Monopolization, Mergers, and Markets: a Century Past and the Future
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
The FTC and the Law of Monopolization
George Mason University School of Law Law and Economics Research Papers Series Working Paper No. 00-34 2000 The FTC and the Law of Monopolization Timothy J. Muris As published in Antitrust Law Journal, Vol. 67, No. 3, 2000 This paper can be downloaded without charge from the Social Science Research Network Electronic Paper Collection: http://papers.ssrn.com/paper.taf?abstract_id=235403 The FTC and the Law of Monopolization by Timothy J. Muris Although Microsoft has attracted much more attention, recent developments at the FTC may have a greater impact on the law of monopolization. From recent pronouncements, the agency appears to believe that in monopolization cases government proof of anticompetitive effect is unnecessary. In one case, the Commission staff argued that defendants should not even be permitted to argue that its conduct lacks an anticompetitive impact. This article argues that the FTC's position is wrong on the law, on policy, and on the facts. Courts have traditionally required full analysis, including consideration of whether the practice in fact has an anticompetitive impact. Even with such analysis, the courts have condemned practices that in retrospect appear not to have been anticompetitive. Given our ignorance about the sources of a firm's success, monopolization cases must necessarily be wide-ranging in their search for whether the conduct at issue in fact created, enhanced, or preserved monopoly power, whether efficiency justifications explain such behavior, and all other relevant issues. THE FTC AND THE LAW OF MONOPOLIZATION Timothy J. Muris* I. INTRODUCTION Most government antitrust cases involve collaborative activity. Collabo- ration between competitors, whether aimed at sti¯ing some aspect of rivalry, such as ®xing prices, or ending competition entirely via merger, is the lifeblood of antitrust. -
The Three Types of Collusion: Fixing Prices, Rivals, and Rules Robert H
University of Baltimore Law ScholarWorks@University of Baltimore School of Law All Faculty Scholarship Faculty Scholarship 2000 The Three Types of Collusion: Fixing Prices, Rivals, and Rules Robert H. Lande University of Baltimore School of Law, [email protected] Howard P. Marvel Ohio State University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarworks.law.ubalt.edu/all_fac Part of the Antitrust and Trade Regulation Commons, and the Law and Economics Commons Recommended Citation The Three Types of Collusion: Fixing Prices, Rivals, and Rules, 2000 Wis. L. Rev. 941 (2000) This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at ScholarWorks@University of Baltimore School of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in All Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@University of Baltimore School of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ARTICLES THE THREE TYPES OF COLLUSION: FIXING PRICES, RIVALS, AND RULES ROBERTH. LANDE * & HOWARDP. MARVEL** Antitrust law has long held collusion to be paramount among the offenses that it is charged with prohibiting. The reason for this prohibition is simple----collusion typically leads to monopoly-like outcomes, including monopoly profits that are shared by the colluding parties. Most collusion cases can be classified into two established general categories.) Classic, or "Type I" collusion involves collective action to raise price directly? Firms can also collude to disadvantage rivals in a manner that causes the rivals' output to diminish or causes their behavior to become chastened. This "Type 11" collusion in turn allows the colluding firms to raise prices.3 Many important collusion cases, however, do not fit into either of these categories. -
Monopoly Pricing in a Time of Shortage James I
Loyola University Chicago Law Journal Volume 33 Article 6 Issue 4 Summer 2002 2002 Monopoly Pricing in a Time of Shortage James I. Serota Vinson & Elkins L.L.P. Follow this and additional works at: http://lawecommons.luc.edu/luclj Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation James I. Serota, Monopoly Pricing in a Time of Shortage, 33 Loy. U. Chi. L. J. 791 (2002). Available at: http://lawecommons.luc.edu/luclj/vol33/iss4/6 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by LAW eCommons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Loyola University Chicago Law Journal by an authorized administrator of LAW eCommons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Monopoly Pricing in a Time of Shortage James L Serota* I. INTRODUCTION