bersikap berdasarkan sifat-sifat feminin sebagai jalan hidu Tulisan ini bermaksud menganalisis posisi perempuan yang bersifat maskulin atau yang biasa disebut female masculinity yang dibedakan dari bentuk maskulinitas lainnya dalam sistem patriarki. Tulisan ini juga menganalisis tahap awal dari female masculinity yakni tomboyisme yang dialami oleh anak-anak perempuan di Afghanistan yang disebut Bacha Posh. Fenomena ini mengindikasikan kekuasaan yang dimiliki sifat maskulin dalam membentuk identitas gender di masyarakat, dimana female masculinity diposisikan di luar dari sistem maskulinitas dalam hal kekuasaan, legitimasi dan peran dalam masyarakat. Kata Kunci: Relasi Gender, Female, Masculinity, Bacha Posh, Patriarchy, Tomboyisme. INTRODUCTION Traditional conceptions of to the biological aspect of humans. gender assumed that gender attached The biological/essentialist theory of

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Nation State: Journal of International Studies P ISSN 2620-391X Vol. 1 No. 1 | Juni 2018 E ISSN 2621-735X gender assumes that biological sexes status, heterosexuality and determine the behavior patterns and homosexuality), whether it is another roles of males and associates them form of femininity, or is a third gender with masculinity and females and category in a patriarchic social system. associates them with femininity The term “masculinities” (Diamond, 2000). Conversely, social represents the power, legitimacy and constructionists argued that gender is privilege that constructed in society. a process of identity construction This paper will analyze the position of related to how people experience female masculinity, which is distinct gender within social interactions. from masculinity in patriarchic Gender performances are greater than systems. Although the gender just the biological bodies of humans, performance of female masculinity which presume males can perform in tends to have more masculine values feminine ways and females can than feminine values, females perform in masculine ways. exhibiting these traits do not have Female masculinity is a result of privilege or power in patriarchic gender performativity. It also society and viewed differently from challenges the dichotomy of gender traditional forms of masculinity. This and sex representations in society. paper will also analyze the early stage Masculinity often considered as an of female masculinity, tomboyism actions that stereotypically related to called Bacha Posh as experienced by men or boys. However, the existence many girls in Afghanistan. This form of female masculinity brought new of tomboyism created by a society perspectives that masculinity where the girls told to dress and act as performed by the outside of the male boys. The society and family body. There has been a debate constructed masculine identity and regarding whether female masculinity performativity with these girls, but is part of masculinities (e.g. when they enter puberty, social masculinities within race, economic pressure will push them to transform

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Nation State: Journal of International Studies P ISSN 2620-391X Vol. 1 No. 1 | Juni 2018 E ISSN 2621-735X into feminine girls. This phenomenon to recognize that perceptions of suggests that masculinity possesses gender and masculinities are not fixed, power in society and shapes gender thus it is not suitable to limit them by identity, while female masculinity identifying their existence to the placed outside the masculine world in biological bodies of males only. Judith terms of power, legitimacy and Butler (1990) made an important privilege in society (Claire & Alderson, statement as a strong basis for 2013; Nordberg, 2010). contemporary gender perception in

which gender and even the sexes Female Masculinity Construction constructed through the cultural Traditional views of masculinity means and culturally unmediated construction narrowed into sex roles bodies. The construction of and the male body, particularly as masculinities from a social aspect related to the aesthetic appearance of captures different essences of muscular body shape and functional masculinities. The conceptions of aspect of strength, endurance and masculinities include activeness, risk- capability (Wickman, 2010). However, taking, responsibility, irresponsibility, masculinity itself constructed in aggression, protection, and social everyday life and within economic and reproduction (Connell, 2005). institutional structures where different The gender binary between types of masculinities are produced masculinity and femininity is (Connell, 2005). Different social inherently relational; as Connell stated, conditions construct different types of “Masculinity does not exist except in masculinities, such as the aggressive contrast with femininity” (Connell, masculinity commonly seen in military 2005, 68). Connell analyzed institutions, masculinity in sports, masculinity and found it to be the economic-based or working-class polar opposite of femininity. The masculinity, racial masculinity, and dichotomy of masculine and feminine homosexual masculinity. It is essential are related to the use of language,

