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Immersion, authenticity and the theme park as social space: Experiencing the Wizarding World of Harry Potter Abby Waysdorf and Dr. Stijn Reijnders Abstract: This article examines the visitor experience of The Wizarding World of Harry Potter (WWOHP) theme park at Universal Studios Orlando. The park is hugely popular and has been embraced by the series’ devoted but critical fanbase. Prior research on theme parks has generally focused on critiques of their form, leading to a limited understanding of their appeal. This article asks how fan-visitors interpret this simulated environment, and what leads them to embrace it. It does this with an ethnographic approach, utilizing in-depth interviews with 15 visitors combined with participant observation. We show how WWOHP is understood by its visitors as an adaptation of the series into physical space, via the medium of the theme park, and how the visitor’s experience is shaped through use of ironic imagination. In doing so, we present a new understanding of the immersive media experience of theme parks. Keywords: fandom, theme parks, Harry Potter, immersion, tourism Word Count (including abstract, references, and keywords): 7989 1 “That’s what WWoHP is about. Living it. Being transported to that world and living a day, or a night, there. And that will be completely and truly MAGICAL,” reads a Tumblr post by user ‘niallgirlalmighty’, as part of her description of the Wizarding World of Harry Potter (henceforth WWOHP) in Universal Studios Orlando and Universal Studios Islands of Adventure. This post joins many similar ones by fans of the Harry Potter series, who have been flooding to the parks since the first WWOHP opened in 2010. The parks feature not only rides, some in immersive 3-D, but complete recreations of fictional locations from the Harry Potter series – the village of Hogsmeade, site of the central location of the Hogwarts School of Witchcraft and Wizardry, and the London wizard-only shopping district of Diagon Alley, each with architecture, shops, and restaurants featuring products and imagery from the series. Its success has lead Universal Studios to open WWOHP areas in both its Osaka and Hollywood parks. WWOHP exemplifies a push in the industry towards more immersive theming around known narrative worlds, going beyond rides and souvenirs into full, complete environments promising immersion into a favorite text. Visiting theme parks has been a popular pastime since they started appearing in the mid 1950s, yet there is still little understanding of what makes them so. Research has largely focused on a critique of their form, particularly from a postmodern perspective that focuses on the role of simulation in an image-focused society (Eco 1986, Sorkin 1992, Baudrillard 1994, Rodaway 1994, Gottdiener 2001, Bryman 2004), overlooking the visitors themselves and how they make meaning out of such simulated environments. 2 This means there is only a limited understanding of why theme parks actually appeal to the millions who enjoy them. We believe that in order to understand the success and impact of WWOHP, and indeed theme parks in general, it is necessary to work from the perspectives of visitors. How do visitors interpret this simulated environment, and what leads them to embrace it in the way that niallgirlalmighty and others have embraced WWOHP? By answering these questions we hope to not only present a deeper understanding of the theme park experience, but also to shed light on the complex interactions of fandom, commerce, and physical space in the 21st century. Our empirical investigation is based on interviews with 15 Harry Potter fans that have visited WWOHP, complemented with participatory observation at the park. We suggest that the success of WWOHP can be credited to its understanding as an authentic adaptation of the Harry Potter story-world, a place where Harry Potter fans can employ their ironic imagination (Saler 2012) and experience the story-world in an embodied manner. The implications of these findings will be explored by first discussing the nature of theme parks as a form or medium (Clavé 2007), one that potentially enhances the immersive aspect of contemporary storytelling and use of the “ironic imagination” (Ryan 2001, Saler 2012). Following this, we analyze the interviews in the context of our observations in the park, presenting a new understanding of how simulated places are understood, experienced, and appreciated today. Understanding the Wizarding World 3 In most intellectual traditions, the theme park is seen negatively. Eco (1986) is discomfited by the idea that “Disneyland tells us that technology can give us more reality than nature can” (44), while Sorkin suggests that “a trip to Disneyland substitutes for a trip to Norway or Japan” and in choosing Disney over these locations the tourist “has preferred the simulation to the reality” (1992, 216). The theme park from this perspective dangerously destabilizes the separation