Traditionally, the electric power industry has been heavily regulated at both the federal and state levels. Recently, the industry has been evolving towards increasing emphasis on market competition and less pervasive regulation. Much of the initial impetus for change has occurred during periods of reduced demand and increased supply. More recently, increases in demand and supply shortages have led to brownouts, rolling blackouts, price spikes and accusations of "price gouging."' The purpose of this paper is to examine the underlying economic and legal bases for regulation and antitrust actions, and the antitrust ground rules for assessing liability for "monopoly pricing in times of shortage." In this author's view, price changes in response to demand are the normal reaction of a competitive market, and efforts to limit price changes in the name of "price gouging" represent an effort to return to pervasive regulation of electricity. -
A Proposal to Enhance Antitrust Protection Against Labor Market Monopsony Roosevelt Institute Working Paper
A Proposal to Enhance Antitrust Protection Against Labor Market Monopsony Roosevelt Institute Working Paper Ioana Marinescu, University of Pennsylvania Eric A. Posner, University of Chicago1 December 21, 2018 1 We thank Daniel Small, Marshall Steinbaum, David Steinberg, and Nancy Walker and her staff, for helpful comments. 1 The United States has a labor monopsony problem. A labor monopsony exists when lack of competition in the labor market enables employers to suppress the wages of their workers. Labor monopsony harms the economy: the low wages force workers out of the workforce, suppressing economic growth. Labor monopsony harms workers, whose wages and employment opportunities are reduced. Because monopsonists can artificially restrict labor mobility, monopsony can block entry into markets, and harm companies who need to hire workers. The labor monopsony problem urgently calls for a solution. Legal tools are already in place to help combat monopsony. The antitrust laws prohibit employers from colluding to suppress wages, and from deliberately creating monopsonies through mergers and other anticompetitive actions.2 In recent years, the Federal Trade Commission and the Justice Department have awoken from their Rip Van Winkle labor- monopsony slumber, and brought antitrust cases against employers and issued guidance and warnings.3 But the antitrust laws have rarely been used by private litigants because of certain practical and doctrinal weaknesses. And when they have been used—whether by private litigants or by the government—they have been used against only the most obvious forms of anticompetitive conduct, like no-poaching agreements. There has been virtually no enforcement against abuses of monopsony power more generally. -
Regulation Methods in Natural Monopoly Markets Case of Russian Gas Network Companies
International Journal of Engineering Research and Technology. ISSN 0974-3154, Volume 12, Number 5 (2019), pp. 624-630 © International Research Publication House. http://www.irphouse.com Regulation Methods in Natural Monopoly Markets Case of Russian Gas Network Companies Filatova Irina1, Shabalov Mikhail2 and Nikolaichuk Liubov3 Department of Economics, Accounting and Finance, Saint Petersburg Mining University, Russian Federation. 1ORCIDs: 0000-0002-0505-8274, 20000-0003-2224-6530, 30000-0001-5013-1787 Abstract difficult to predict and regulate. It is worth noting that the state in the gas distribution industry acts simultaneously as The main stakeholders in the gas distribution sector two stakeholders: the first reflects its interests as an authority (government, shareholders and consumers) have different regulating the functioning and development of the industry; interests and goals. The state, as a regulatory body, should and the second one represents the interests of the state as the find the best regulatory methods in order to achieve the main shareholder of gas companies. maximum effect of public welfare: direct (pricing) and indirect (price influencing). The use of the “costs plus” A key tool designed to ensure a balance of interests of the method makes it possible to set the lowest possible tariffs for above parties is the policy of state price regulation, the goal of the transportation of natural gas, but it leads to the emergence which is to prevent market failures in order to maintain and of a “tariff precedent”, a loss of profits for companies, limited strengthen public welfare [2, 3]. At the same time, the need investment in the development of the sector. -
Buyer Power: Is Monopsony the New Monopoly?
