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Photovoice Evaluated: An Appropriate Visual Methodology for Aboriginal Water Resource Research

KIRSTEN MACLEAN1* and EMMA WOODWARD2 1CSIRO Ecosystem Sciences, Dutton Park, QLD 4102, . 2CSIRO Ecosystem Sciences, Berrimah, NT 0828, Australia. *Corresponding author. Email: [email protected]

Received 20 April 2012; Revised 9 August 2012; Accepted 3 September 2012

Abstract Methodologies in human geography are rapidly evolving to include participatory approaches that incorporate other voices and knowledges. Central to these participatory methodologies is the co-evolution of research objectives, the co-production of knowledge, joint learning, and capacity building of all those involved. Visual methodologies that use the media of photography are gaining recognition as powerful participatory methods. In this paper, we evaluate whether photovoice is a culturally appropriate and engaging visual methodology, and consider how it can be improved to better facilitate research between non- Aboriginal researchers and Aboriginal Australians involved in water resource management. We draw from two photovoice projects conducted in partnership with two separate Aboriginal groups in northern Australia. Photovoice method- ology in this context was found to be both culturally appropriate and engaging. It facilitated genuine participatory research, empowered participants, and was easily adapted to the field situation. The methodology proved to be a powerful tool that revealed in-depth information including Aboriginal values, knowledge, concerns, and aspirations for water resource management that may not have been captured through other participatory approaches. Photovoice methodology could be enhanced with a more defined role for the researcher as knowledge broker and as translator and communicator of research outcomes (as deemed appropriate by research participants) to policy makers.

KEY WORDS photovoice; visual methodologies; participatory research; Abo- riginal; water resources

Introduction natural resource management (Howitt, 2001; Ens Methodologies in human geography are rapidly et al., 2010; Woodward et al., 2012), and encour- evolving to include participatory approaches. aged social transformation. Such approaches seek to create meaningful col- Participatory methodologies that unsettle con- laborations with community partners to articulate ventional research approaches by embracing their environmental and social governance goals polyvocality are advocated by Aboriginal geog- for change. Participatory methodologies have raphers and geographers working with Aborigi- revealed social and environmental inequalities nal peoples (Rigney, 1999; Smith, 1999; Howitt, (Pain, 2004), created spaces for a rethinking of 2001; Hodge and Lester, 2006; Johnson et al.,

94 Geographical Research • February 2013 • 51(1):94–105 doi: 10.1111/j.1745-5871.2012.00782.x K. Maclean and E. Woodward: Photovoice Evaluated 95

