Founder: Edelgard E. DuBruck

Consulting Editor: William C. McDonald Fifteenth~century studies volume 33

Edited by Edelgard E. DuBruck and Barbara 1. Gusick

C A M DEN HO 0 $'E ' . Text, Culture, and Print-Media in Early Modem Translation: 'Notes on the " Chronicle" (1493)

Jonathan Green

Within the history of translation between the Vulgate by St. (347- 419/20) and the 1500s, more than a few landmarks are situated in early modem , from Heinrich Steinhöwel's Esopus (1476) and Niklas von Wyle's Translaizen (1478) to Martin Luther's Bible.' The diglossia of . and the vernaculars in a multi-lingual Europe makes the early modem pe- riod fascinating for the discipline of translation studies. This era marks the rise of an educated laity, the block book, arid printing, and accordingly has been the focus of much investigative effort within the study of book history. Both translation studies and the history of the book have enriched scholar- ship, arid each field seems curiously tangential to the other. The continuous debate within the sphere of translation studies over the relationship between cultural adaptation and linguistic remapping in the translation process' seems peripheral to the history of the book, as the latter involves textual analysis but does not pay heed to the books' physical appearances.' This article will fill in heretofore missing elements and reveal that print-media become crucial in rethinking early modem translation. To cite one example demonstrating the scholarly need for a more multi- faceted view of translation, Eugene Nida's Contextin 1'ramlatingdiscusses lan-. guage, culture, intertextuality, and audience under the rubric of "Words in Context," but does not mention print-media impact; page layout and illustra- tion are likewise missing from the list of text-organizing features.' On the rare occasions when translation research ~as examined the effect oflayout, a pub- lication's graphic presentation is treated as a factor primarily significant in advertising the text.' Yet the choice of print-medium may have consequences . for a reader's understanding the shape and meaning of any text, including a translation, and this circumstance seems especially important when an analy- sis of translation practice serves as a tool for learning more about the cultural boundaries that we can now see existed between the audience and the read- ers of a text read in translation. 's ,pub- lished first in Latin and then in a German edition in 1493, is a telling example that enables us to demonstrate that an early modem translation must investigate a new audience and take into account not just the words on a page, but also the printed appearance of the leaf as a whole," The Nuremberg Chronide (Liher chranicarum), an account of world history and the most lavishly illustrated of all incunabula having more than 1800 . ,' established new technical standards regarding complexity oflay- Green: Notes on the Nuremberg Chronicle 115 out for a book printed in the 1490s."Publication in both Latin and German was an essential feature of the project from its beginning; the earliest pre- served contract from 29 December 1491, between the Nuremberg fmanciers Sebald Schreyer and Sebastian Kammermeister and the artists Michael Wol- gemut and Wilhelm PleydenwurfT, alludes to manuscript exemplars in both languages: The financiers asked their neighbor, the humanist and surgeon Hartmann Schedel (1440-1514), to provide the Latin text, which describes emperors, scholars, cities, saints, and many more figures and events of sa- cred and secular history, from the Creation to the LastJudgment. Divided into six world periods, the chronicle also features extensive geographical and cultural information on several regions. Schedel compiled his manuscript principally from Italian humanist historians, while composing very little of his own; Michael Haitz identified most ofSchedel's sources in his 1899 dis- sertation, which remains the defmitive statement on Schedel's compilation practices.'· printed the Nuremberg Chronicle as a work for hire and was not an investor in the project or a factor in its distribution." Later editions dated 1496,1497, and 1500, in which the original financiers had no fmancial involvement, were printed byJohann Schänsperger in Augsburg," Translating Schedel's Latin text into German was the work of Georg Alt (c.1450-1510), a Nuremberg city official; Alt's translation, admittedly not on the same level of artistic achievement attained by Steinhöwel or Wyle let alone Luther, was criticized almost from the moment of its publication." A 1495 letter of the Nuremberg lawyerJohann LöfTelholtzvan Colberg to the poet and humanist Conrad Celtis accused Alt not just of having made trans- lation errors, but also of being careless and unaware of his own limitations." Celtis for his part composed an epigram attacking Alt for being a clumsy translator of Nuremberg's world history, in which Celtis chastised Alt for turning the pallbearers of Roman emperor Domitianus I ("vespillones") into bats ("fledermewsser," Latin "vespertiliones," fol. 109r)." With few exceptions, opinions of contemporary scholars on Alt's ability as a translator have remained similarly unenthusiastic for the last five centuries." Michael Haitz's cursory dismissal of Alt's translation has remained influential: However, Alt also abridged significantly. Above all, in ancient history he omitted the technical terms. For entire deleted sections he comforts his readers with the words, "as the learned know," or similar expressions. Of course the translation of Roman offices caused difficulty.Oyaestor is"paymaster"etc.Particularlypreciousis how Alt twists himselfinto knots over the explanation of on f. 44v. Alt especially omits antiquarian notes, inscriptions, etc. Citations from the classicsare ignored. Only rarely does he recast one of them in prose. However, he also tries his hand at poetry by versifying Saladin's final end (fol.205v). He seems to have found particular pleasure in these clumsy verses. For popes, Alt regularly 116 Fffteenth-Century Studies 33 (2008)