COVER STORIES Antitrust , Vol. 33, No. 2, Spring 2019. © 2019 by the American Bar Association. Reproduced with permission. All rights reserved. This information or any portion thereof may not be copied or disseminated in any form or by any means or stored in an electronic database or retrieval system without the express written consent of the American Bar Association. Buyer Power: Is Monopsony the New Monopoly? BY DEBBIE FEINSTEIN AND ALBERT TENG OR A NUMBER OF YEARS, exists—or only when it can also be shown to harm consumer commentators have debated whether the United welfare; (2) historical case law on monopsony; (3) recent States has a monopoly problem. But as part of the cases involving monopsony issues; and (4) counseling con - recent conversation over the direction of antitrust siderations for monopsony issues. It remains to be seen law and the continued appropriateness of the con - whether we will see significantly increased enforcement Fsumer welfare standard, the debate has turned to whether the against buyer-side agreements and mergers that affect buyer antitrust agencies are paying enough attention to monopsony power and whether such enforcement will be successful, but issues. 1 A concept that appears more in textbooks than in case what is clear is that the antitrust enforcement agencies will be law has suddenly become mainstream and practitioners exploring the depth and reach of these theories and clients should be aware of developments when they counsel clients must be prepared for investigations and enforcement actions on issues involving supply-side concerns. implicating these issues. This topic is not going anywhere any time soon. -
Methods for Increasing Competition in Telecommunications Markets
Methods for Increasing Competition in Telecommunications Markets By Mark Jamison Public Utility Research Center University of Florida Gainesville, Florida March 2012 Contact Information: Dr. Mark Jamison, Director Public Utility Research Center PO Box 117142 205 Matherly Hall University of Florida Gainesville, FL 32611-7142 +1.352.392.6148 [email protected] The author would like to thank Dr. Janice Hauge for her helpful comments on this paper and Professor Suphat Suphachalasai for his recommendations on content. The author also would like to thank Thammasat University and the National Telecommunications Commission of Thailand for their generous financial support. All errors and omissions are the responsibility of the author. Abstract We examine the concepts of workable competition, barriers and conduct that limit the achievement of workable competition, and steps that sector regulators can take to address these obstacles. The concept of workable competition is an attempt to describe a market situation that does not fit the model of perfect competition, but that has enough features of perfect competition that government intervention is unnecessary and possibly even counterproductive. The first attempt to define workable competition focused on issues of product differentiation, the number and size-distribution of producers, restrictions on output, imperfection in the value chain, information, scale economies, and producer ability to change output. Most recently a simple set of metrics emerged, namely that there should be at least 5 reasonably comparable rivals, none of the firms should have more than a 40 percent market share, and entry by new competitors must be easy. Barriers to achieving workable competition can be divided into demand side market features, supply side market features, and firm conduct issues. -
Essential Facilities, Infrastructure, and Open Access*
Working Draft for DOJ/FTC Hearings. Do Not Cite without Permission of Authors. Essential Facilities, Infrastructure, and Open Access* Brett Frischmann+ & Spencer Weber Waller++ I. INTRODUCTION There is a debate raging concerning the merits of private control over (or conversely, open access to) various types of resources. Treating something as private property grants the property holder the right to exclude others. Treating something as infrastructure or a commons conversely welcomes all users on a nondiscriminatory basis. The battle over which regime best serves society’s interests exists in numerous areas of the law including land use, intellectual property, regulated industries, antitrust, and most aspects of law and economics. It is currently in vogue to propertize, privatize, and deregulate legal regimes under a variety of rationales all connected with maximizing wealth, supporting price discrimination, promoting allocative efficiency, and internalizing externalities. In intellectual property law, these issues are most prominent in contemporary debates over * © 2006 Brett Frischmann & Spencer Waller. + Assistant Professor, Loyola University Chicago. Thanks to Michael Carrier, Michael Jacobs, Mark Lemley, Christopher Leslie, Frank Pasquale, Phil Weiser and Joshua Wright for their comments on earlier versions of this article. ++ Associate Dean for Faculty Research and Director, Institute for Consumer Antitrust Studies, Loyola University Chicago. Thanks to Lindsay Frank and Jackie Clisham for her research assistance with this project. 1 Working Draft for DOJ/FTC Hearings. Do Not Cite without Permission of Authors. the continued expansion of intellectual property rights.1 The conflict over access and exclusion is a central, persistent feature of intellectual property law. Those who create, invent, innovate, and participate in similar intellectually driven, productive activities often borrow from or share with others. -
Dissenting Statement of Commissioner Joshua D. Wright