2007; Louis, 2007; Maclean, 2009; Maclean and Photovoice methodology is a participatory Cullen, 2009). There is strengthening interest, approach that uses photography to generate from both Indigenous and non-Indigenous research data (Wang and Burris, 1994; 1997; researchers, in testing and refining what consti- Wang et al., 1996; Wang, 1999; Harris, 2009). tutes appropriate ‘Indigenous methodologies’ This paper explores whether photovoice method- and how these methodologies might best articu- ology is a culturally appropriate and engaging late and accommodate what is often referred to as visual methodology to facilitate research an ‘Indigenous way of knowing’ (see Rigney, between non-Aboriginal researchers and Abo- 1999; Smith, 1999; Brown and Strega, 2005; riginal Australians involved in water resource Wilson, 2008; Kovach, 2009; Chilisa, 2012). management. The paper begins with a review of Such methodologies are sensitive to Aboriginal the photovoice literature. Two case studies of protocols (Smith, 1999; Johnson et al., 2007), photovoice research conducted with Aboriginal respect Aboriginal knowledge systems and two- groups in northern Australia are then evalua- way sharing of knowledge (Davies, 2007; Louis, ted against three well-documented photovoice 2007; Pawu-Kurlpurlurnu et al., 2008; Ens et al., ‘goals’ (Wang and Burris, 1994; 1997) to evalu- 2010), and facilitate Aboriginal people to direct ate photovoice in this context. Both authors are research agendas in culturally appropriate ways non-Aboriginal people who often do research as collaborators rather than subjects (Maclean with Aboriginal groups. Case study 1 draws on and Cullen, 2009 Woodward, 2010). Participa- research conducted by the first author with 16 tory methodologies are grounded in feminist members of the Kuku Nyungkal tribal group critique of conventional research practice from the Queensland Wet Tropics (case study 1) (Haraway, 1991), post-colonial critique that to elicit their water values, knowledge, and man- emphasises the need to listen to diverse stories of agement aspirations (see Maclean and Bana place and culture that were silenced in the Yaralji Bubu Inc., 2011 for water research out- writing of colonial histories (Rattansi, 1997), and comes). Case study 2 is based on research con- the philosophy of participatory rural appraisal ducted by the second author with six members of (Chambers, 1983; 1994a; 1994b; 1999). Method- the Aboriginal community of Nauiyu Nambiyu ologies include participatory action research located on the Daly River, to (Reason and Bradbury, 2001; Brown and Strega, capture socio-cultural values attributed to the 2005), participatory mapping (Tobias, 2000), water resources of the Daly River and any con- participatory learning and action (Pretty et al., cerns for future development (see Jackson et al., 1995), and participatory planning (Walsh and 2011 for research outcomes). The aim of the Mitchell, 2002). Central to these methodologies separate research projects was to provide docu- is the co-evolution of research objectives, the mentation of Aboriginal interests and concerns co-production of knowledge, and capacity build- for the management of rivers in their respective ing of all those involved. region. Visual media of photography have gained recognition as a powerful tool for participatory Photovoice methodology methodologies (Wang and Burris, 1994; 1997; Photovoice, a concept developed by Wang and Wang et al., 1996; Wang, 1999; Harris, 2009). Burris (1994; 1997), is a methodology that uses When research participants have an active role in photographs to engage participants, particularly the generation and interpretation of images, the those from marginalised sectors of society, in process can reveal deeper understandings of the research. The philosophy of photovoice reso- values, beliefs, and social networks (Beazley, nates strongly with participatory action research 2008). Furthermore, photographs can act as the as it ‘puts [cameras] in the hands of children, intermediary in the researcher–participant rela- rural women, grassroots workers, and other con- tionship as researchers focus their attention on stituents with little access to those who make the image rather than the participant. This helps decisions over their lives’ (Wang and Burris, to overcome perceived status differences (Parker, 1994, 172). It is described as history in the 2005). In such circumstances, participants can be making as it records current situations and empowered as research collaborators: they are enables photographers to define these situations encouraged to add their ideas and knowledge to as they see them and to represent them to others, the scientific process, for example, through the including policy makers (Wang and Burris, 1994; introduction of new themes to the research ques- 1997). Its goals are threefold (Wang and Burris, tions (Kolb, 2008). 1997): to enable people to record and reflect

