Social Media and the Arab Spring by Samira F
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Women and Participation in the Arab Uprisings: a Struggle for Justice
Distr. LIMITED E/ESCWA/SDD/2013/Technical Paper.13 26 December 2013 ORIGINAL: ENGLISH ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL COMMISSION FOR WESTERN ASIA (ESCWA) WOMEN AND PARTICIPATION IN THE ARAB UPRISINGS: A STRUGGLE FOR JUSTICE New York, 2013 13-0381 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This paper constitutes part of the research conducted by the Social Participatory Development Section within the Social Development Division to advocate the principles of social justice, participation and citizenship. Specifically, the paper discusses the pivotal role of women in the democratic movements that swept the region three years ago and the challenges they faced in the process. The paper argues that the increased participation of women and their commendable struggle against gender-based injustices have not yet translated into greater freedoms or increased political participation. More critically, in a region dominated by a patriarchal mindset, violence against women has become a means to an end and a tool to exercise control over society. If the demands for bread, freedom and social justice are not linked to discourses aimed at achieving gender justice, the goals of the Arab revolutions will remain elusive. This paper was co-authored by Ms. Dina Tannir, Social Affairs Officer, and Ms. Vivienne Badaan, Research Assistant, and has benefited from the overall guidance and comments of Ms. Maha Yahya, Chief, Social Participatory Development Section. iii iv CONTENTS Page Acknowledgements .................................................................................................................... iii Chapter I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 II. GENDERING ARAB REVOLUTIONS: WHAT WOMEN WANT ......................... 2 A. The centrality of gender to Arab revolutions............................................................ 2 B. Participation par excellence: Activism among Arab women.................................... 3 III. CHANGING LANES: THE STRUGGLE OVER WOMEN’S BODIES ................. -
Yemen Sheila Carapico University of Richmond, [email protected]
University of Richmond UR Scholarship Repository Political Science Faculty Publications Political Science 2013 Yemen Sheila Carapico University of Richmond, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.richmond.edu/polisci-faculty-publications Part of the International Relations Commons, and the Near and Middle Eastern Studies Commons Recommended Citation Carapico, Sheila. "Yemen." In Dispatches from the Arab Spring: Understanding the New Middle East, edited by Paul Amar and Vijay Prashad, 101-121. New Delhi, India: LeftWord Books, 2013. This Book Chapter is brought to you for free and open access by the Political Science at UR Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Political Science Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of UR Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Yemen SHEILA CARAPICO IN FEBRUARY 2011, Tawakkol Karman stood on a stage outside Sanaa University. A microphone in one hand and the other clenched defiantly above her head, reading from a list of demands, she led tens of thou sands of cheering, flag-waving demonstrators in calls for peaceful politi cal change. She was to become not so much the leader as the figurehead ofYemen's uprising. On other days and in other cities, other citizens led the chants: men and women and sometimes, for effect, little children. These mass public performances enacted a veritable civic revolution in a poverty-stricken country where previous activist surges never produced democratic transitions but nonetheless did shape national history. Drawing on the Tunisiari and Egyptian inspirations as well as homegrown protest legacies, in 2011 Yemenis occupied the national commons as never before. -
The Crisis in Libya