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Nation State: Journal of International Studies P ISSN 2620-391X Vol. 1 No. 1 | Juni 2018 E ISSN 2621-735X where language not only creates acknowledge the subordination of opposite definitions for each notion, femininity and women (Hooper, but also puts value into them (Butler, 2001). The power structure, which 1990; Hooper, 2001). Some opposite privileges the position, function, and pairs that can describe the relation role of men in society recognized as a between masculine and feminine are patriarchic system. Edley and hard/soft, rational/irrational, Wetherell (1996) explained how men active/passive, dominant/submissive, have dominated women with the competitive/caring, public/private, power embedded within them through aggressor/victim, war/peace, and the patriarchic system: self/other (Hooper, 2001). “Men have dominated over women, by and large, because they have manage to When it is said that gender is gain a stranglehold on meaning. What it culturally constructed, it can be means to be a man, what it means to be a woman; what jobs constitute men’s work defined according to different culture and what jobs constitute women’s work. norms and thus may result in different It is through the ability to control the ways in which society thinks about these types of gender formations. According things that have provided men with the to Foucault, language has the power to basis of their power” (Wetherell, 1996, 107). shape and its position The language of gender as a cultural norm (Buttler, 1990). The dichotomy attempts to normalize the continuity of language usages reality by establishing gender constructs the normalization of segregation, imposing stereotypes and language as a fix notion. Language also overshadowing the complexity of constitutes a power relation within the social phenomena. People guided to gender binary that seems to be conform to gender norms in society as asymmetrical. Feminist critique of the identity. Female masculinity and male power relation between masculinity femininity emerge as phenomena of and femininity defined as the power to gender complexity in social life. give privilege to the position of Female masculinity seen as part of a masculinity and men, and

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Nation State: Journal of International Studies P ISSN 2620-391X Vol. 1 No. 1 | Juni 2018 E ISSN 2621-735X resistance to the gender norms where sports bras or ‘strap’ their breasts, females should adopt and perform rather than wear push-up bras); and feminine values and ways of life. functionally, in terms of how things Halberstam stated in her book Female operate within masculine values.

Masculinity that “female masculinity Female masculinity appears to be has been situated as the place where the combination of social resistance patriarchy goes to work on the female and articulation of male masculinity in psyche and reproduce misogyny within term of supremacy (Halberstam, femaleness” (Hallberstam, 1998, 9). 1998). Female masculinity seems to Female masculinity emerges as a defy the power embedded in challenge to gender dichotomy and the patriarchy, but also implements it in statement of gender as cultural actions regarding other women. Those dynamic that can be taken on and off who exhibit female masculinity (Nguyen, 2008). Some of female accused of rejecting or denying the masculinities take different forms and female role and femininity, and treat are known in society as ‘tomboy’, women as men do in patriarchic ‘butch’, ‘ king’, ‘dykes’, and so on system (Nguyen, 2008). Women’s (Halberstam, 1998; Nguyen, 2008). liberation movements, which were The gender performativity brought by instigated by the feminists, criticized female masculinity is how masculine the adoption of patriarchic, masculine behaviors and roles embodied inside behaviors and roles that served to femininity and within the female body. dominate women’s positions in social Nguyen (2008) focused on the butch life (Gardiner, 2002). Counter performativity, in which butch lesbians arguments from the female perform masculinity in both masculinity point of view suggest that appearance and in terms of actions they place themselves in antagonistic that were like men, dress like men and relation to patriarchy, challenge the hide or minimize the feminine aspect privilege of masculinity; they are not of the female body (butches prefer simply imitating masculinity, but