© 2012 CSIRO Geographical Research © 2012 Institute of Australian Geographers 96 Geographical Research • February 2013 • 51(1):94–105 upon their community’s strengths and concerns; Wilkin and Liamputtong, 2010). Photovoice was to promote critical dialogue and collective further found to complement Aboriginal oral and knowledge production; and to inform policy. visual cultural practice (Wilkin and Liamput- Photovoice is grounded in Freire’s (1970) tong, 2010), and the public display of photo- empowerment education, feminist theory, and graphs has provided an incentive for young documentary photography. It challenges assump- people to engage in research (Larson et al., tions about representation and documentary 2001). authorship (Wang and Burris, 1997). Freire’s To date, there has been very limited use of (1970) ‘empowerment education’ and ‘education photovoice methodology with Aboriginal Aus- for a critical consciousness’ (Freire, 1973) begin tralians involved in natural resource manage- with a focus on individual development and ment. We use Wang and Burris’ (1994) three extend this focus to community and institutional goals of photovoice (to record and reflect on change through a process of shared dialogue. community strengths and concerns; to promote Feminist theory and research methodologies critical dialogue and collective knowledge pro- complement this pedagogy as they critique duction; and to inform policy) and two pho- studies that assume women as objects rather than tovoice projects conducted with Aboriginal actors in their own right (see Boserup, 1970; Australians involved in water resource mana- Moser, 1989; Shiva, 1989). Photovoice draws on gement to evaluate whether photovoice is a this theory and challenges documentary photog- culturally appropriate and engaging visual meth- raphy by regarding women (and other marginal- odology in this context. We also consider how it ised sectors of society) as authorities of their own can better facilitate research between non- lives. Photography is used to facilitate self- Aboriginal researchers and Aboriginal Austral- empowerment and self-representation and can ians in water resource management contexts. result in knowledge production (Wang and Burris, 1994; 1997). Photovoice has been widely adopted in the Aboriginal water values research in health sciences (Castleden et al., 2008; Catalani Northern Australia and Minkler, 2010). For example, it provided The two research projects involved members insight into the health intervention needs of of the Kuku Nyungkal tribal group, from the immigrant Latino adolescents in North Carolina, Queensland Wet Tropics (case study 1), and USA (Streng et al., 2004) and revealed the expe- members of Nauiyu Nambiyu, an Aboriginal riences of at risk youth to inform service provi- community on the Daly River, Northern Territory sion in Michigan, USA (Wang, 2003). It has also (case study 2) (see Figure 1). Both case studies been used to facilitate community psychologists’ used photovoice to elicit the values, knowledge, work with women to construct new identities and and water management concerns and aspirations futures in postwar Guatemala and South Africa of the northern Australian Aboriginal research (Lykes et al., 2003). participants. Ethics approval was granted by In Australia, photovoice has been adopted by respective research organisations (The Univer- researchers to promote health with homeless sity of Queensland and Charles Darwin Univer- youth (Dixon and Hadjialexiou, 2005), to under- sity) (see Maclean and Bana Yaralji Bubu Inc., stand the experiences of Aboriginal health 2011; Jackson et al., 2012). Participants were workers (Wilkin and Liamputtong, 2010), and to informed of their research rights and requested to engage Aboriginal youth in health awareness sign a prior informed consent form preceding programs (Larson et al., 2001). It has also been their involvement with the research. Photovoice used in natural resource management contexts to was chosen by each author as they believed that it elicit community attitudes to climate change and would complement the visual and oral nature of rising sea levels in Queensland (Baldwin and Aboriginal cultures and Aboriginal cultural pro- Chandler, 2010) and to understand irrigators’ tocol that can sometimes require them to be on decision making in the Murray Darling Basin that land when they speak about it. The authors during times of severe drought (Kuehne and also anticipated that the methodology would Bjornlund, 2010). Health researchers who used it promote self-empowerment outcomes as it can to facilitate research with Aboriginal participants build on local capacity, provide a means for par- reported that it generated in-depth and meaning- ticipants to direct the research process, promote ful data as participants felt empowered to share co-research partnerships, and facilitate knowl- their personal experiences (Larson et al., 2001; edge co-creation for local problem solving (see

© 2012 CSIRO Geographical Research © 2012 Institute of Australian Geographers K. Maclean and E. Woodward: Photovoice Evaluated 97

Figure 1 Map showing the two Australian case study locations.