APRIL 2011 ISSUE BRIEF # 28 THE CRISIS IN LIBYA Ajish P Joy Introduction Libya, in the throes of a civil war, now represents the ugly facet of the much-hyped Arab Spring. The country, located in North Africa, shares its borders with the two leading Arab-Spring states, Egypt and Tunisia, along with Sudan, Tunisia, Chad, Niger and Algeria. It is also not too far from Europe. Italy lies to its north just across the Mediterranean. With an area of 1.8 million sq km, Libya is the fourth largest country in Africa, yet its population is only about 6.4 million, one of the lowest in the continent. Libya has nearly 42 billion barrels of oil in proven reserves, the ninth largest in the world. With a reasonably good per capita income of $14000, Libya also has the highest HDI (Human Development Index) in the African continent. However, Libya’s unemployment rate is high at 30 percent, taking some sheen off its economic credentials. Libya, a Roman colony for several centuries, was conquered by the Arab forces in AD 647 during the Caliphate of Utman bin Affan. Following this, Libya was ruled by the Abbasids and the Shite Fatimids till the Ottoman Empire asserted its control in 1551. Ottoman rule lasted for nearly four centuries ending with the Ottoman defeat in the Italian-Ottoman war. Consequently, Italy assumed control of Libya under the Treaty of 1 Lausanne (1912). The Italians ruled till their defeat in the Second World War. The Libyan constitution was enacted in 1949 and two years later under Mohammed Idris (who declared himself as Libya’s first King), Libya became an independent state. -
'The Spatial Dynamics of the Arab Uprisings' Jillian Schwedler
1 From Street Mobilization to Political Mobilization September 1-2, 2012- Skhirat, Morocco ‘The Spatial Dynamics of the Arab Uprisings’ Jillian Schwedler 1 2 The Spatial Dynamics of the Arab Uprisings Jillian Schwedler Like many major events in world politics—such as the outbreak of World War I or the fall of the Soviet Union—the Arab uprisings that began in late 2010 may have taken much of the world by surprise, but that does not mean that they came out of nowhere. In the way that the assassination of Austrian Archduke Franz Ferdinand is said to have started World War I, the Arab uprisings are now commonly said to have begun with the self-immolation of Tunisian fruit-cart vendor Mohamad Bouazizi on December 17, 2010. Protests then spread throughout Tunisia within weeks, culminating in the resignation of President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali on January 14, 2011. From there, the revolutionary spirit spread to Egypt, Libya, Yemen, Bahrain, and Syria, seeing serious challenges to repressive regimes that just months earlier appeared as stable as they had been for decades. But of course the story is not so simple. In Tunisia, at least two other citizens had self-immolated in the months before Bouazizi, and yet those brutal deaths sparked nothing. In Egypt, protests and demonstrations had been escalating almost steadily since at least 2004, notably as more than a million organized laborers participated in strikes and marchers that brought portions of the country to a standstill (Beinin and el-Hamalawy 2007). The 2011 protests may have escalated to revolutionary proportions unexpectedly, but they did not emerge out of thin air. -
Development and Democracy in the Tunisian Revolution of 2010-2011
The Process of Revolutionary Protest: Development and Democracy in the Tunisian Revolution of 2010-2011 Christopher Barrie August 9, 2018 Abstract Research on democratic revolution treats revolutionary protest, and revolutionary protest participation, as unitary events. This conceptualization is at odds with how `revolutionary' protest often unfolds|protest does not begin life as democratic or revo- lutionary but grows in a process of positive feedback, incorporating new constituencies and generating new demands. Using an original event catalogue of protest during the twenty-nine days of the Tunisian Revolution (n=631), alongside survey data, I show that the correlates of protest occurrence and participation can change significantly over the course of a revolution. The effect of economic development on protest occur- rence reverses sign, while a commitment to democracy is a substantive predictor of protest participation only at the close of the revolution. Methodologically, the findings demonstrate the potential for faulty inference in the absence of proper disaggregation. Theoretically, they provide support for an understanding of revolution as process, and point to the endogenous emergence of democratic demands. 