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Nation State: Journal of International Studies P ISSN 2620-391X Vol. 1 No. 1 | Juni 2018 E ISSN 2621-735X challenge it to be perform and masculinity often performed out of mobilized through the female body defensiveness by women who have (Nguyen, 2008; Wiegman, 2002). It experienced structural violence in means that by putting themselves in patriarchic system and defensiveness antagonistic positions to masculinity about being lesbian in and patriarchy, female masculinity is heteronormative society (Nguyen, distinctive to the notion of 2008). There are attempts to naturalize masculinity. female masculinity or butch as a third

It said that female masculinity gender category, as in or emerged to challenge the patriarchic transsexual identifications that are system; however, their position within apart from masculine and feminine society gender norms is still genders (Halberstam, 2012; Wickman, questioned and sometimes 2010). Female masculinity considered unrecognized. Haberstam (1998) as an “independent gender – a gender stated that female masculinity is a form that is often unrecognized, discredited, of ‘maladjustment’ and and disregarded” (Levitt and Hiestand, ‘misidentification’ of gender norms in 2004, 612). society. When masculinity is reflecting Tomboyism power and privilege over the social life Tomboyism is a term that used to position, it appears that power and describe early stages of female privilege are out of reach for female masculinity in childhood periods. masculinity to achieve. Female Tomboyism commonly appears in the masculinity excluded from the power experiences of girls. A notion of the relation within the category of tomboy refers to a girl who behaves masculinity. The notion of and dresses like a boy and has been ‘maladjustment’ is similar to the distinguished from non-tomboy girls language of exclusion; it is not unusual (Claire & Alderson, 2013). Tomboy to define masculinity as “Self” and girls tend to have male-typical interests female masculinity as “Other”. Female

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Nation State: Journal of International Studies P ISSN 2620-391X Vol. 1 No. 1 | Juni 2018 E ISSN 2621-735X such as sports, aversion to female from their parents, family, school, and clothes, male mannerisms, male-type surrounding environment. Children activity preferences, and boyish taught to understand that gender appearances (Bailey, Bechtold, & connected to physical and behavioral Berenbaum, 2002). To a certain characteristics that also construct degree, society views tomboy behavior different responsibilities that attach to in girls as part of childhood behavior it (Diamond, 2000; Dragowski, that more tolerated than girl behavior Scharron-Del Rio, & Sandigorsky, by boys (Halberstam, 1998). 2011).

Tomboyism also reflects the desire of Gender identity formation built freedom enjoyed by boys. upon the integration of complex Childhood is a period when a biological, psychological processes and person is learning about the gender expressed through the societal values and sexual preference that apply in (Diamond, 2000; Gender Identity society. Gender development often Research and Education Society, begins from the pregnancy period of a 2006). Tomboy girls experience mother. Parents tend to start making different gender socialization and arrangements by preparing names, treatment from parents and family that toys, and nursery equipment that aids may lead to “sex-atypical behaviors” in assigning gender identity right after (Bailey, Bechtold, & Berenbaum, 2002, they know the biological sex of their 334). Different sex or gender baby (Dragowski, Scharron-Del Rio, socialization and treatment received by & Sandigorsky, 2011). Gender girls may significantly affect their socialization in early childhood based behavioral differences. Such on gender norms and stereotypes, socialization commonly appears in which intertwined with cultural, strong patriarchic societies where boys ethnic, and religious values in society. are preferred rather than girls, or Children start learning the gender where families sometimes treat their norms of masculine and feminine daughter as a son.