Maclean and Cullen, 2009; Maclean and Bana Nyungkal male elders (one was the traditional Yaralji Bubu Inc., 2011). Aboriginal owner for the site) involved in discus- sions about future public access and management Case study 1: Kuku Nyungkal people and water of a sacred Kuku Nyungkal men’s waterfall site. in the Wet Tropics The three elders volunteered to take photographs The Kuku Nyungkul people are one of the 18 for the purpose of the research. They confirmed Aboriginal Rainforest groups from the Queens- that it was culturally appropriate for them to take land Wet Tropics (see Figure 1). Their native title photographs of the male site and then discuss the rights were recognised by the Australian Govern- photographs with the female researcher (cultural ment in 2007 with the granting of land at Ship- protocol dictates that women must not visit ton’s Flat (see Figure 1) (Maclean and Bana men’s sites and vice versa). Elders took between Yaralji Bubu Inc., 2011). The Bana Yaralji Bubu 7 and 16 photographs. A semi-structured inter- Inc. was created in 2009 by a group of Kuku view (one elder) and a focus group (two elders) Nyungkal elders and young people in anticipa- were conducted after the visit to the waterfall tion of this determination. Its goal is the devel- site. opment of sustainable enterprises to enable Fieldtrip two was conducted over 14 days. interested Kuku Nyungkal people to fulfil their Four country visits were conducted with the cultural obligations to their country in a way that Nyungkal Ranger Service during this time (two also generates livelihood benefits. The Bana Kuku Nyungkal female elders, four young men, Yaralji Bubu Inc. ‘Strategic Plan for Kuku two young women, a Kuku Yalanji elder, and a Nyungkal Country’ was completed in 2009 Kuku Bidiji woman). A fifth visit was carried out (Bana Yaralji Bubu Inc., 2009) and they received with two Kuku Nyungkal female elders and a Australian Government ‘Working on Country’ young man who were not members of the funding for the Nyungkal Ranger Service in the Nyungkal Ranger Service. Each country visit same year. involved a preliminary discussion detailing the The ‘Kuku Nyungkal people and water in the research aim, the photovoice methodology, and Wet Tropics’ project (hereon referred to as CS.1) the water places that the participants wished to was conducted between the first author, the Bana visit. Two digital cameras were shared with self- Yaralji Bubu Inc., and 16 members of the Kuku selected individuals (different for each trip) Nyungkal community during a period of three along with camera use instructions and the weeks in 2009 (see Maclean and Bana Yaralji request they take photographs of the important Bubu Inc., 2011). It involved two fieldtrips with water issues at the locations visited. Apart from research participants to their custodial country. the visit to the sacred men’s water fall site, the The first two-day fieldtrip included three Kuku researcher accompanied the participants on each

© 2012 CSIRO Geographical Research © 2012 Institute of Australian Geographers 98 Geographical Research • February 2013 • 51(1):94–105 visit. Country visits lasted for approximately one on land clearing and subdivision in 2003, to three hours. Photographs were taken and a pending the development of a land use plan general discussion was held at each location. (Jackson, 2006). Research into the planning Next, the group returned to the designated process revealed concerns of individuals at meeting place, the photographs were down- Nauiyu Nambiyu (and other Aboriginal commu- loaded to the researchers’ laptop, and all indi- nities) about the lack of Aboriginal participation viduals participated in a focus group or interview and opportunity for water values to be incorpo- guided by the photographs. Each trip generated rated (Jackson, 2006; Jackson and O’Leary, 22–70 photographs depending upon length of 2006). A three-year research project ‘Indigenous trip. As some photographs depicted the same socio-economic values and river flows’ was image, a number of photographs (between 11 and developed to better understand Aboriginal 21) were selected by the participants as the key groundwater values in the catchment (see Finn images to direct the focus group discussion (see and Jackson, 2011; Jackson et al., 2011; Wood- Figure 3 for example of one such photograph). ward et al., 2012). Semi-structured interview questions were In the second year of the project, a community posed for each photograph (Why did you take member suggested the use of photography to this photograph? Why is this place important to capture people’s concerns for the Daly River. She you? What are the management challenges you explained how the clearing of the riparian veg- face in relation to these water bodies? How do etation would result in the loss of local beauty you want to be involved in looking after these (the reflections of trees in the Daly River) and water bodies?). Participants were also asked to suggested that a photograph could be taken to reflect on the use of photographs to facilitate record the current and future states of the land- research. Detailed notes were taken during each scape (Marrfurra McTaggart, personal communi- interview or focus group. The interview and cation, June 9, 2009). The ‘Nauiyu Nambiyu focus group data were coded to identify common water values for planning and management’ pho- themes (not reported in this article): water values tovoice project (hereon referred to as CS.2) and knowledge, as well as the opportunities and evolved from this discussion. The aim was to constraints of community engagement in water capture a broad range of water values and the management (see Maclean and Bana Yaralji relative value of the Daly River and surrounding Bubu Inc., 2011). wetlands to the participants’ lives. This project was conducted between the Case study 2: Nauiyu Nambiyu water values second author and six Aboriginal members of the for planning and management Nauiyu Nambiyu community over a period of six Nauiyu Nambiyu is an Aboriginal community of months between 2009 and 2010. Participants approximately 350 people located on the banks included two adolescent males, three older of the perennially flowing Daly River, 200 km women who were well versed in research prac- south of Darwin, the capital city of the Northern tice from their experience with an earlier Abo- Territory (Erskine et al., 2003) (see Figure 1). riginal knowledge recording project (Woodward, The majority of the Aboriginal residents are not 2010), and a young male adult who had his own traditional owners of the land on which they camera and who contributed his photographs and reside but continue to live in the community after stories later in the project. Participants were earlier generations were attracted to the former provided with an ‘entry-level’ digital camera Catholic mission. The River is recognised for its (chosen for ease of use and gifted to participants high ecological value, with the estuary and lower at project end). The aim of the photovoice project flood plains recognised as being of international was to capture a broad range of water values importance to waterbirds (Chatto, 2006). The through photo-documentation and to capture the Daly River region has been identified as ‘the relative value of the Daly River and surrounding most prospective region for further development wetlands to the participants’ lives. Participants of the (Northern) Territory’s primary industries, were asked to take photographs of whatever they including the pastoral, cropping, irrigated agri- wanted and to choose their favourite photo- culture, and horticulture industries’ (Northern graphs. They were advised they would be asked Australia Land and Water Taskforce, 2009, 6). to share a short story about each photograph with Following public concern for increasing devel- the researcher at a later date. In contrast to CS.1, opment in the Daly River region, the Northern the second author was not present during country Territory Government announced a moratorium visits and photo-documentation, so participants