omits the name of the pope's father, architectonic activity, and identificationof the placeof burial. One thus recognizesthroughout Alt's effort to make everything as popularized as possible, as his translation is intended for the masses ffiir das Volk]. In order to . represent something clearly to his readers, Alt did not even shrink back from naivetes. Thus in the entry on the Waldensian heresy, he writes on fol. 203r for vulgares libros, "Thus he had severalbooks written for him in German [teul5cht7j or in his language [dialect?].'''' Haitz's low opinion of Alt's intended audience is apparent: it is the Volk, readers for whom naivete is appropriate; the translation is said not just to popularize, but to aim for the maxirnaIly possible adaptation to popular taste. Although Haitz employed an anachronistic definition of Volk," scholars have continued to accept, repeat, and amplify Haitz's atrociously outdated statement." The most recent treatment of Alt's translation, an article on various as- pects of the Nuremberg Chronicle by Volker Schupp, does not directly echo or even cite Haitz, but arrives at a similarly low evaluation of Alt's work and the translation's audience; Schupp uses much the same criteria as Haitz and also focuses on omissions: The loss of exact descriptions of place, time, and circumstance and of secondary events rob the text's narrative quality of its savor. Even if many a German reader would have been overtaxed, these details would at least have recreated the narrative's aura.'" For both Haitz and Schupp, omissions represent an impoverishment of the original Latin text in order to accommodate less capable German readers. Haitz's dim judgment (of Alt's work) of more than a century ago has re- mained, it seems, relevant for current scholarship. These complaints from Alt's contemporaries about translation errors may have been justified. However, the criticism of more recent scholars, which has focused on omissions and popularization, misunderstands the nature of Alt's work. Such comparisons of the translation with the original Latin text and analyses of its adaptation to a new audience have failed to take into ac- count the work's graphical context. Although Schupp takes note of the transla- tion's layout," both Schupp's and Haitz's analyses consider the Nuremberg Chronicle, perhaps the most elaborate word-image composite of the fifteenth century, to he a purely textual phenomenon. While text-based methods are adequate for identifying Schedel's sources or Alt's stylistic traits, one's over- looking the printed context of the translation obscures crucial distinctions and leads to understanding omission as a clumsy act of adaptation for an unlearned audience. . A better explanation for the essence of Alt's translation is that fidelity to the original text was at best his secondary concern; his primary task was to . finish a translation that rigidly followed the complex page layouts of the Green: Notes on the Nuremberg Chronicle 117

Latin edition as quickly as possible, a fact which Hartmut Kugler has recog- nized." With few exceptions, the German and Latin editions have identical graphic presentations from the Creation on the first leaf until the LastJudg- ment (fo1.262v): the same woodcuts (or interchangeable woodcuts of identi- cal motif and similar size) are used in comparable positions, and the same persons and events are described in identical order and in paragraphs of ap- proximately equal length. Inthe later Augsburg versions, the printer Johann Schönsperger not only reprinted the text but also imitated the complex page layouts of the Nuremberg editions."Regarded as having had particular busi- ness acumen, Schönsperger appeared to have sensed that what attracted buyers to the Nuremberg Chronicle was its rich interplay of word and image. TIle primacy oflayout in the composition and translation process is particu- larly evident in the printer's manuscripts, where Hartmann Schedel's Latin text and Georg Alt's German translation had to fit as best they could after the layout had been designed and rough sketches of the woodcuts penned into place (see figures 1 and 2)." Because Alt's German translation required more words to express the content ofSchedel's Latin, the primacy oflayout , forced Alt to omit not just individual words but also extensive passages from nearly every one of the work's more than 2200 entries." Alt explicitly describes the constraint that layout imposed on his transla- tion. Although the Nuremberg Chronicle divides world history into six secular ages and an impending seventh age of eschatological fulfillment, the manu- script does not conclude with the LastJudgment, but rather with two geo- graphical appendices, including a version of the Europa of Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini (pope Pius Il, 1405-64). In a prologue to Europa (c.1460), Alt explains the necessity of omitting some material; now that the Nuremberg Chronicle is ended, he writes, it will include Eneas Silvius's work, but not entirely according to the sense of the Latin from which it is taken, but rather at times with the omission of some words and sentences, because in many places in Eneas's aforementioned history notice and description are given of things for which an explanation has already been furnished in this book, and especially because the entire German text could not be contained in the space that is no larger for the German than for the Latin ...

Not all paragraphs in the German translation are exactly equal in length to their Latin counterparts, but the vast majority are very close, and Alt might have been aware from the beginning of his translation that omitting material was necessary. The process was not exact; the Schwabacher (Gothic) type in which the German Nuremberg Chronicle was ultimately set al- lowed slightly more text within a given space than the Rotunda of the Latin Nuremberg Chronicle, while the greater frequency of abbreviation in Latin had the opposite effect (see figures 1 and 2)." White space between paragraphs is 118 Fjfteenth-Century Studies 33 (2008)