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Societal tolerance toward “punished” if shown in extreme values tomboyism is typically limited to the of masculinity and extends beyond time of puberty (Halberstam, 1998). childhood into adolescence. In the Tomboyism is seen as natural phase patriarchic society, where being a man when it occurs as part of exploration is a privilege, adolescence is a symbol toward sex and gender differences of freedom and power for boys, while because in certain conditions tomboy it becomes a symbol of oppression and girls still behave like typical girls and in restriction for tomboy girls as they feminine ways (Bailey, Bechtold, & once experienced freedom and self- Berenbaum, 2002; Halberstam, 1998). determination during their childhood. Research related to tomboyism For some, become a feminine girl or reflected that tomboy girls give up re-conforming to femininity means their non-conforming identity when restraining their bodies, behaviors, and they reach puberty or the transition to functions in social life. A society that adolescence phase (Carr, 2007; Claire attempts to maintain gender norms for and Alderson, 2013). The research also all members of society often does not indicated that most of the reasons why accept or tolerate as maladjustment of girls stop being tomboys is due to gender identity (Claire & Alderson, social pressure from parents or family, 2013). The conformity to the social pressure from friends, desire to expectation of gender norms is also attract boys, and physical part of gaining social acceptance and developments (e.g. menstruation, acknowledgement. Having social growing breasts and hips) (Claire and pressure might bring the psychological Alderson, 2013). experience of rejection; thus obeying

Social pressures seem to be the gender norms in the society expected significant reasons for tomboy girls to to bring self-redemption and re-conform with femininity and a reinstatement in social life. female gender identity. Halberstam (1998) stated that tomboyism

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Female Masculinity in Afghanistan honor, and later they gain some Afghanistan is one of the authority as mother-in-law countries that implements strong (Riphenburg, 2003). patriarchic and masculine values in The use of language as a tool for domestic and public spheres. The gender subordination also occurs in patriarchic structure was rooted in Afghanistan. The notions of “honor” nomadic tribal societies’ culture that and “shame” used and embedded privilege inheritance of the family within the description of gender power through the male line only (Kabeer & relations between Afghan men and Khan, 2014). The subordination of women (Schutte, 2013). Men believed Afghan women reflected in many to bring honor to the family, while ways, including men’s control over Afghan women seen as the source of women’s labor power, reproduction, shame for the family. Therefore, sets mobility, and economic resources of rules that restrict women’s mobility (Schutte, 2013). The roles of Afghan outside the domestic sphere created in women are very limited within the order to prevent the women from domestic sphere, and include activities bringing shame in public. Schutte such as giving birth and taking care of (2013) interviewed some Afghan the children, cooking, cleaning and women in Kabul, the capital city of other household works. Purdah norms Afghanistan, and the result of the is a women’s seclusion from the public research is that Purdah norms not only sphere as this norm restrains women’s restrict the mobility of Afghan women, mobility and activity outside or far but also restrict their access to from the house (Kabeer & Khan, education. It has believed that if girls 2014). Women’s position within go to school, they will diminish the marriage are under the husbands’ family honor and gain a bad reputation patrilineal system of family in which in society. Afghan women carry the responsibility to produce sons, maintain the family’s

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So many privileges given to the to the welfare of a family in a tangible men in Afghanistan that strengthen ways. Daughters, on the other hand, their position and place them at the would leave the family once they top of the gender hierarchy. Men in married and became part of their Afghanistan have wider access to husbands’ families (Hashimi, 2015). economic resources, mobility, and Bacha Posh emerged as a decision-making positions in the response to the phenomenon of the family structure. It is a tradition in strong preference of sons over many families to prefer the birth of daughters in Afghanistan. Bacha Posh sons to continue family line; the means “girls dressed as boys”, a secret mother blamed if she gives birth to a underground of girls whose parents girl (RFERL, 2012). A son or multiple treat one of their daughters as a son male children are believed bring and (Bachaposh, 2014). Instead of wearing protect the honor of the family, and a veil and female dress, the girl will get become the economic support for a short haircut and a pair of pants, and (Kabeer & Khan, 2014). she presented to the society as one of Afghanistan’s preference for the boys. Parents allowed to changing sons roots from the agricultural their female child into a bacha posh by tradition in this country. Sons typically cutting her hair and dressing her in capable for the physical labor required boy’s clothing. The girl also given a to support their families. They built boy’s name. Some families start the homes, looked after the sheeps and conversion of their daughter’s gender cattle, and did the farming. Boys could performance at birth, while others travel independently and work outside start once the girl has reached school the home. When the sons married, age. Commonly the girls will live and they would bring their wives into the perform as boys wholly and family, which mean bigger family to completely, both within and outside of sustain the generation from the the home (Hashimi, 2015). This is an paternal line. Thus, sons contributed old tradition before Islam took hold in