1 1 Introduction Mass mobilization for democracy has become a central part of theoretical and empirical work on democratization. Current empirical work commonly treats revolutionary protest, or revolutionary protest participation, as discrete, unitary events amenable to cross-sectional forms of analysis. A separate body of work, particular to the formal modelling tradition, incorporates elements of endogeneity and process but assumes common thresholds governing participation dynamics, thereby again conceiving of revolutionary protest as unitary. In this article I propose that this ontology is wrongheaded; protest is rarely revolutionary at its onset and the goals and orienting demands of protest waves can be generated in the context of contention. -
FEATURE Yemeni Activist on Her Homeland, Politics, Terror, Democracy FEATURE Daily Sabah > Life > Feature Yemeni Activist on Her Homeland, Politics, Terror, Democracy
2/21/2018 Yemeni activist on her homeland, politics, terror, democracy - Daily Sabah FEATURE Yemeni activist on her homeland, politics, terror, democracy FEATURE Daily Sabah > Life > Feature Yemeni activist on her homeland, politics, terror, democracy HILAL KAPLAN @hilal_kaplan ISTANBUL Published February 14, 2018 Nobel Peace Prize laureate Tawakkol Karman of Yemen smiles during a news conference as part of the Nobel Women’s Initiative to gather a firsthand account of the ongoing violence against women, Tegucigalpa, Honduras, Oct. 24, 2017. Activist, politician, journalist and Nobel Peace Prize laureate are only some of the terms used to describe Tawakkol Karman, who dares to stand against unjust interventions of the United Arab Emirates in Yemen nown as the "Mother of the Revolution," Yemen's Tawakkol K Karman is one of the most influential women in the Arab world. She was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2011, at the age of 32, in recognition of her work in nonviolent struggle for the safety of women, women's rights and for her full participation in peacebuilding work in Yemen. Daily Sabah columnist Hilal Kaplan met with Karman to talk about the United Arab Emirates' influence and policies in Yemen as well as Saudi officials' remarks on President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Turkey's stance regarding the status of Jerusalem, Operation Olive Branch, the coup attempt of the Gülenist Terror Group (FETÖ) and Turkey's fight for democracy. Daily Sabah: Ms. Karman, you have stated that the United Arab Emirates is destabilizing Yemen. You have even gone further to say that "the UAE is only a collapsible paper tower." Can you explain how you see the UAE's role in Yemen? Tawakkol Karman: Every step taken in Yemen by the UAE is against Yemen's interest. -
Yemen's National Dialogue
arab uprisings Yemen’s National Dialogue March 21, 2013 MOHAMMED HUWAIS/AFP/GETTY IMAGES HUWAIS/AFP/GETTY MOHAMMED POMEPS Briefings 19 Contents Overcoming the Pitfalls of Yemen’s National Dialogue . 5 Consolidating Uncertainty in Yemen . 7 Can Yemen be a Nation United? . 10 Yemen’s Southern Intifada . 13 Best Friends Forever for Yemen’s Revolutionaries? . 18 A Shake Up in Yemen’s GPC? . 21 Hot Pants: A Visit to Ousted Yemeni Leader Ali Abdullah Saleh’s New Presidential Museum . .. 23 Triage for a fracturing Yemen . 26 Building a Yemeni state while losing a nation . 32 Yemen’s Rocky Roadmap . 35 Don’t call Yemen a “failed state” . 38 The Project on Middle East Political Science The Project on Middle East Political Science (POMEPS) is a collaborative network which aims to increase the impact of political scientists specializing in the study of the Middle East in the public sphere and in the academic community . POMEPS, directed by Marc Lynch, is based at the Institute for Middle East Studies at the George Washington University and is supported by the Carnegie Corporation and the Social Science Research Council . It is a co-sponsor of the Middle East Channel (http://mideast .foreignpolicy .com) . For more information, see http://www .pomeps .org . Online Article Index Overcoming the Pitfalls of Yemen’s National Dialogue http://mideast .foreignpolicy .com/posts/2013/03/18/overcoming_the_pitfalls_of_yemen_s_national_dialogue Consolidating Uncertainty in Yemen http://mideast .foreignpolicy .com/posts/2013/02/22/consolidating_uncertainty_in_yemen -
Seminar: Arab Democratic Spring of 2011 INAF 415F (4 Credits)
