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From Sophia to Irini: EU Mediterranean Policies and the Urgency of “Doing Something”

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From Sophia to Irini: EU Mediterranean Policies and the Urgency of “Doing Something” From Sophia to Irini: EU Mediterranean Policies and © 2020 IAI the Urgency of “Doing Something” by Federico Alagna Amidst the COVID-19 emergency and This decision stemmed from the vetoes following months of negotiations and of some member states – first and ISSN 2532-6570 deadlocks, Operation Sophia, the EU’s foremost Italy, though it had been one maritime mission in the Mediterranean, of Sophia’s strongest sponsors back officially ended in late March 2020, in 2015 – due to a lack of agreement being replaced by Operation Irini, with on disembarkation points and the a substantially different mandate. relocation of rescued migrants.3 These had been longstanding controversial EUNAVFOR MED Sophia was first issues, arising in particular from the established in 2015 to combat migrant responsibility of processing asylum smuggling in the Mediterranean. applications borne by countries of first Its mandate was then progressively entry in the event of irregular border extended, also including training crossings into the EU.4 activities for the so-called Libyan coast guard and enforcement of the UN The new Operation EUNAVFOR MED arms embargo on Libya.1 Sophia also Irini, on the other hand, is primarily performed search and rescue (SAR) tasked with the implementation activities, saving 44,916 migrants in the of the UN arms embargo on Libya. Mediterranean Sea between 2015 and Announced in the wake of the Berlin March 2019, when the EU renewed the operation but simultaneously withdrew 3 Giulia Mantini, “A EU Naval Mission Without 2 a Navy: The Paradox of Operation Sophia”, in all naval assets from the Mediterranean. IAI Commentaries, No. 19|33 (May 2019), https:// www.iai.it/en/node/10334. 1 EUNAVFOR MED Operation Sophia website: 4 Anja Radjenovic, “Reform of the Dublin About Us, https://www.operationsophia.eu/?p=581. System”, in EPRS Briefings, 1 March 2019, 2 Council of the European Union, Infographic - EU https://www.europarl.europa.eu/thinktank/ Mediterranean operations 2015-2020, last reviewed en/document.html?reference=EPRS_ on 11 March 2020, http://europa.eu/!uk44kW. BRI(2016)586639. Federico Alagna is a researcher on EU migration policies and PhD candidate at the IAI COMMENTARIES 20 | 32 - MAY 2020 20 | 32 - MAY IAI COMMENTARIES University of Bologna and Radboud University. 1 From Sophia to Irini: EU Mediterranean Policies and the Urgency of “Doing Something” Conference on Libya and the escalating is made to SAR activities, which are interventions on opposite sides by unlikely to take place in any event, Turkey, Russia and the United Arab considering that naval assets will not Emirates, Germany and the EU pushed patrol areas traditionally associated through a renewed commitment to with migration routes.8 enforce the UN arms embargo as part of the Berlin Conference conclusions.5 Albeit different in their mandates, Operation Sophia and Operation © 2020 IAI A decision was therefore made to Irini both fall into the category of EU redeploy EU naval assets to the foreign policy decisions taken under Mediterranean, this time to intercept political and popular pressure to “do arms deliveries, notwithstanding the something”, but lacking in political fact that a large majority of weaponry courage to do what is really necessary. is actually delivered by land and air, Their overall shortcomings in long- particularly that destined for Khalifa term planning and strategic thinking Haftar’s so-called Libyan National Army risk undermining both the tangible (LNA), which is presently battling the objectives of these missions and the ISSN 2532-6570 UN-recognised government in Tripoli.6 broader, intangible goal of reinforcing EU credibility. Operation Irini also has three secondary tasks, namely contributing In 2015, such pressure was related to “to the implementation of UN the thousands of people dying in the measures to prevent the illicit export of Mediterranean Sea and the demand petroleum from Libya”, assisting “in the by public opinion for the EU to finally development of the capacities and in act, after repeated calls (and failures) to the training of the Libyan Coast Guard do so.9 In 2020, the pressure stemmed and Navy” and finally contributing “to from the deteriorating situation in the disruption of the business model Libya and the EU’s inability to promote of human smuggling and trafficking a united and effective policy on the networks” – this last task exclusively conflict, while violations of the arms “through information gathering and embargo continued unabated in patrolling carried out by aerial assets Europe’s neighbourhood. above the high seas”.7 No reference The logic of this approach, persistent 5 David M. Herszenhorn, Matthew Karnitschnig and consistent over time, is reflected and Judith Mischke, “Big Powers Pledge not to Fight Each Other over Libya”, in Politico, 20 in the fact that action is in both cases January 2020, https://www.politico.eu/article/ big-powers-eu-russia-germany-france-uk-us- eur-lex.europa.eu/eli/dec/2020/472/oj. turkey-pledge-not-to-fight-each-other-over- 8 Jacopo Barigazzi, “EU Launches Naval libya. Mission”, in Politico, 26 March 2020, https:// 6 Luigi Scazzieri, “The EU’s New Libya Operation www.politico.eu/article/eu-launches-naval- Is Flawed”, in CER Insights, 8 April 2020, https:// mission-to-police-libya-arms-embargo. www.cer.eu/node/8505. 