© 2012 CSIRO Geographical Research © 2012 Institute of Australian Geographers K. Maclean and E. Woodward: Photovoice Evaluated 99 had the freedom and time to plan trips to places Aboriginal researcher and Aboriginal Australians they wished to photograph. with an interest in water resource management. Participants were advised to only take photo- graphs of places and subjects that they would be To enable people to record and reflect upon comfortable sharing with the researcher and that their community’s strengths and concerns would not get them into trouble with the wider In both case studies, the photovoice methodology community. The researcher returned to the com- promoted Aboriginal-led research. The location munity each month to provide logistical support of the country visits and the photographic subject (replace broken cameras and new batteries) and matter were chosen by Aboriginal participants, to encourage the senior women to take photo- and subsequent discussions were directed by the graphs. She also met with participants three resultant images. Aboriginal participants devel- times (in six months) to download their photo- oped confidence to engage in research with non- graphs to her laptop. At the end of this time, the Aboriginal researchers on their own terms. participants selected 12–14 photographs and Although it is difficult to gauge the extent to shared stories about the content of each photo- which the presence of the researcher impacted graph with the research (see Figure 2 for country visits and photographic subject matter example of one such photograph). This was done choice in CS.1 as compared with CS.2, it is via an individual or paired interview facilitated important to note that all research participants by semi-structured interview questions (Tell me from both projects were enthusiastic about the about this photo/what does this photo show? power of photographs to document subject Where was it taken? Who else was with you? matter. For example, one Kuku Nyungkal Why do you like going to this place/why is this research participant (CS.1) explained that she place important to you?). thought that the use of photographs was an effec- tive way to capture her water values, knowledge, Photovoice evaluated management aspirations, and concerns ‘as pic- In this section, we return to the work by Wang and tures can tell a lot of stories: pictures tell the true co-workers (Wang et al., 1996; Wang and Burris, story’. 1997; Wang, 1999) to evaluate whether the use of The use of cameras to capture and reflect on photovoice methodology in these projects community interests and concerns was a novel enabled people to record and reflect upon their experience for all participants. For example, it community’s strengths and concerns; promoted was the first time that four of the six Nauiyu critical dialogue and collective knowledge pro- Nambiyu participants (CS.2) had used digital duction; and informed policy. This evaluation cameras. These participants engaged quickly provides insight into ways to enhance photovoice with the cameras and explained how the project to facilitate improved research between a non- presented a good opportunity for them to capture and record subjects of concern. Their photo- graphs demonstrated strong connections between community members and water places. The images showed family groups hunting and gath- ering aquatic species such as turtles at bil- labongs, preparing other aquatic species for cooking or eating, river-side camping places, and paintings of aquatic habitats made by three pho- tographers and important water places. One par- ticipant highlighted several issues in one photograph. She asked a non-participant to take a photo of her hunting and explained: ‘I’m collect- ing long-necked turtle from that billabong at Lizzie Downs’ (see Figure 2). Participants from both case studies enjoyed the interview or focus group discussion. They took pride in their photographs and were keen to Figure 2 Nauiyu Nambiyu research participant used this photograph to explain her water values and management explain the motivation to capture each image. In interests. She said ‘I’m collecting long-neck turtle from that Kuku Nyungkal group discussions (CS.1), each billabong at Lizzie Downs’ (CS.2). new photograph provided the catalyst for an