often added to the German rendering as compared to the Latin edition (for example fol. 227v), or is subtracted from it (as on fols. 105v-106r). Alt occa- sionally appears to have postponed his reckoning with the pre-existing layout until the end of a page, when for example initial paragraphs of nearly equal length in Latin and German are followed by a German section just half the length of its Latin counterpart (fol. 256r), or when short paragraphs at the bottom of the page might be omitted entirely (fol. 225r). The conclusion of a paragraph was at a similar risk of summary omission, so that a portion given a largely literal rendering of its opening and middle sections might conclude with the wanton pruning of its last several lines. Meandering introductions and material that Alt judged to be redundant were similarly endangered." The translator replaced over fifteen pages of text at the end of the Europa sec- tion (where woodcuts are less frequent and page layouts are simplified) with a twelve-line explanation stating why he did not want to trouble his readers by repeating previous material. One senses here perhaps a translator anxious to finish his work on a book whose initial quires had already gone to press: Alt completed work on his version in October 1493, six months after Koberger's presses had begun printing the German edition of the Nuremberg Chronicle and just two months before the latter was finished." Alt's statement in the colophon that he trans- lated "at times according to the sense and from time to time in excerpts, not without cause"'" is not, as Schupp suggests, only a formulaic rejection of word-by-word translation." Rather, it is an accurate description of Alt's widespread omission of material, a circumstance. which he attributes both to the constraints of space and also to his need to avoid repetition for the sake of his audience; 'such deletions must be understood within the context of a complex page layout, the economic demands on the financial backers of the Nuremberg Chronicle, and the material capacities of the Koberger print shop. For the translation of the Nuremberg Chronicle, media context, including . graphical layout, is thus not a matter of language or culture, although a complex interaction exists with both those categories. This context is rather a . separate category often overlooked in the study of prose translation; its clos- est correspondents in translation studies would be a consideration of lyric form in rendering poetry into another language, or performability require- ments when translating drama. Particularly with drama one must take into account that practical demands are imposed by the physical performance space.' In prose translation, however, media context is easily lost in the word- or sentence-level comparison of one text to another, or in a wide- ranging analysis of culture," A researcher's ignoring the role oflayout not only overlooks one of the most significant factors in Alt's actual translation process but also distorts the analysis of his intended readers and the ways in which Alt adapted the text Green: Notes on the Nuremberg Chronicle 119 for them. Once the constraints of physical layout on his translation are un- derstood, documented omissions lose much of their evidentiary value. For example, one type of deletion cited as evidence of popularization is the omis- sion of monument inscriptions, which are not common in the Latin text and occur only in descriptions of funeral monuments," Given the necessity of eliminating material, it is unsurprising that Alt considered his audience to be more interested in the accomplishments of kings, popes, and scholars in life than in the words adorning their tombs. Moreover, references to funeral monuments and their legends normally appear near the end of biographical entries, a position already at risk for elimination. Thus the omission of in- scriptions tells us little about how Alt imagined his readers' needs, but rather directs our attention to the media context of his work. Similarly, Alt's deletion from papal biographies of architectural accom- plishments, place of burial, and a pope's father's name was not indicative of adaptation to a broad unlearned audience. Consider, for example, the biog- raphy of Pope Celestine ill(material omitted from the Latin or added to the German in italics): Celestinus tercius papa. natione Celestinus der dritt auch ein römer romanus. Paire petro cogno- davor iacintus genant unnd ein menio bubonis: antea iacintus cardinal ein alter und tugentreicher diaconus cardinalis grandevus man nach deneue zu babst vir et virtute insignis in terdum erkom het ein mercklick missfallen alatinum est suffectus. Qyi ab der offenbaren widerspennigkeit egreferens apertarn siculorum rebellio- der von Sicilia die sie wider nern in suum predecessorem imprud- seinen vorfam geübt hetten. enti.ssime intentatarn eos compescere also das er ime fürsetzet diselben constituit Vir quidem per omnia zestillen und zegeschwaygen. Bonus qui heinricum corona exoma- Er was ein gut man. Der den her- vit. Et quo advixit nil pretermissit nach benannten känig Heinrichen qua terrarn sanctam (Ita enim hiero- zu kayser bekrönet. Und dieweil solimam uocan!j recuparertur. in tan- er lebet allen fleiss zu widerer- lis autem perturbatianihus rerum. obrung der stattJherusalem tantoque sumptu bellico edes egregias. und des gelobten lands ankeret. tum apud sanctum petrum ad laiera- Er hat der statt Viterbio num editicavit. O!_ta redpi pantjfices den namen gegeben unnd per (()TllTTlO(i£ possau. Preterea vera al da ein bischofliehe kirchen nomen viterbio dedit. ecdesiamque gemacht und starb im sibendcn cathedralem fecit. Moritur autem pon- iar seins babstthumbs. und tificatus sui anno sexto. Mense septimo. wardt von allen frummen men- die. wukcima. &pelitur in basilica sehen schmertzlich bewaynet petri. bonis omnibus pre dolore el (fol. 205v). desiderio hominis lacrimantibus. [Latin contents: Pope Celestine Ill, a Roman, withfather Peter of surname Boboais, earlier named Jacintus, a cardinal deacon, and an old man 120 Fjfteenth-Century Studies 33 (2008)

distinguished by virtue, was chosen as Celestine m. Scarcelytolerating the open rebellion of the Siciliansagainsthis predecessor,he rashly determined to suppress them. He was a man good in all things and adorned Heinrich with a crown.And aslong as he livedhe promoted nothing more than that the Holy Land (namely what they caUJerusalem)shouldbe recovered.Despite such unrest and having undertaken such a war, he built distinguished churches at St. Peter and the Lateran where the popes were able to withdraw for solace. He also gave a name to Viterbo and built a cathedral there. He died in the sixth year of'hispontificate,in the seventh month and eleventh day. He was buried in the church if St. Peterto the mourning, out ifsadness and loss, of all good men.] Most of the omissions affected the second half of the Latin paragraph; one wonders if this circumstance was due to material that Alt considered un- important to his readers, or matters that no longer fitted into the allotted space. What is in any case evident here is not so much popularization, but rather that the translator was more aware of the eventual book context for his translation than Schedel had been for the original Latin. With the biog- raphy of Pope Celestine illappearing next to a of a figure holding a papal scepter and bearing a papal tiara, Alt recognized that Latin "papa" was redundant and omitted it. Other superfluous information was similarly deleted, including the fact that the pope was elected under the name "Celes- tine III" and that the mourners at his burial felt sorrow and loss. Both the need to finish his work promptly and the necessity of omitting material in order to maintain graphic identity with the Latin edition advocate against Alt's possible inclusion of supplementary material, making any addi- tions all the more remarkable. The few words added here in his translation are notable for their textual reiteration in the overall word-image context of the Nuremberg Chronicle.The additions emphasize that Celestine's biography is one element in a sequence, one part of the series of popes described and por- trayed intermittently over 168 leaves (fols. 102v-269r in the German edi- tion). Celestinus III was a Roman "also," Alt adds, because Clement III, preceding Celestine in the papacy, had likewise been born in Rome. Alt says that Celestine III was chosen "pope after Clement," an explicit statement of sequence not found in the Latin text, and the translator also specifies that Celestine crowned the Heinrich "named below," that is, the Holy Roman Emperor Henry VI, whose biography appears on the opposite leaf (fol. 206r). With these additions, Alt provided his readers with textual cues con- cerning Celestine's relationship to the preceding and following sections of the Nuremberg Chronicle and textually reiterated the graphic depiction of the his- torical and narrative sequence. Once the many omissions are seen as reactions to the constraints of lay- out rather than adaptations to unlearned readers, one can begin assembling the remaining clues concerning Alt's intended audience. Some of his charac- terizations are unsurprising: he makes clear that his audience is German, Green: Notes on the Nuremberg Chronide 121