Rollins College Hamilton Holt School Spring 2013 Seminar: Arab Democratic Spring of 2011 INAF 415F (4 credits) Professor: !Stephen Day!!!!!E-mail: ! [email protected] Location:!Cornell 134!!!!!Cell phone: !(407) 284-7787 Time:!!Thursday, 6:45 - 9:15 pm!! ! At the start of 2011, Tunisia, Egypt, and other states of the “Arab world,” stretching from north Africa to the Middle East, suddenly experienced mass uprisings to bring down old authoritarian regimes and institute popular rule. In international affairs, it had long been speculated that Arab Muslim countries were immune to demands for democracy. Unlike the democratic revolutions that swept eastern Europe in the late 1980s and 1990s, as well as parts of Asia, Latin America, and a few countries of sub-Saharan Africa since the 1970s, the “Arab world” was not expected to cast off autocratic rule. There were many reasons for this lack of expectation of what played out dramatically on the streets of Tunis, Cairo, and other major cities, and we begin the semester by explaining why. In addition, we will examine general theories about social movements and revolutions around the world. As the semester proceeds, our aim is to draw firm conclusions about the “democratic potential” of the 2011 Arab Spring. Since our course deals with a contemporary subject matter, which is still evolving in each of the states caught in the Arab Spring, we will build many of our research conclusions together as a team of investigators, relying on our course text books as well as internet sources. During the semester, we will examine six main countries: Tunisia, Egypt, Bahrain, Libya, Yemen, and Syria, following sequentially the order in which these countries rode the continuous waves of dramatic street protests. -
UNIVERSITY of CALIFORNIA, IRVINE the Arab Spring Abroad
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, IRVINE The Arab Spring Abroad: Mobilization among Syrian, Libyan, and Yemeni Diasporas in the U.S. and Great Britain DISSERTATION Submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in Sociology by Dana M. Moss Dissertation Committee: Distinguished Professor David A. Snow, Chair Chancellor’s Professor Charles Ragin Professor Judith Stepan-Norris Professor David S. Meyer Associate Professor Yang Su 2016 © 2016 Dana M. Moss DEDICATION To my husband William Picard, an exceptional partner and a true activist; and to my wonderfully supportive and loving parents, Nancy Watts and John Moss. Thank you for everything, always. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF ACRONYMS iv LIST OF FIGURES v LIST OF TABLES vi ACKNOWLEDGMENTS vii CURRICULUM VITAE viii ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION xiv INTRODUCTION 1 PART I: THE DYNAMICS OF DIASPORA MOVEMENT EMERGENCE CHAPTER 1: Diaspora Activism before the Arab Spring 30 CHAPTER 2: The Resurgence and Emergence of Transnational Diaspora Mobilization during the Arab Spring 70 PART II: THE ROLES OF THE DIASPORAS IN THE REVOLUTIONS 126 CHAPTER 3: The Libyan Case 132 CHAPTER 4: The Syrian Case 169 CHAPTER 5: The Yemeni Case 219 PART III: SHORT-TERM OUTCOMES OF THE ARAB SPRING CHAPTER 6: The Effects of Episodic Transnational Mobilization on Diaspora Politics 247 CHAPTER 7: Conclusion and Implications 270 REFERENCES 283 ENDNOTES 292 iii LIST OF ACRONYMS FSA Free Syria Army ISIS The Islamic State of Iraq and Al-Sham, or Daesh NFSL National Front for the Salvation -
Tunisian Rap Music and the Arab Spring: Revolutionary Anthems and PostRevolutionary Tendencies
Orient-Institut Studies 2 (2013) Ines Dallaji Tunisian Rap Music and the Arab Spring: Revolutionary Anthems and Post-Revolutionary Tendencies <1> After the emergence of the so-called Arab spring in 2011, Tunisian rap music became a subject of great interest to the public and the media. This was due above all to El Général, a young rap artist from the Tunisian city of Sfax, and the success of his song Ṛayīs li-Blād (Head of State).1 Apart from El Général, who received a lot of attention from the media because of his contribution to the revolution, the most frequently mentioned Tunisian rap artist was Balṭ i, one of the pioneers of Tunisian rap and the country©s most famous rapper before the revolution. These two rappers were compared and presented as opponents in many articles and blogs. El