© 2012 CSIRO Geographical Research © 2012 Institute of Australian Geographers 100 Geographical Research • February 2013 • 51(1):94–105 in-depth discussion on the represented theme. resource management. One elder explained that Cultural knowledge was shared in story by elders ‘the scientists are the ones who the government and retold by young people, some of whom heard are listening to, how do we contribute our knowl- the stories for the first time. Participants collec- edge so they can listen to the small people?’ This tively documented their water values and knowl- critical dialogue facilitated discussion about edge; they then used the photographs to describe how Aboriginal participants can work with these values and knowledge and articulate how non-Aboriginal ‘knowledge holders’ for cross- they continue to be of great importance in con- cultural problem solving. In particular, the temporary times. Such discussions highlighted important role of Kuku Nyungkal involvement in the pride they felt for their cultural values and water governance to ensure culturally appropri- knowledge. This often evolved into group articu- ate water management was highlighted. Also lation of their related management concerns such important to participants was opportunity for as the lack of respect for cultural knowledge in them to work with non-Aboriginal individuals dominant water management and governance and groups who have different kinds of knowl- practice that results in changes to water quality edge (scientific, government know-how, and so and quantity. Discussions would then lead into on) so that they can develop joint solutions to articulation of their management aspirations, water management issues and increase the poten- including an increased involvement in water tial of jointly creating new knowledge to address management decision making and related devel- contemporary water governance issues (cf. opment of sustainable livelihood options such Maclean and Cullen, 2009). as payment for knowledge in decision-making In contrast, the Nauiyu Nambiyu case study arenas. revealed how the social dynamics that occur in Three Nauiyu Nambiyu participants (CS.2) photovoice story telling can dictate the extent to were reluctant (embarrassed or shy) to discuss which critical dialogue and collective knowledge their photographs in the presence of other par- production could occur between participants. ticipants with whom they had complex kinship The social connections between people were relationships. These relationships made group found to constrain or prohibit dialogue, with discussion both culturally inappropriate and individuals solely interacting with the researcher socially awkward. Thus, following Wang and rather than in a group. Although critical dialogue Burris (1997), the second author adapted the and collective knowledge production was not methodology to suit the local situation, and par- facilitated by the methodology, the project did ticipants discussed their photographs with the result in collective social cohesion of the wider researcher on an individual basis or as part of a community. Following the research and during a pair. community organised open day, 52 of the partici- pants’ photographs and stories were shared with To promote critical dialogue and collective the wider community as a display banner. Com- knowledge production munity residents were automatically attracted to The discussions facilitated by the photovoice the photographs, animated discussions followed, methodology promoted critical dialogue, cross- and other community members requested their cultural problem solving, and knowledge photograph be taken with the participant photog- co-production among the Kuku Nyungkal raphers against the backdrop of the banner. It was participants (CS.1). Discussion was facilitated, empowering for the research participants, two of rather than constrained, by the presence of the whom were young people, to receive positive non-Aboriginal researcher. For example, as the feedback and attention from friends and family. Kuku Nyungkal participants regarded the non- Aboriginal researcher as a ‘scientist’ and a holder To inform policy of scientific knowledge, her presence inspired Research participants chose to engage with the passionate and heated debate about the mar- projects for different reasons and this dictated ginalisation of Aboriginal knowledge apropos the extent to which the methodology facilitated scientific knowledge. In relation to this margin- information sharing with water planners. As the alisation, participants expressed their frustration Kuku Nyungkal people (CS.1) are already active at being excluded from mainstream governance advocates for Aboriginal-led natural resource processes. They felt that this was because they management (as evidenced by the formation of are not regarded as scientists and thus their the Bana Yaralji Bubu Inc., the completion of the knowledge is not regarded as important for water Strategic Plan, and the existence of the Nyungkal