Christian, and situated in Northern Europe." While the Latin Nuremberg Chronicle was meant for readers throughout Europe, including the Italy that Schedel knew from his medical studies at Bologna, Alt's translation was in- tended for an audience north of the 'Alps. Forced by layout to eliminate some material from the rendering, Alt removed elements less relevant in view of his readers' geographic location. The prospective recipient of Alt's translations was not "das Volk," but rather a German audience more inter- ested, for example, in Celestine's election as pope, the suppression of a Sicil- ian rebellion, the crowning of Heinrich VI, and the promotion of crusade than in Celestine's membership in a particular Italian family, the building of Roman churches, and a place of burial in the Holy City. Alt was writing for readers with a more specifically German horizon of geographic experience. His frequent omissions nevertheless created a "translation" in many ways different from the Latin text compiled by Schedel. One type of regular dele- tion which usually escaped notice among contemporary scholars is the fre- quent removal of lists of literary works, the omission of many source attributions, and the reduction of nearly all specific cross-references to cita- tions of an author's authority. To provide but one example, the description of the fabulous races of the Orient begins in Latin not with an introduction but rather by means of a scholarly apparatus : "About people of diverse forms, Pliny speaks in book seven, chapter two; and Augustine in book six- teen of the City cf God, chapter eight; and the Etymologies of Isidore, book eleven, chapter three."" In the German translation, the cross-references have been summarized to be citations of earlier writers' authority: "Concerning the various forms of people, Pliny, Augustine, and Isidore write the follow- ing things." Alt's reduction of bibliographic references was not a sporadic choice, but rather a decision noted by readers in dozens if not hundreds of passages throughout the translation. The text Schedel compiled from human- ist historical works included many such remnants of scholarly apparatus; by eliminating or reducing them, Alt managed the transition of the Nuremberg Chronicle's text to being a work not principally intended for scholars of his- tory. While the Latin edition often reported history by referring to other texts, the German translation narrated the history of the world principally as a succession of people and events. That the translator adapted the Nuremberg Chronicle for non-scholarly use does not justify the critics' conclusion that the text was intended for an un- educated readership, however; a planned adaptation to a new and more popular audience would involve not just the text, but also its graphical pres- entation, organizational structure, and physical construction." By Alt's using nearly an identical layout, format, and, as Reske found, paper of the same quality as the Latin edition," the financiers and artisans ultimately responsi- 122 Fjfteenth-Century Studies 33 (2008)

ble for the Nuremberg Chmnicle were obviously satisfied and did not anticipate a broader audience for the German edition. One indication of the level of education Alt projected for his future readers was his assumption that at least some of them would be literate in Latin. The description of Bamherg on fols. 174v-175r of the Latin edition ends with twenty-seven lines of verse composed in praise of the city.by Gottfried of Viterbo. Alt mentioned this encomium in his translation but did not render it into German; instead, he instructed the reader to consult the Latin edition: Gotfried ofViterbo, the excellenthistorian, has provided the praise and descriptionof this city neatly and clearlyin lovelyand splendid rhyming verse; Whoever would know more about it should seek it . in the Latin edition at the end of the account of this city Bamberg (fo1.175r).'" Alt's unstated assumption here was that his audience would include readers with both an interest in Latin verse and the ability to read it." That the translator assumed a degree of familiarity with Latin among his readers but not a uniformly high extent of literacy can be seen in other Latin phrases occurring in his rendering. About Pope Deusdedit (615-18), the Nur- emberg Chronide reports, "During the reign of this pope, God has granted as his name shows that many terrible things have come to pass.""Inthe translation, Alt stopped short of providing an explicit explanation of the pope's speaking name. Rather than stating directly "Deusdedit is Latin for 'God has given,''' or words to that effect, Alt inserted "as his name shows" to prompt readers to make the connection between the pope's name and its Latin translation. Latin appeared in Alt's German translation not always as a lemma requir- ing a vernacular gloss, but also as supplementary Latin words or phrases that he apparently assumed some readers would know and expect to find in the text. Rather than giving only a vernacular equivalent for the Roman tri- umvirate, Alt described the group as a "government of three men, called tri- umvirate in Latin. ".. Similarly, he depicted the intellectual elite of Florence as "the promoters of art and standard bearers of justice, whom one calls in Latin priores artium et vexilljfferos iusticie."" He seemed here to expect his readers to recognize and be positively influenced by a Latin phrase. Another facet of Alt's intended reader can be seen in that translator's use . of the inclusive "we" for readers with sons attending the university. In the vita of St. Stanislaus of Krakow (1030-79), Alt described the saint's educa- ~as~~: .

When he had come to the proper age, on the counsel of his.father he went to the university in Paris, giving himself over to learning good arts and especiallydivine law with great diligence,not with the thought (as out sons do now) of obtaining much wealth, great esteem, and a high position, but according to the proper form of Green: Notes on the Nuremberg Chronide 123

