Ancient Mesoamerica http://journals.cambridge.org/ATM Additional services for Ancient Mesoamerica: Email alerts: Click here Subscriptions: Click here Commercial reprints: Click here Terms of use : Click here ECONOMY, EXCHANGE, AND POWER: NEW EVIDENCE FROM THE LATE CLASSIC MAYA PORT CITY OF CANCUEN Arthur A. Demarest, Chloé Andrieu, Paola Torres, Mélanie Forné, Tomás Barrientos and Marc Wolf Ancient Mesoamerica / Volume 25 / Issue 01 / March 2014, pp 187 - 219 DOI: 10.1017/S0956536114000121, Published online: 07 August 2014 Link to this article: http://journals.cambridge.org/abstract_S0956536114000121 How to cite this article: Arthur A. Demarest, Chloé Andrieu, Paola Torres, Mélanie Forné, Tomás Barrientos and Marc Wolf (2014). ECONOMY, EXCHANGE, AND POWER: NEW EVIDENCE FROM THE LATE CLASSIC MAYA PORT CITY OF CANCUEN. Ancient Mesoamerica, 25, pp 187-219 doi:10.1017/S0956536114000121 Request Permissions : Click here Downloaded from http://journals.cambridge.org/ATM, IP address: 129.59.225.67 on 23 Mar 2016 Ancient Mesoamerica, 25 (2014), 187–219 Copyright © Cambridge University Press, 2014 doi:10.1017/S0956536114000121 ECONOMY, EXCHANGE, AND POWER: NEW EVIDENCE FROM THE LATE CLASSIC MAYA PORT CITY OF CANCUEN Arthur A. Demarest,a Chloé Andrieu,b Paola Torres,c Mélanie Forné,d Tomás Barrientos,e and Marc Wolff aDepartment of Anthropology, Vanderbilt Institute of Mesoamerican Archaeology and Development, Vanderbilt University, Nashville, TN 37235 bCNRS, Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, Archéologie des Amériques, Maison de l’archéologie et de l’ethnologie, 21 allée de l’université, 92023 Nanterre, France cUniversidad de San Carlos de Guatemala, 11 calle “A” 5-31 zona 18 Col. Santa Elena II, Ciudad de Guatemala dCentre d’Études Mexicaines et Centraméricaines, 5a Calle 10-55 Dentro de Alianza Francesa, Finca la Aurora, zona 13, Ciudad de Guatemala eUniversidad del Valle, Departamento de Arqueología, 18 avenida, 11-95 zona 15. Vista Hermosa III, Ciudad de Guatemala fCity University of New York, Department of Anthropology, CUNY GC, 365 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10016 Abstract The site of Cancuen held a strategic position as “head of navigation” of the Pasión River and the physical nexus of land and river routes between the southern highlands, the Maya lowlands, and the transversal route to Tabasco and Veracruz. For that reason, the well-defined ports of Cancuen were critical to both Classic Maya highland/lowland commerce and interactions with the far west. All aspects of Cancuen were related to its role as a port city. By the late eighth century, evidence suggests that in the site epicenter peninsula ports and other aspects of the economy were elite controlled and supervised, based on associated architectural complexes, artifacts, imports, and placement. Recent evidence indicates that, in addition to previously discussed long-distance exchange in exotics such as jade and pyrite, Cancuen also was involved in very large-scale obsidian transport and production, as well as probable exchange of other piedmont commodities such as cacao, cotton, salt, achiote (Bixa orellana), and vanilla. Distribution of architectural, epigraphic, and iconographic evidence and an administrative/ritual palace all indicate growing roles for nobles in these economic activities, particularly the ports. It would appear that, as elsewhere, nobles were taking a more direct mercantile role and that many aspects of the multepal system of power, characteristic of Postclassic period societies, were already in place at Cancuen by the late eighth century. The failure of Cancuen’s early transition to a Terminal Classic political economy may be related to its dependence on highland resources and overextended trade networks. The 13 large-scale field seasons and 14 years of laboratory research major land routes (Figure 1). Cancuen lies at the direct interface by over 40 scholars at the royal port city of Cancuen have provided between highlands and lowlands (Figure 2), controlling the begin- important evidence on the nature of eighth-century changes in ning of one of the longest trade routes of the ancient Maya world. Classic Maya interregional economy. Excavations and laboratory Thus, it held a strategic position in Classic Maya exchange analyses have been reported in more than 200 articles, chapters, systems, a fact acknowledged by the history of actions of the or reports, most in Spanish (see, for example, Andrieu and Forné Classic Maya dynasties and alliances to secure this nexus of terres- 2010; Andrieu et al. 2011, 2014; Andrieu, Quiñonez, and Rodas trial and riverine routes. The epicenter of Cancuen and its adjacent 2011; Barrientos 2014; Barrientos and Demarest 2007; Barrientos zones have clear evidence for ports and port economy. Examination et al. [eds.] 2006; Demarest and Barrientos 1999, 2000, 2001; of this evidence in field, laboratory study, and comparative perspec- Demarest et al. 2002, 2003; Demarest et al. [eds.] 2007, 2008, tive provides some insights into Maya economy, elite control, and 2011, 2012; Demarest and