© 2012 CSIRO Geographical Research © 2012 Institute of Australian Geographers K. Maclean and E. Woodward: Photovoice Evaluated 101

Ranger group), their motivation to engage in the In both cases, the ability of research partici- research was to augment their evidence base to pants to share information with water planners further inform approaches for government to was limited by resources, capacity to contact and better engage Aboriginal people water planning. network water planners, and knowledge of how As one elder explained to communicate the research findings in an appropriate way. In recognition of these limita- they should allow for senior people to be tions, most participants chose to work with the involved in doing and working alongside researchers to bridge the divide between their planners to assess impact and damage [of new community and government water planners. For developments]. [Kuku Nyungkal] people need example, the Kuku Nyungkal participants (CS.1) to be involved in those things to reduce continue to share the research report prepared impact, if any project takes place here, we with the first author (see Maclean and Bana need male and females to oversee project and Yaralji Bubu Inc., 2011) with prospective to do assessment (see Figure 3). research partners and government representatives The Nauiyu Nambiyu participants’ choice to to help articulate their water (and other natural engage in the photovoice project was not driven resource management) interests. The Nauiyu by an immediate or experienced threat to their Nambiyu participants (CS.2) actively shared water values, resources, or lifestyle. As such, their interests with the wider community at the there was no urgency to tell any particular story, open day and may feel empowered to start to and no active decision to collectively act to network with water planners in the future. inform water policy. Participants were however aware of potential threats to their use of water Discussion resources in the region, driven by the water plan- This evaluation has shown that photovoice is a ning and allocation process that had recently culturally appropriate and engaging methodology been undertaken by the government. They were to facilitate research between non-Aboriginal also aware that the aim of the research team (that researchers andAboriginal participants interested had worked intensively with Nauiyu Nambiyu in water resource management. Furthermore, community members for two years prior to pho- photovoice is a powerful tool as it can reveal tovoice project) was to inform water policy, in-depth information from research participants through the research data, of the importance of (values, knowledge, concerns, and aspirations) the river and its water resources to the Aboriginal that may not be captured through other parti- residents of Nauiyu Nambiyu. cipatory approaches such as semi-structured interviews. Photovoice is culturally appropriate given that the visual and oral nature of Aboriginal cultures and some Aboriginal cultural protocol can require Aboriginal people to be on that land when they speak about it. Furthermore, as our com- parative case studies show, it is a flexible meth- odology that is applicable in diverse contexts. A short (three-week) researcher facilitated field- work period provided in-depth material through group discussion and debate that arose from the photographs (CS.1), while a longer (six-month) participant-led fieldwork period provided a depth of photograph content and associated water values, but not the group discussion or debate (CS.2). Figure 3 Kuku Nyungkal research participant used this photograph to explain how government planners can better In CS.1, a researcher was present at country work with Aboriginal people: ‘they should allow for senior and follow-up discussions occurred the same day people to be involved in doing and working alongside plan- the photographs were taken. Comments made ners to assess impact and damage [of new developments]. during the country visits were easily continued [Kuku Nyungkal] people need to be involved in those things to reduce impact, if any project takes place here, we need and debated in a group setting with the use male and females to oversee project and to do assessment’ of photographs. In CS.2, image production (CS.1). occurred independently of the researcher and