PROVISIONALLY REDACTED PUBLIC VERSION Dissenting Statement of Commissioner Joshua D. Wright In the Matter of MCWANE, INC. ET AL. Docket No. 9351 Introduction1 I dissent from the Commission’s holding that McWane unlawfully monopolized the Domestic Fittings market.2 In my view, Complaint Counsel has not met its burden to show by a preponderance of the evidence that McWane’s Full Support Program harmed competition in the Domestic Fittings market.3 1 References to the record are made using the following citation forms and abbreviations: CC Answering Brief – Complaint Counsel’s Answering Brief filed July 2, 2013 Commission Opinion Complaint – Complaint filed January 4, 2012 CX# – Complaint Counsel Exhibit IDF – Numbered Findings of Fact in ALJ’s Initial Decision McWane Brief – Respondent McWane, Inc.’s Appeal Brief filed May 31, 2013 Name of Witness, Tr. – Transcript of Trial before the ALJ Oral Argument Tr. – Transcript of Oral Argument before the Commission August 22, 2013 RX# – Respondent Exhibits 2 I concur with the Commission’s decision to reverse the Initial Decision on Counts 4 and 5 and join the Commission’s Opinion with respect to those Counts. I also concur with the Commission’s decision to dismiss Counts 1 and 2 in the public interest and join the Commission’s Opinion with respect to those Counts. I concur with the Commission’s decision to dismiss Count 7 but I do so for separate reasons explained below. 3 Though I do not discuss whether Complaint Counsel established that there is a separate relevant market for domestic fittings, I do not join that portion of the Commission’s Opinion. -
Antitrust Policy and Monopsony Roger D
Cornell Law Review Volume 76 Article 1 Issue 2 January 1991 Antitrust Policy and Monopsony Roger D. Blair Jeffrey L. Harrison Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/clr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Roger D. Blair and Jeffrey L. Harrison, Antitrust Policy and Monopsony , 76 Cornell L. Rev. 297 (1991) Available at: http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/clr/vol76/iss2/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Cornell Law Review by an authorized administrator of Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ANTITRUST POLICY AND MONOPSONY Roger D. Blairt &Jeffirey L. Harrison$ I INTRODUCTION The owners of major league baseball teams have colluded in dealing with free agents,' the NCAA regulates both the number of athletic scholarships and the amount of compensation that athletes receive, 2 financial aid officers of the elite colleges and universities meet to avoid a bidding war for the most desirable students,3 tuna canneries in California allegedly fix purchase prices at artificially low levels,4 and antique dealers have rigged bids in public auctions, di- viding the spoils later.5 What do all of these parties have in com- mon? They employ monopsony power: power on the buying side 6 of the market. The classical theory of monopsony envisions a market with only one buyer that uses its power to reduce the quantity purchased, t Huber Hurst Professor of Business and Legal Studies, University of Florida. -
Monopolization, Exclusion, and the Theory of the Firm Alan J
College of William & Mary Law School William & Mary Law School Scholarship Repository Faculty Publications Faculty and Deans 2005 Monopolization, Exclusion, and the Theory of the Firm Alan J. Meese William & Mary Law School, [email protected] Repository Citation Meese, Alan J., "Monopolization, Exclusion, and the Theory of the Firm" (2005). Faculty Publications. 58. https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/facpubs/58 Copyright c 2005 by the authors. This article is brought to you by the William & Mary Law School Scholarship Repository. https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/facpubs Article Monopolization, Exclusion, and the Theory of the Firm Alan J. Meeset Introduction .............................................................................. 744 I. Definition of "Monopolize" Under Section 2 .................. 750 A. General Monopolization Standards ........................ 750 B. The Early Years: The Intent Test ........................... 753 C . M odern L aw .............................................................755 D. Application: The Microsoft Case ............................. 762 II. Price Theory, Competition on the Merits, and Contractual Exclusion .................................................... 771 A. Workable Competition, Exclusion, and the Theory of the Firm ................................................... 772 B. Price Theory and Workable Competition in the C ourts ........................................................... 793 1. Early Influence ................................................... 793 2. United Shoe Machinery and -
Maximum Price Fixing
University of Chicago Law School Chicago Unbound Journal Articles Faculty Scholarship 1981 Maximum Price Fixing Frank H. Easterbrook Follow this and additional works at: https://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/journal_articles Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Frank H. Easterbrook, "Maximum Price Fixing," 48 University of Chicago Law Review 886 (1981). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at Chicago Unbound. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal Articles by an authorized administrator of Chicago Unbound. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Maximum Price Fixing Frank H. Easterbrookf If all of the grocers in a city agreed to sell 100-watt light bulbs for no more than fifty cents, that would be maximum price fixing. If a group of optometrists agreed to charge no more than $30 for an eye examination and to display a distinctive symbol on the shops of parties to the agreement, that would be maximum price fixing. And if most of the physicians in a city, acting through a nonprofit association, offered to treat patients for no more than a given price if insurance companies would agree to pay the fee, that agreement would be maximum price fixing too. A maximum price appears to be a boon for consumers. The optometrists' symbol, for example, helps consumers find low-cost suppliers of the service. But the agreement also appears to run afoul of the rule against price fixing, under which "a combination formed for the purpose and with the effect of raising, depressing, fixing, pegging, or stabilizing the price of a commodity ..