each thing: that is, to dispensejustice to rich and poor alike and to give each his own." The parenthetical comment concerning sons as university students is the translator's addition; it has no parallel in the Latin text. Here again, the German rendering implies an audience familiar with - or in the presence of family members attending, for idealistic or mercantile reasons -:- institutions of higher learning. One feature of this translation often interpreted as a measure intended to comfort an unlearned audience is the replacement of lengthy passages with "as the learned know" or similar phrases. With an understanding of Alt's translation practices and his intended readers, an alternate reading of that phrase seems more likely. After he had silently omitted thousands of pas- sages, and with the constraints of layout both motivating the deletions and . discouraging any addition, why should he have written anything to mark an omission at all? The phrase is not particularly common in any case; he used "as the learned know" or similar words only fifteen times in his translation, often where a list of literary works has been omitted." Like Alt's retaining of some words and phrases from the original Latin with the expectation that several readers might recognize them, his addition of the phrase when its si- lent omission was his usual practice, may anticipate those readers who ex- pected to find the unmentioned material. While it may seem surprising that Alt intended the audience for his ver- nacular translation to include some learned and Latin-literate readers, the German Nuremberg Chronicle is not his only translation for such an audience. His rendering of Bartoldus de Saxoferrato's Processus Satanae contra genus hu- manum, in German entitled Ein nützlicher gerichtes handel vor go~ was published in Leipzig around the same time as the printing of the Nuremberg Chronide:" Alt's preface addressed the translation of the Processus Satanae to "the honorable, no- ble, and respectable prothonotariesJohann Tueher and Michael Crainer and also to the general procurators of the Holy Roman Imperial Court of Nur em- berg"" - thus, the vernacular version was explicitly intended for trained law- yers and skilled Latinists;" he asked his readers not to imagine that he thought they would need instruction in either subject from him: I also ask that you not hold me for a simpletonwho would believe that you had need oftutoring in Latin fromme, as some ofyou have a great mastery of Latin, or who would teach you something unheard of or unknown to you, as you must be knowledgeableand well-versedincanon and civil law and their proceedingsby virtue of your constant and manifold practiceof legaland judicial actions." While the intended readers of the Nuremberg Chronicle were not necessarily the same as those of the Processus Saianae, Alt's preface to the latter work shows that an unlearned audience cannot be assumed necessarily for a ver- 124 Fifteenth-CenturyStudies33 (2008) nacular text, and that a German translation at the end of the fifteenth cen- tury may be intended for an audience including highly educated and Latin- literate readers. If the translation of the Nuremberg Chronicle into German is considered only as text, then the phenomena overwhelmingly observed are omission, loss, and impoverishment with respect to the Latin original; consequently, the intended audience would seem diminished as well. However, considered in the total media context of the Chronicle as a lavishly illustrated printed book with a complex layout, textual omissions lose much of their impact. The remaining evidence suggests a prospective reader for AIt's translation, a recipient who was significantly better acquainted with early modem institu- tions of learning than has usually been assumed ..While the Chronicle is un- usual in its graphic complexity, AIt's work was by no means the only heavily illustrated translation among incunabula and early printed books. For now the question must be put aside as to how often layout imposed severe con- straints on the translation of early modem literature. The Nuremberg Chronicle serves as a reminder, however, that a medievalist's understanding a fifteenth- c. translation requires not just a comprehension of two languages and cul- tures, but also a concomitant regard for the physical medium upon which the source and target texts appear. Green: Notes on the Nuremberg Chronicle 125

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Notes.

I This article builds on a chapter of my dissertation "The Nurernberg Chronide and its Readers: The Reception ofHartmann Schedel's Liber Cronicarum" (Diss. University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2003). Additional fmdings appear in "Marginalien und Leserforschung: Zur Rezeption der Schedelschen Weltdtronik:" Archiv flir Gesdudue des Buchwesens 60 (2006):184-261. A medieval chronicle idtronica; from Greek Chronm=time)is comparable to a Latin historia; an early historiography. Chronicles describe events following one another, such as biblical episodes beginning with Creation and ending with the LastJudgment; the aims of chronicles are educational and theological. Often resembling , they may include legendary, epic, and fictional elements and are written in rhymed verses beginning with the twelfth century. Inlater developments, the subjects become more exclusive, objective, and functional and appear in the ver- nacular languages (prose, often with illustrations). - was commonly included in the curriculum throughout the Middle Ages as well as after 1500: see Ernst Robert Curtius, European Literature and. the Latin Middle Ages, trans. Willard R. Trask (1953; reprint Princeton: Prince ton University Press, 1990): 49 and 267; see also Klaus Grubmüller , Meister Esopus: UnterJuchungen zu Gesdiidu« und Funktion der Fabel im MittelaJter (Munich: Artemis, 1977), ch. xi; and Gerd Dicke, Heinrich Steinhöwels "Esopus" und seine Fortsetza: Untersuchungen zu einem Bucherfolg der Frühdrockzei! (Tübingen: Max Niemeyer, 1994). Thomas Cramer gave a good comparison ofSteinhöwel with Niklas von Wyle: Die Übersetzungstheorie Steinhöwels im Vorwort zum AeJap ist so explizit gegen Niklas von \Vyle formuliert, dass man sie als ein ZeugrW persönlicher intellektueller Auseinandersetzung lesen muss. Er versichert, sein Text sei schledü (einfach) und uerstenilidi getütschet, nit wort UJs wort, sunder sin UJj sin. Ziel ist also nicht eine Reproduktion der sprachlich-historischen Form, sondern eine möglichst sinngemässe Übersetzung (Geschichte der deutschen Literatur im späten Mittelalter [Munich: dtv, 1990]: 365). 2 For an overview, see Susan Bassnett, Translation Studies (London and New York: Routledge, 2002): 21-44; Kaisa Koskinen, "Shared Culture? Reflections on Recent Trends in Translation Studies," T arge! 16 (2004): 143-56; Andre Lefevere, Translating Literature: Practice and Theory in a Comparative Literature Contex; (New York: The Modern Language Association of America, 1992): 6-14. 3 Although Lefevere (Translating Literature) notes the problem of artistic use of typography in translating lyric or prose (80-81), the discussion of context (114-31) considers only cultural environment. 4 Eugene A Nida, Contexts in Translating (AmsterdamlPhiladelphia:John Benjamins, 2001): 29-41, 69-77. 5 See Michael Schreiber, Ubersenung und Bearbeitung: Zur Djlferenz.ierungundAbgremungdes Übersetzungsbegriffi (Tübingen: Gunter Narr, 1993): 150-53. 6 Both the Latin and German editions of the Nuremberg Cbronide are located in Nurem- berg and Augsburg. The best overview of past and present censuses and their complex relationships to one another is Paul Needham, "Counting : The IISTC CD-ROM," Huntington Library Qyarterly 61 (2000): 456-529. 7 The first modem count, which arrived at a sum of 1809 woodcuts, is in Sydney C. Cockerell, S01ne German Woodcuts 0/ the FfIleenth Century (Hammersmith: Kelmscott, 128 Fjfleenth-Century Studies 33 (2008)

1897): 35-36. The most recent tally, 1803/1804 for Anton Koberger's German and Latin editions respectively, is by Christoph Reske: Die Produktion der Schedelschen Weltchronik in Nümbcrg (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2000): CD 152-66. Citations of Reske will refer here to the more complete version on the CD that accompanies the printed text; while the page numbers of that electronic version are different from those of the book, the CD contains the most recent and thorough study of the Chrrmicle's production, whose careful analysis specifically contradicts a number of heretofore accepted ideas about the work. New perspectives are also opened by Peter Parshall and Rainer Schoch, eds. Origins tf European Printmaking: Fjfleenth-Century Woodcuts and Their Public (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2005).