9 Niklas Nováky, “The Road to Sophia: 7 Council of the European Union, Council Explaining the EU’s Naval Operation in the Decision (CFSP) 2020/472 of 31 March 2020 Mediterranean”, in European View, Vol. 17, on a European Union Military Operation in the No. 2 (October 2018), p. 197-209, https://doi. Mediterranean (EUNAVFOR MED IRINI), https:// org/10.1177/1781685818810359. IAI COMMENTARIES 20 | 32 - MAY 2020 20 | 32 - MAY IAI COMMENTARIES 2 From Sophia to Irini: EU Mediterranean Policies and the Urgency of “Doing Something” limited to what is strictly necessary to its first phase, EU rhetoric and public overcome accusations of EU inaction, discourse depicted SAR activities as even though the implications entail paramount.12 Since then, they have concrete challenges for long-term progressively lost centrality eventually sustainability and effectiveness. disappearing altogether in the present Operation Irini. Three sets of reasons The results were soon clear in the case of explain this transition. Sophia. Political tensions surfaced and © 2020 IAI SAR activities were suspended as soon Firstly, the EU’s pursuit of as the general attention to the issue and externalisation policies has meant that the related public outcry diminished. most migrants are held before they In the case of Irini, the potential can even reach the Mediterranean, shortcomings of this limited maritime thus making migration less visible to approach have been pointed out from public opinion.13 Secondly, the policing the very beginning. They have to do, of humanitarian actors at sea and the in particular, with the risk of not being criminalisation of NGO search and able to enforce a comprehensive arms rescue activities in the Mediterranean ISSN 2532-6570 embargo, thus potentially reinforcing has further diminished publicity, one party to the conflict (Haftar’s LNA) working, alongside externalisation, to the detriment of the other (the UN- as a smokescreen to relieve public backed government in Tripoli).10 pressure on politicians and the EU or, for another segment of the population, The gradual disappearance of SAR to strengthen the image of EU activities in the transition from “old” to governments “tacking back control” on “new” Sophia and finally to Operation the issue of migration and SAR in the Irini provides one dimension of the Mediterranean.14 fragility of EU external action in the Mediterranean. The third element has to do with domestic politics in Europe and the The EU’s overall hostility to SAR – successive elections held in member and, ultimately, to migration – is a longstanding issue, effectively 12 Eugenio Cusumano, “Migrant Rescue as summarised in the concept of “Fortress Organized Hypocrisy: EU Maritime Missions Europe”.11 However, when Sophia was Offshore Libya between Humanitarianism and launched in 2015, and throughout Border Control”, in Cooperation and Conflict, Vol. 54, No. 1 (March 2019), p. 3-24, https://doi. org/10.1177/0010836718780175. 10 Luigi Scazzieri, “The EU’s New Libya 13 This approach began in earnest with the Operation Is Flawed”, cit. and Tarek Megerisi, 2016 EU-Turkey Deal on migration and is also “EU’s ‘Irini’ Libya Mission: Europe’s Operation present, for example, in EU agreements with Cassandra”, in EUobserver, 3 April 2020, https:// Niger, in the Italy-Libya 2017 Memorandum of euobserver.com/opinion/147968. Understanding or in European support for the 11 See Jiska Engelbert, Isabel Awad and Jacco so-called Libyan coast guard. van Sterkenburg, “Everyday Practices and the 14 Shoshana Fine, “All at Sea: Europe’s Crisis (Un)Making of ‘Fortress Europe’: Introduction of Solidarity on Migration”, in ECFR Policy to the Special Issue”, in European Journal of Briefs, October 2019, https://www.ecfr.eu/ Cultural Studies, Vol. 22, No. 2 (April 2019), p. 133- publications/summary/all_at_sea_europes_ 143, https://doi.org/10.1177/1367549418823055. crisis_of_solidarity_on_migration. IAI COMMENTARIES 20 | 32 - MAY 2020 20 | 32 - MAY IAI COMMENTARIES 3 From Sophia to Irini: EU Mediterranean Policies and the Urgency of “Doing Something” states over the past years, including the Looking at the transition from 2019 European Parliament elections. Sophia to Irini, and how easily SAR Overall, the fear that a narrative of “out- disappeared from EU policy while being of-control” migration might further heavily curtailed in public discourse strengthen far-right populist and demonstrates the consequences of Eurosceptic parties has contributed policies approved out of short-term to further reinvigorate the already urgency, especially when such urgency existing support for harsher migration changes, blurs or disappears. © 2020 IAI policies across the political board in Europe.
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