between reality and unreality, especially for unsophisticated tourists who seemingly “prefer” the fake. They are also seen as generic, lowest-common-denominator entertainments that fail to fully represent what they are recreating in order to have mass appeal. Their success points to a postmodern preference for simulation, safety, and entertainment over the “real” experience of landscapes and environments, and the flattening of everything in post-modern life to mass-produced images. Even those who take a positive view towards popular culture frequently dismiss theme parks. Aden (1999) contrasted the experience at the filming location for the film Field of Dreams to that of being at an amusement or theme park, stating that “fans treat the field as something special rather than as an ordinary amusement park-type site.” (228) The lack of entrance fee and ability to wander create, to Aden, “a special place full of communitas not found anywhere in the mundane, consumerist habitas” (1999, 234). Theme parks, with their boundaries and explicit commercial purpose, are contrasted with this purer, non-commoditized location. Similarly, Hills’ concept of “cult geography” is defined as “fan attachment to non-commodified space, or at the very least, to space/place which has been indirectly or unintentionally commodified so that the fan’s experience of this space is not commercially constructed.” (2002, 151) The commodified space of the 4 theme park is compared to the non-commercial, individual tour of X-Files filming locations in Vancouver, considered a true space of cult geography as the experience is constructed through the fan’s meaning-making processes rather than the media or tourist industry. Both Aden’s Field of Dreams site and Hills’ Vancouver also point to a valorizing of “real” locations connected to popular culture. As is discussed in regards to film tourism (Couldry 2000, Beeton 2005, Brooker 2007, Reijnders 2011,), the actual place of filming is thought to have a powerful aura that fans seek out in order to truly connect with a favorite narrative. At the heart of all these critiques is the idea that theme parks are inauthentic spaces – either in that, as artificial landscapes , they substitute for “real” experiences of place or, because of their lack of connection to actual filming and/or their commercial purpose and design, they are unsuitable for authentic engagement with favorite texts or fandoms. It is possible, however, to think of theme parks differently. Lukas (2007) argues that themed environments have their own form of authenticity – one based on their multisensory aspects. A themed environment becomes authentic when it “is sensory available” (Lukas 2007, 82). Those visiting know it is a simulation, but it becomes an authentic one when it feels correct on all sensory levels. Similarly, Clavé stresses that theme parks should be thought of as “cultural creations equivalent to a painting, a photograph or a film.” (2007, 178) This is not to say that they aren’t commercial, corporate, and geared towards consumption – but that they should also be evaluated as creative productions. Theme parks are “a place of fiction that bases its existence on the materialization of a fantastic narration through shapes, volumes and performances.” 5 (2007, 178) Rather than examples of society’s preference for sanitized versions of reality, they are specific places in which fantasies, mythologies, and cultural icons can be enacted and played with. This engagement is heavily visual, but by no means exclusively so, as theme parks and rides also present a multisensory experience not utilized in other media. As with other art forms, they are meant to be an interpretation of a story, and are no more or less challenging to the idea of reality. Physical separation is a key characteristic that makes them effective as a cultural form: “[t]he 'vocation' of parks is to be worlds apart.” (Clavé 2007, 193) Combined with the fantastic narration of theming, the visitor is encouraged to experience them as not the same place as outside. The park functions as an artwork, and “as a real object inscribed in space and time, the work of art is in the world, but as a virtual object that creates its own space and time, it is not of the world” (Ryan 2001, 41). Within the enclosed space, the visitor is encouraged to engage with the fictionality of the theme(s), to pretend and imagine on a bodily level while inside. The majority of used narratives are, however, known from outside the park. Davis (1996) explains theme parks as a version of “media convergence” before this term was in vogue: a place to provide new interpretations and promotions of the same media text, utilizing different senses in order to provoke interest. As Mitrasinovic (2006) discusses, this is the model pioneered by the Disney parks, which utilize familiar landscape archetypes such as “small-town America” and combine them with the familiar brands of the Disney media empire.

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