8 Essential reading on the Nuremberg Chronide includes among others Reske, Produktion; Peter Zahn, "Die Endabrechnung über den Druck der SchedeIschen Weltchronik (1493) vom 22.Juni 1509: Text und Analyse," Gutenherg·Jahrbuch 66 (1991): 177-213; and the contributions to Stephan Füssel, ed., 500 Jahre Sdiedelsdu Weltchronik: Akten des interdisziplinären Symposions ... April 1993 in Nümberg, in Pirckheimer-Jahrbuch 9 (Nuremberg: Hans Carl, 1994). The best concise overview with further bibliography is Beatrice Hernad and FranzJosefWorstbrock, "Schedel, Hartmann," in Die deutsche Literatut des Mittelalters: Verjasserlexikon, ed. Kurt Ruh et al., 11 vols. (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1992),8: 609-21. A nearly complete bibliography can be found in Reske, 38-45; see also Zahn's overview of scholarship, "Hartmann Schedels Weltduonik: Bilanz der jüngeren Forschung," BibliotheksjorumBayern 24 (1996): 230-48. General introductions are available in two older monographs: Adrian Wilson et al., The Making tf the Nurembag Chronide (Amsterdam: A. AsherlNico Israel, 1977); and Elisabeth Rücker, Die Schedelsche Weltchronik; Das größte Buchunternehmen der Dürer-Zeit (Munich: Prestel, 1973). 9 "die Exemplar des puchs •.. In Lathein unnd tewtsch"; Reske, 406-407. 10 Michael Haitz, Hartmann Schedel's Weluhronik; diss. Munich (Munich: Lüneburg's Buchhandlung, 1899); Klaus Vogel's re-examination of Schedel's sources confirmed Haitz's earlier findings, but, as Vogel conceded, did not advance far beyond them. See Klaus A. Vogel, "Hartmann Schedel als Kompilator: Notizen zu einem derzeit kaum bestellten Forschungsfeld," in 500 Jahre Sdudelsdie Weltdu-an.il (seen. 8 above): 73-97 (97).

11 Zahn (note 8 above): 211. On Koberger, see Oskar von Hase, Die Koberger: Eine Darstellung des buchhändlerischen Geschäjlsbetriebes in der Zeit des Überganges vom Mittelalter zur Neuzei: (Leipzig: Breitkopf and Härtel, 1885); Ursula Rautenberg, "Buchhändlerische Organisationsformen in der Inkunabel- und Frühdruckzeit, " in Die Buchhultur im 15. und 16. Jahrhundert, 2 vols., ed. Barbara Tiemann (Hamburg: MaximiIian-Gesellschaft, 1995),2: 339-76 (358,362-64). 12 On Schönsperger, see Hans:Jörg Künast, "Johann Schönsperger der Ältere - der Verleger der Augsburger 'Taschenausgabe' der SchedeIschen Weltchronik," in 500 Jahre Schedelsche Weltdironik (see n. 8 above): 99-110.

13 OnAlt, see Hartrnut Kugler, "Alt, Georg," in Verfasserlexili.rm (seen. 8 above), 11: 75- 80; Kugler, "Georg Alt," in Lderaturlexikon: Autoren und Werke deutscher Sprache, ed. Walther KiIIy et al., 15 vols. (Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Lexikon, 1988-93), 1: 111-12; Harry V redeveld, "Alt, Georg," in Die deutsche Liieratur: Biographisches und bibliographisches Lexikon; Reihe 2: Die deutsche Literatur zwischen 1450 und 1620, ed. Hans-Gert Roloff, 10 vols. (Bern: Peter Lang, 1985), 2: 302-308. 14 Hans Rupprich, ed., Der Briefwechsel des Konrad Celtis (Munich: C. H. Beck, 1934): 157-59; Reske, Produktion, 68. Green: Notes on the Nuremberg Chronide 129

15 "De imperito interprete Norimbergensis historiae," Rupprich, 159n. Folio references to the Nuremberg Chronide given in this article are valid for both the German and Latin editions of Anton Koberger unless otherwise noted.

16 There exists as yet no comprehensive study of Alt's German translation, as noted by Hernad and Warstbrack (note 8 above): 619; Reske, 36; Vredeveld (n.13 above):303. Also: Nikolaus Henkel ("Ein Zeugnis zum 'Schatzbehalter' des Stephan Fridolin in der deutschen Weltchronik Hartmann Schedels," in 500 Jahre Sdieddsdie Weltchronik [see n. 8 above], 165-70 [165-66]) called for a comparison of the German and Latin texts, focusing on the different educational backgrounds of the readers of each version. Hartmut Kugler ("Nürnberg auf Blatt 100: Das verstädterte Geschichtsbild der Schedelschen Weltchrooik," in Stadt-Ansichten, ed. Jürgen Lehmann and Eckart Liebau (\Vürzburg: Ergon, 2000]: 103-23) recommended investigating to what extent Alt succeeded in adapting the Latin original to the intellectual experience of Latin·illiterate readers, and to whether Alt had aimed for such an adaptation.

17 (Seen. 10above.) My translation, as wellas for subsequent passages inGerman or Latin. [Doch hat Alt auch sonst bedeutend gekürzt. Vor allem lässt er in der alten Geschichte die termini weg. Für ganze, weggefallene Stücke tröstet er seine Leser mit den Worten: Als (wie} die Gelehrten wissen, oder ähnlichen. Schwierigkeit bereitet natürlich die Übersetzung der römischen Beamtentitel. Oyaestor ist rentmeister u.s.w. Köstlich ist, wie Alt Fol. 44 sich um die Erklärung von Latiner herumwindet. Insbe- sondere lässt Alt durchweg antiquarische Notizen, Inschriften u.s.w. aus. Citate aus Klassikern bleiben unberücksichtigt. Nur selten gibt er eines in Prosa wieder. Dagegen übt er sich selbst in der Metrik, indem er den Schluss von Saladin (Fol. CCV) in Verse bringt: Ich zemer gantz Asier lands bring hin allain diss flecklein gewands. wiewol ich was so mechtig reich da mir kawm yemant wardt gleich. An diesen holprigen Versen scheint er grossen Gefallen gefunden zu haben. Bei den Päpsten lässt Alt regelmässig den Namen des Vaters weg, ebenso die bauliche Thätigkeit, wie auch die Angabe der Be- gräbnisstätte. Man erkennt also durchweei das Bestreben Alts, alles möglichst populär zu machen, da seine Ubersetzung für das Volk bestimmt ist. Um seinem Leserkreis etwas klar darzustellen, scheut Alt auch vor Naivitäten nicht zurück. So schreibt er bei der Häresie der Waldenser ccm für vulgares libros: "So liesse er ime ettliche buecher teutscher oder in seiner sprach schreiben."]