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Nation State: Journal of International Studies P ISSN 2620-391X Vol. 1 No. 1 | Juni 2018 E ISSN 2621-735X the country, where society seen a girl Bacha Posh prefer to play with boyish as burden; parents cross-dress one of toys and sports like soccer, and have their daughters to look like a boy to more boy playmates than girls. Many preserve the family’s honor (Lebrun, Afghan families are raising their 2013; The Guardian, 2014). daughters as sons so the girls can help

There are many reasons for the their families by working outside the family in Afghanistan to change their house as girls typically forbidden to do daughters’ gender performance into (The Guardian, 2014). These “tomboy boys, including economic factor social girls” can perform tasks that boys can pressure to have sons in order to do: they help their fathers’ on farm continue the family heirs, and in some jobs, herd and grass cattle, fix fences, cases, a superstition that doing so can escort their sisters and mothers, and lead for parents to give birth a male other outdoor and physical works that child in the future (Nordberg, 2010). girls do not do (Lebrun, 2013). The transformation showed a very Working in public sphere forbidden practical advantage, since boy or the for girls in Afghanistan, but as Bacha bacha posh can work outside the home Posh, girls have access to jobs outside for their families. Boys and bacha posh the house. A bacha posh named can sell goods on the street without Kamala works as a waiter in the any restriction as they were still teashop to support her family because dressed as girls. Some work as factory she has six sisters and no brothers labors, bakers, carpet weavers, (Manoori & Lebrun, 2014). Shop farmers, or brick makers also can be owners would not hire a girl, but it done by them to support family’s seems that a girl with masculine economic condition (Hashimi, 2015). clothing and appearance is acceptable and the family’s honor is preserved. Since the parents dress the girls in boy clothing and treat them as sons, Raised as boys, most Bacha Posh tomboyism begins to develo The would consider themselves boys and do not recognize any differences from

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Nation State: Journal of International Studies P ISSN 2620-391X Vol. 1 No. 1 | Juni 2018 E ISSN 2621-735X their boy playmates. They enjoy the forced to conform into feminine privileges of being boys. They can go identity; in society, to disobey the to school and learn how to read and biological-assigned gender means an write, while ordinary girls not allowed offence to culture, religion and brings to engaging in similar activities. Such shame to the family. Bacha Posh is a girls experience freedom by becoming very contradictive practice conducted boys; many Bacha Posh expect to live by these Afghanistan families, since in masculine for form the rest of their the families and society made the girls lives and resist the female identity act as boys in the first place and then (Manoori & Lebrun, 2014; The forced them to live as girls again.

Guardian, 2014). The gender The social pressures become segregation implemented in reasons why many Bacha Posh give up Afghanistan shapes the view of being their masculine identities and start to a woman as limiting the freedom that learn women’s responsibilities at every human should have. home. However, a few resist this Upon entering puberty, however, transformation (Lebrun, 2013). many Bacha Posh have to abandon Ukmina Manoori, as written in her their masculine attributes and shift memoirs as a Bacha Posh, shared that from tomboy or female masculine her family changed her name into identities into a feminine girl gender masculine name (Hukomkhan) and preference. From the age of twelve, treated her as a boy; she realized that the Bacha Posh who abandon the there was a masculine identity inside masculine attributes wear a veil and her (Manoori & Lebrun, 2014). When female dress, and learn how to behave she was a little girl, she wanted to play as girls. Transition into the feminine with rifles and guns rather than with identity means no more school, no dolls. Thus at puberty, she refused to more sports practices, no more transform into a woman. She joined friends, and no more life without the Mujahedeen and served as a constraints (Lebrun, 2013). Such girls combatant during the war against the