Martínez 2010, 2013; Fahsen and changes in power and hegemony on the eve of the Classic Maya Barrientos 2006; Fahsen et al. 2003; Fahsen and Jackson 2001; “collapse.” Forné et al. 2008, 2010, 2013; Forné and Torres 2010; Torres Before turning to the nature and history of Cancuen as a port city et al. 2013; Urquizu et al. 2013; Wolf and Bracken 2013a). The and aspects of its economy, we should specify the focus of this par- location of the site at the head of navigation of the Pasión River ticular article and then review some theoretical issues. Note that facilitated its role as a port and a gateway, linking highland valley many other recent publications, cited for various specific interpret- land routes to the south with the lowlands to the north via the ations, deal more directly and in detail with the specific evidence on broad river highway of the Pasión, which flows north through the aspects of Cancuen including the most recent analyses of the obsi- Peten past many of its cities and connecting to tributaries and dian assemblage (Andrieu, Quiñonez, and Rodas 2011; Andrieu et al. 2011, 2012), ceramics and chronology (Forné et al. 2010, 2013 Forné and Torres 2010; Torres et al. 2013), ideological E-mail correspondence to: [email protected] systems legitimating economic power (Barrientos 2008, 2014; 187 188 Demarest et al. Figure 2. Cancuen region at the valley interface of the highland and Figure 1. Some of the principal exchange and transport routes of the lowland Maya worlds. Classic Maya world. Barrientos and Demarest 2007, 2012; Barrientos et al. 2006; 2006; Torres et al. 2013; Woodfill 2010). Also, recent fieldwork Demarest 2013); the extent of the site and its sustaining area has included excavation of neighboring highland sites (Demarest ’ (Demarest 2013; Demarest et al. 2009, 2013; Wolf and Bracken et al. 2013; Demarest and Martínez 2013;OMansky et al. 2013; 2013a), epigraphy and political relations (Barrientos 2014; Fahsen Torres et al. 2013; Wolf and Bracken 2013b), as well as further and Barrientos 2006; Fahsen et al. 2003; Fahsen and Jackson investigation of the complex peninsular epicenter (Demarest and 2001; Jackson 2004, 2005), new understandings of Cancuen’s Martínez 2010; Demarest et al. 2011, 2012). Port and related activi- role in nonexotic, basic commodity production and exchange ties and much public architecture, as well as residences, were con- (Demarest and Martínez 2013; Demarest et al. 2013), corrected centrated in that epicenter. and new analyses of jade working (Andrieu et al. 2011, 2012, 2014; Andrieu, Quiñonez and Rodas 2011), the significance of local ceramic types and imports (Torres et al. 2013), and instrumen- A FEW POINTS ON THEORY, TERMINOLOGY, AND tal neutron activation analysis (INAA) of both (Bishop et al. 2005; EVIDENCE Forné et al. 2010; Torres et al. 2013), cave ritual (Spenard 2006; Recent Relativistic Perspectives on Ancient Maya Economy Woodfill 2010; Woodfill and Andrieu 2012), frontier relations (Demarest and Martínez 2013; Demarest et al. 2013; Wolf and One stylistic trope that will be avoided here is to posit that the new Bracken 2013b), and evidence on Cancuen’s violent collapse evidence overturns the “traditional model” of Classic Maya (Demarest 2014; Demarest et al. 2014; Quintanilla 2013; economy, power, and/or exchange. There is no traditional model Quintanilla and Demarest 2013; Suasnávar et al. 2007; Winburn (unless one evokes once more the ghost of J. E. S. Thompson et al. 2013. These are referenced here, and they provide detail on from the 1940s). Rather, for decades there has been long-standing elements referred to in this synthetic article by the Cancuen subpro- healthy debate regarding the nature of Classic Maya economy and ject directors. the role of elites in it (see, for example, Chase and Chase 1992, Here the focus is primarily on the epicenter port area of the site, 2014; Masson and Freidel 2002, 2013; Schortman and Urban not the site as a whole. The “Greater Cancuen” area extends for 2004a; Tourtellot et al. 1992; and see below regarding other several kilometers beyond the epicenter peninsula, depending on recent critiques). Those debates center around several issues, includ- direction (Demarest and Martínez 2013; Demarest et al. 2013). ing the degree of elite involvement in various aspects of economy Detailed mapping and excavations are underway on the 4 km trans- such as exchange, production, and infrastructure. In the past, such ect east (Wolf and Bracken 2013a). Cave shrines 8 to 12 km from debates were diverted into contrasting Classic versus Postclassic the epicenter have been excavated and there the very characteristic models, as absolutes, or contrasting universal models of regal-ritual Cancuen ceramic assemblage ends (Demarest 2013; Spenard versus unitary states, and so on. Increasingly, however, it is Economy, Exchange, and Power 189 recognized that models of both ideology and economic power that it could imply elite supervision of workshops (Clark 2003; should be more complex and that Classic Maya intersite, interregio- Clark and Parry 1990; Costin 2001).