18 Reske, 36.

19 See Cushing Duniway, "A Study of the Nuremberg Chrooicle," Papers if tlu: B£hliographico1 Society of America 35 (1941): 17-34 (30); Ellen Shaffer, The Nuremberg Chrooicle: A Pictorial World History from the Creation /0 1493 (Los Angeles: The Plantin Press, for Dawson's Book Shop, 1950): 40; Josef Guter, "Schedels Weltchronik: Werk - Autor - Wirkung," Das Antiquariat22 (1972): 129-35 (131); Henkel (n. 16 above): 168; Stephan Füssel, Die Welt im Buch: Budikllnstlerisdur und humanistischer Kontext 130 Fifteenth-Century Studies 33 (2008)

der Sdiedelschen Weltchronik van 1493 (Mainz: Gutenberg, 1996): 42; Vredeveld (n. 13 above): 303; Reske, 36.

20 Volker Schupp, "Zu Hartmann Schedels Weltchronik," in Texttyp, Sprechergmppe, Kommunikationsbereich: Studien zur deutschen Sprache in Geschichte und Gegenwart: FestschrjftjiiT Hugo Steger zum 65. Geburtstag, ed. Heinrich Löffler, KarllieinzJakob, und Bernhard Kelle (Berlin and New York: Walter de Gruyter, 1994),52-67 (64): "Der Verlust der genauen Orts-, Zeit- und Umstandsbestinunungen, der Nebenhandlungen, nehmen der erzählerischen Qualität des Textes die Würze. Wäre vielleicht auch mancher deutsche Leser überfordert gewesen, so hätten sie immerhin die Aura hergestellt."

21 Schupp, 63.

22 Kugler (n. 16 above): 112.

23 Stephan Pelgen, "Das Verhältnis der Augsburger Nachdrucke zur Nürnberger Schedel-Chronik," in 500 Jahre Schedelsche Weltchranih (see n. 8 above): 111-32 (118, 122). In comparing the texts of the Koberger and Schönsperger editions, Pelgen overlooks a number of discrepancies first noted byJoseph Sprengler (Hartmann Schedcls Weltduonik; diss. Munich [Würzburg: C.]. Becker, 1905]: 31-32), and by Haitz (n. 10 above): 52. On Schönsperger, see n. 12 above. 2~ Reske, 341-42. 25 Reske,37.

26 • • • doch nicht allenthalben gantz gemess der maynung des lateins darauß es genomen ist sunder zu zeiten mit furgeung ettlicher wort und maynung. auß ursachen das an ettwievil enden in der bemelten Eneischen histori meldung und beschreibung beschiht von dingen davon hievor in disem buch erklerung beschehen ist. Zu sambt dem auch das Teütsch alles in dem spacio das zu dem Teütschen nit weitter denn zu dem latein gelassen ist nicht hat mugen begriffen werden (foI. 268r). Passages from the Nuremberg Chronide cited in this article were also compared to the printer's manuscripts owned by the Nuremberg Stadtbibliothek (cod. Cent n 98 und 99). Abbreviations in the printed text are expanded.

27 Reske, 238. Rotunda: rounded Gothic script appearing in the thirteenth century and used in Italian juridical texts. The letters are more rounded than in the earlier Gothic script. Initials take two lines, in the Schwabach type as well (see Peter Dinzelbacher, ed. Sachwörterbuch der Mediävistik [Stuttgart: Kröner, 1992]: 716).

28 For one example of a deleted introduction, see the description of Krakow, often found as foI. [302r] in the De Sarmacie fascicleof the Koberger Latin edition, from which Alt deletes the first seventy words (fol. 264r in the Koberger German edition). The brackets indicate that this fol. is not paginated (but follows 301).

29 Christoph Reske, "Die Umsetzung der handschriftlichen Vorlagen beim Druck der Weltchronik," in 500 Jahre Schedelsche Weltchronik (see n. 8 above): 133-64 (136-37).

30 "zu zeiten von maynung zu maynung. unnd beyweylen (nit on ursach) außzugs weise" (foI. [287v]). 31 Schupp (note 20 above): 60.

32 Bassnett (n. 2 above): 119-31.

33 In the late Middle Ages, translation often took the form of adaptation. When Pierre Riviere "translated" Sebastian Brant's Ship ofFools (1494) into the French LaNgdesfob. Green: Notes on the Nuremberg Chronide 131 du monde (1497), Riviere created a verse-paraphrase which did not receive much attention because it was overshadowed by Brant's incunabulum masterpiece. Brant's fame was firmly established, and nobody suspected at the time, least of all Riviere, that even Jacob Locher's Latin version (5,672 verses) was not quite identical with the original Narrenschjff(7,034 verses), Riviere added 11,461 verses to Locher's text in the process of adapting it to the French scene, mentality, experience, and circumstance. On the other hand, Riviere occasionally misunderstood Locher and interpreted the text so that it made sense to him. (The French "translator" was not able to understand Brant's Old-Alsacian idiom.) However, he begged of his readers and judges "que benignement pardonnent au tramlateurqui estjeune" (3 - the editor's emphasis). See:Pierre Riviere, La Nefdesfob. du monde. ed. Edelgard E. DuBruck, 2 vols. [Ann Arbor: UMI, 1977), 1: xviii). Needless to say, all "translators" of the Ship rfFooIr used Brant's woodcuts.

34 Alt's deletion of inscriptive material is moreover not quite thorough. He transl~ted at least two inscriptions, the epitaphs of Cyrus (foI.68v) and Sardanopullus (fol.54r), and did not eliminate but rather summarized the epitaphs of Alanus ab Insulis (foI. 221r) and Pope Eugenius IV (foI.242v).