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Soviet army (Manoori & Lebrun, the second-class of society by 2014). She had to hide her feminine becoming women (Manoori & identity by conforming to a masculine Lebrun, 2014). Psychological disorders identity, covered and strapped her often happen to former Bacha Posh as breasts, and lived as a man under the many of them are still confused with Taliban regime. their identity. They become sisters,

In Afghanistan where the wives, and mothers, but they find it patriarchic system upheld and the difficult to adjust to their new identity power of men and masculinity is as feminine women (The Guardian, glorified, gender identities and their 2014). position shaped through the lens of CONCLUSION masculinity. Afghan society created Culture and society make a children who “could almost be said to significant contribution to gender represent a third gender”, as part of the identity by constructing and desire for having sons to protect deconstructing gender identities. family’s honor (The Guardian, 2014, Female masculinity emerges as a para. 8). The patriarchy created female resistance movement to challenge masculinity in Afghanistan, but it also gender norms in society when women limited the existence of female conform to a masculine identity. masculinity; the patriarchy excluded Adopting masculine appearance, female masculinity from the power behaviors and functions does not hierarchy of masculinity. The Bacha include female masculinity into a Posh do not have power to determine masculine category. Two their gender preference and position in considerations that explain female society. Once they have freedom masculinity as being different more within a masculine identity, but the than traditional masculinity. First, future fixed and confirms for them female masculinity placed in an that female masculinity should not be antagonistic position against exist in adulthood or they will become

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Nation State: Journal of International Studies P ISSN 2620-391X Vol. 1 No. 1 | Juni 2018 E ISSN 2621-735X masculinity and patriarchy. Female gender preference, even though as masculinity tries to deconstruct the Bacha Posh they used to have biological-assigned gender norm that masculine freedoms. The exclusion of masculinity is not only the property of female masculinity is also part of the males or men. Their gender language used in the gender dichotomy performativity could not categorized and is used to describe female as feminine or masculine but may lead masculinity as “other” through the to a new gender category, known as lens of masculinity. transgender or transsexual. Second, with regard to power relations, female REFERENCE masculinity is often unrecognized. The Bailey. M.J., Bechtold, K.T., and Berenbaum, S.A. (2002) “Who Are individuals behave like men, but they Tomboy and Why We Should Study Them?”, Archives of Sexual Behavior. 31 do not have the power of men within (4), p 333-341 (Online). Available at: http://link.springer.com/article/10.1 a patriarchic system. 023/A%3A1016272209463 (Accessed: 5 May 2017). The Bacha Posh in Afghanistan Buttler, J. (1990) Gender Trouble. New York: are one of female masculinity’s forms. Routledge. Carr, C. L. (2007) “Where Have All the Culture created these tomboy girls to Tomboys Gone? Women’s Accounts take on the function of a boy in the of Gender in Adolescence”, Sex Roles, 56 (7–8), p 439–448 (Online). family. They dress like boys, behave Available at: http://link.springer.com/article/10.1 like boys and doing jobs those girls 007/s11199-007-9183-7 (Accessed: 8 May 2017). forbidden to do. However, when they Carr, C.L. (1998) Tomboy Resistance and reach puberty they often re-conform Conformity: Agency in Social Psychological Gender Theory. Gender to feminine identity. Asymmetrical and Society, 12 (5), pp.528-553. power relations could be understand (Online). Available at: http://www.jstor.org/stable/190119 from this case on how masculine and (Accessed 5 May 2017). patriarchic systems reject the existence Cassano, M.C. and Zeman, J.L. (2010) “Parental Socialization of Sadness of the Bacha Posh when they reach Regulation in Middle Childhood: The Role of Expectations and Gender”. adolescence. These tomboy girls do Developmental Psychology, 46(5), pp. 1214–1226 (Online). Available at: not have power to perform their

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