Général had become famous for his criticism of Ben Ali, whereas Balṭ i was reported to have been loyal to the former regime, enjoying the support of Ben Ali and his entourage. Some journalists and bloggers even claimed that Balṭ i was replaced by El Général as Tunisia©s most famous rapper because he had not published any revolutionary sound messages that were as groundbreaking and influential as the songs published by El Général shortly before and during the Tunisian revolution.2 El Général's and Balṭi's Revolutionary Output <2> El Général©s main revolutionary output consists of three songs. The first and most famous is the above-mentioned Ṛayīs li-Blād that not only became the anthem of the Tunisian revolution, but also entered the revolutionary soundtrack of other Arab countries like Egypt. -
Revolutions, Reform, and Democratic Transition in the Arab Homeland: from the Perspective of the Tunisian Revolution
(Doha Institute) Special Files Revolutions, Reform, and Democratic Transition in the Arab Homeland: From the Perspective of the Tunisian Revolution Arab Center for Research & Policy Studies Special Files Doha, JUN - 2011 Series (Special Files) Copyrights reserved for Arab Center for Research & Policy Studies © 2011 Contents REVOLUTIONS, REFORM, AND DEMOCRATIC TRANSITION IN THE ARAB HOMELAND………………………………………………….…………………………… DR. AZMI BISHARA: EGYPT AND TUNISIA’S REVOLUTIONS ACTUALIZED AN ARAB DEMOCRATIC AWARENESS … REFORM HAS BECOME AN INESCAPABLE NECESSITY ................. 1 DR. FARES BRAIZAT: REVOLUTION REVIVED NATIONALIST SENTIMENTS … REGIMES ARE REQUIRED TO OFFER REAL DEMOCRACY .................................................................................... 3 DR. AL-MOULDI LAHMAR: THE CIVIC CHARACTER AND THE POPULAR DEPTH OF THE REVOLUTION ............................................................................................................................... 7 DR. ALI AL-MAHJUBI: EXPERIENCES OF POLITICAL STRUGGLE SINCE INDEPENDENCE .......... 9 ABDELLATIF AL-HANASHI: PARTY CADRES SURPASSED THEIR LEADERSHIPS DURING THE REVOLUTION ............................................................................................................................. 12 DR. KAMAL ABDELLATIF: QUESTIONS OF REFORM AND CHANGE IN THE ARAB WORLD ....... 17 DR. HAYKAL BEN MAHFOUZ: BETWEEN A COALITION GOVERNMENT AND A CARETAKER GOVERNMENT ........................................................................................................................... -
Institutional Change and the Egyptian Presence in Yemen 1962-19671
1 Importing the Revolution: Institutional change and the Egyptian presence in Yemen 1962-19671 Joshua Rogers Accepted version. Published 2018 in Marc Owen Jones, Ross Porter and Marc Valeri (eds.): Gulfization of the Arab World. Berlin, London: Gerlach, pp. 113-133. Abstract Between 1962 and 1967, Egypt launched a large-scale military intervention to support the government of the newly formed Yemen Arab Republic. Some 70,000 Egyptian military personnel and hundreds of civilian advisors were deployed with the stated aim to ‘modernize Yemeni institutions’ and ‘bring Yemen out of the Middle Ages.’ This article tells the story of this significant top-down and externally-driven transformation, focusing on changes in the military and formal government administration in the Yemen Arab Republic and drawing on hitherto unavailable Egyptian archival material. Highlighting both the significant ambiguity in the Egyptian state-building project itself, as well as the unintended consequences that ensued as Egyptian plans collided with existing power structures; it traces the impact of Egyptian intervention on new state institutions, their modes of functioning, and the articulation of these ‘modern’ institutions, particularly the military and new central ministries, with established tribal and village-based power structures. 1. Introduction On the night of 26 September 1962, a column of T-34 tanks trundled through the streets of Sana‗a and surrounded the palace of the new Imam of Yemen, Mu ammad al-Badr,2 who had succeeded his father Imam ‘ mad (r.1948-62) only one week earlier. Opening fire shortly before midnight, the Yemeni Free Officers announced the ‗26 September Revolution‘ on Radio Sana‗a and declared the formation of a new state: the Yemen Arab Republic (YAR).