35 "aus unsrer nation," foI. 247r; "aufT das wir nit gesehen würden, den iuden nachzefolgen," fol. 114v; "herdishalb der alpen," fol. 191v.

36 Latin: "De hominibus diversarum formarum dicit Plinius liber vii. capite! ii. Et Augustinus liber xci de civitate dei. capite! viii. Et Isidorus Ethymologiae liber xi capite! iii." German: "Von mancherlay gestaltnus der menschen schreiben Plinius, Augustinus und ysidorus die hemachgemelten ding" (fol. 12r). 37 See Roger Chartier, "Reading Matter and 'Popular' Reading: From the Renaissance to the Seventeenth Century," in A History tfReading in the West, ed. Guglie!mo Cavallo and Roger Chartier, trans. Lydia G. Cochrane (Amherst: University of Massachusetts, 1999): 269-83 (278). 38 Reske, 109-20, in contrast to Rücker (see n. 8 above): 10.

39 Laudem vero urbis ac descriptionem Das lob und die beschreibung diser statt gottefridus viterbiensis elegans hystoricus hat Gotfredus von Viterbia der hiis sequentibus edidit. trefTenlichgschichtbschreyber in Bavaricus fluvius vulgo radiantia dictus schönem artlichem gepundnem gedicht Norica rura fovens. Varieque vagando hübsch und aigentlich gemeldet und relictus zeerkennen gegeben. Wer des Montis pavonis. urbis amena colit underichtung haben wöl der such es in Nomine vulgato mons babenberga vocatur dem lateinischen druck beyende der F1uminecrassatur. Vicinaque terra beschreibung diserstatt babenberg. rigatur .... 40 That some readers of the German Nuremberg Chronide were able to and did refer to the Latin edition is attested to after consulting marginal references made on the two versions, such as the note in a copy of the German edition stating that the corresponding passage was to be found one leaf earlier in the Latin version (Bamberg Priesterseminar Ink 88, fol. 272v). 41 "Zu diss babsts zeitten hats got gegeben (als sein nam anzaigt) das vil schedlicher ding ereügt haben" (foI. 150v); cf. Latin "Deus autem dedit eius tempora ad hec etiam notiora fecere." 42 "regirung der dreyer mann Triumviratus zu latein genant" (fol. 48v). 132 Ffieenth-Century Studies 33 (2008)

43 "die vordem der kunst und panyertrager der gerechtigkeit, die man zu latein priores artium et vexilljfferos iustide nennt" (fol. 86v). « Als er nw zu zymmlichem alter kamen was da zohe er auß seins vaters vermanung in die hohen schul gein Parys sich daselbst aufTlernung guter kunst und sunderlich der gätlichen recht mit höhstem fleiß begebende. nicht in fürsatz (wie yetzo unßer sünlein thun) viI gelts. grass ere und hoh stennd zeerlangen. sunder nach gestalt yeder sachen. also dem armen als dem reichen gerechtigkeit mitzetailn und einem yeden das sein zegeben (fol. 264r). 45 In four of the passages, the learned were described more precisely as medical doctors ("als die ertzt wissen," concerning Antonius Guaynerius [died 1440], fol. 246r; also noted by Kugler [no 16 above]: 78), as lawyers ("inmaßen die rechtgelerten deß guot wißen haben," concerning Gratian [twelfth century], fol. 201 v), or as those who know Latin ("den gelereten des Lateins wol bekannt," concerning Ptolemy [A.D. 87-150], fols. 114r, and Latium, fol. 45r). The other instances of this phrase, with reference to those no more precisely described than referred to as the "gelerten," concern Dornitius Calderinus (1447-78), fol. 252v; Giovanni d'Andrea (1270-1348), fol. 227r; Augustinus Triumphus of Ancona (1243-1328), fol. 226v; James of Viterbo (died 1254), fol. 222v; Hugolin Malabranca (Latin Patriarch of Constantinople 1371-75), fol. 218v; Avicenna (980-1037), fol. 202r; Richard ofSt. Victor (died 1173), fol. 20Ov; Guido of Arezzo (995-1050), fo1. 189v; the Third Council of Orleans (538), fo1.143v; and Rhodes, fol. 26v. It is instructive that Alt did not reserve "als [wie] die Gelehrten wissen" for the most obscure of scholars, but rather added the phrase where some relatively well-known works had been omitted. Only three of the scholars from the previous list had no works printed before 1501; Richard of St. Victor had two incunable editions of his work, equal to the median for authors published in the fifteenth century, and the rest were near or well above the average of seven editions (calculated according to data from the Inamable Short '{'Itle Catalogue: see Martin Davies, ed., The IllustratedISTC an CD-ROM, second ed. [London: Primary Source Media, in Association with the British Library, 1998]). The works ofGiovanni d'Andrea appeared in ninety-four editions before 1501, seventeen of them from the press of Friedrich Creussner in Nuremberg, while the literary works of Maphaeus Vegius appeared as sections in almost 100 incunables, including Anton Koberger's 1492 edition ofVergil.

46 Bartoldus de Saxoferrato, Processus Satanae contra genw humanum, in German Ein nützlicher gerichtes hantle! vor got, trans. Georg Alt ([Leipzig]: Martin Landsberg, [c. 1493]). 47 "[d]en Erbam furnehmen und achtbarnJohann Tuchscherer und Micheln Crainer Prothonotarien und auch den gemeinen procuratom deß heiligen rornischen reichs Stadtgerichts zu Nurmbergk" (fol. [lv]). 48 Kugler (n. 16 above): 78-79. 49 das wollet bite ich ... Auch mich der eynfalt nicht meinen das ich wolle glauben euch not zu sein vonn mir underichtung deß lateins zu entpfahen die ir zum teyl doch desselben hochverstendigk seyt ader etewas vor ungehorts und euch unwissends zu lernen. ßo ir doch auß ewer steten und manigfeltigen ubunge der rechtlichen und gericht- lichen hendel der geistlichen unnd werntlichen recht und yrer ordnung volkundig und durchleufftig sein müßet (fol. [2r-v]). Michigan State University