© 2012 CSIRO Geographical Research © 2012 Institute of Australian Geographers 102 Geographical Research • February 2013 • 51(1):94–105 revealed equally rich material. Participants were does one balance the needs of the community not constrained in their choice of location by the with the needs of the research or planning presence of the researcher and the photographs agency?’ We argue that researchers must con- revealed intimate family settings and activities sider their role as power broker and knowledge that had remained largely inaccessible to the translator throughout the research process. researcher to date. While participants had ample Researchers should question how to work with time between fieldwork and interviews for per- the community to ensure that participants are sonal reflection and story formulation, it is diffi- representative of the greater whole, best to select cult to say whether the delay between photo- participants to represent a particular community, documentation and discussion affected the depth and be explicit whether some voices may be of reflection. silenced by the research process and take steps to When appropriate, group discussions enabled ensure that this does not happen. In addition, critical dialogue about a community’s strengths researchers should evaluate the research process and concerns in relation to that resource and (and related outcomes) in partnership with the facilitated problem solving and collective knowl- research participants, consider how it influenced edge creation to address these concerns. Where social advocacy in the community, and determine there were no immediate perceived threats to the whether the methodology facilitated localised community (CS.2), photovoice was just as pow- social action. Further to this, the researcher must erful in capturing values and knowledge about a never lose sight of their role as an ‘outsider’. This particular resource, which could then assist in fact emphasises the need to work closely with informing policy development that would impact research participants to navigate local politics the community. and overcome the bias they may bring to collec- Our research revealed that photovoice can tion and interpretation of research data (see promote self-empowerment outcomes: it resulted Irvine et al., 2008; Chilisa, 2012). Equally, in local capacity building; it provided a means research participants have an important role to for participants to direct the research process; educate the researcher about local cultural proto- and it promoted co-research partnerships and col and power dynamics and to thus assist them facilitated knowledge co-creation for local to negotiate the insider/outsider dynamic of the problem solving. The use of this methodology research process. can be particularly powerful for individuals with The final stage of the photovoice process is to limited ability to communicate verbally as self- inform policy. The researcher can play a key selected photographs provide visual cues for the role as knowledge translator and re-presenter. research participants to explain issues of interest However, the very act of representation can dis- and concern. It can generate genuine Aboriginal- empower research participants if they are not led research and critical discussion. Photographs active in the reporting process (for example, can facilitate debate about how mainstream proc- have a role to select the photographs) and if the esses exclude and marginalise Aboriginal values researcher does not accurately portray their and knowledge. Such discussions highlight the voices. For example, participants should be need to work with other knowledge holders for involved in a review of the final documentation. local problem solving. Equally, researchers must be mindful of the The research also illustrated how the pho- tension between the communication of research tovoice methodology can be enhanced to facili- in a way appropriate to the community and the tate improved research between non-Aboriginal translation of research into a form that is acces- researchers and Aboriginal Australians involved sible to policy makers. The researcher has to in water resource management. Our evaluation appropriately negotiate this tension for the shows the role of the researcher as power broker knowledge producers and the knowledge users and knowledge translator has been overlooked to best inform and improve policy. This role in the methodological literature. Indeed, more may be alleviated in the future as Aboriginal research is needed to explore the important role communities develop their capacity to engage that is currently played and might be played by directly with policy makers and as policy the researcher. In their seminal paper, Wang and makers build their capacity to better engage Burris (1994) do not mention the ethics of pho- with diverse stakeholder groups via, for tovoice. Wang and Redwood-Jones (2001, 568) example, culturally appropriate planning models do question whether photograph selection by that meet Aboriginal aspirations (Lloyd et al., researchers silences the community voice: ‘how 2006).

© 2012 CSIRO Geographical Research © 2012 Institute of Australian Geographers K. Maclean and E. Woodward: Photovoice Evaluated 103

Conclusion Jackson, Professor M. Cuthill, and Professor H. Ross. Dr G. Critiques of research conducted by non- Kuehne, Ms J. Price, and two anonymous reviewers provided excellent comments. The research was funded by The Uni- Aboriginal researchers with Aboriginal partici- versity of Queensland (the Kuku Nyungkal project) and the pants result from experience of methodologies Tropical Rivers and Coastal Knowledge hub (TRaCK) that are colonial in nature, which continue to (Nauiyu Nambiyu project). The Water for a Healthy Country oppress Aboriginal peoples and invalidate their Flagship (CSIRO) provided support to present an earlier knowledge through a process of ‘research about’, version of this paper at the IAG 2011 conference. rather than ‘research with’, Aboriginal partici- pants (Smith, 1999; Louis, 2007). 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