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Singing Out! Canadian Women in Country Music

Linda Jean Daniel

A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Education Department of Sociology and Equity Studies in Education Ontario Institute for Studies in Education of the University of Toronto

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ABSTRACT

This thesis explores the experiences of 30 Canadian women country music singers in order to learn more about women's lives as performers. Issues related to the subculture of country music, career path, being a woman country music singer, working lives, the role of radio, and being a Canadian woman country music singer are discussed. In spite of the unique and individual experience of each participant, common patterns emerged. Most of the singers exhibited traits similar to the ones they valued in the subculture of country music. The meaning of country music was found to be both socially constructed as well as physically and emotionally mediated: not only a consequence of what the individual brought to the music, but also a result of an engagement with the music itself. Early socialization played a significant role in choosing to pursue this career. The amount and type of musical training as well as the age of entry varied greatly. While most participants' parents were working class, the number of variables impacting on each individual artist made the issue of defining her class problematic with respect to an analysis of a career performing this genre, especially when the level of income was unknown. Gender has an effect on the life of a Canadian woman country music performer.

Although most of the participants did not feel they were treated differently because they were women, some structural barriers became obvious. Many spoke of the amount of energy required to realize a career performing, while at the same time usually being held responsible for the majority of homecare and/or childcare. An analysis of some radio stations' playlists revealed that Canadian Content regulations as to contenC30% Canadian programming-were fulfilled, but as to timing-when Canadian artists received airplay-were usually not followed. Acknowledgements

There are many people who have made the completion of this thssis possible and I would like to thank them. Matgrit Eichler, my supervisor, encouraged me to pursue a topic in which I was truly interested and maintained her consistent support with constructive criticism and a warm personality throughout the process. John Shepherd's gracious agreement to become involved in my project, his expertise in music, and detailed suggestions for improvement were greatly appreciated. I valued Helen Lenskyj's interest in my subject and her insights were very helpful.

The following people provided information and/or assistance at various times during the writing of the paper and I would like to acknowledge them: Ruth A. Banes, Gary Buck, Larry

Delaney, Pierre Demers, Wendell Ferguson, Forrest Greene, Dianne Hallman, Hermina Harris,

Laurie Hill, Lyne Lafrance, Marg Malone, Donna Martens, Peter Narvdez, Robert K. Oermann,

Richard A. Peterson, Renee Porter, Ronnie Pugh, Helen Shaw, Laura Weihs, Karla Weys,

Robert A. Wright, and the radio station personnel who responded to the radio questionnaires.

Foremost, I would like to express my deepest gratitude to the 30 women who gave so willingly of their time to participate in this study. It was a great honour and pleasure to speak or have written correspondence with such an inspiring group whose openness has helped to deepen our understanding of Canadian women and music.

In conclusion, thank you to my partner, Barry Stevens, for his love and support along the way, but most of all for his sense of humour and continued encouragement during the years I worked on this dissertation.

iii TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Abstract ii

Acknowledgements iii

Chapter 1 Introduction Defining the Problem Introducing the Study Purpose of the Research

Chapter 2 Literature Review Exploring the Female Perspective Studying Women in Music Women and Music Defining Country Music Women in Country Music

Chapter 3 Methodology Feminist Methodologies Quantitative and Qualitative Analysis Methods Used in This Study Key Informants Target Population Collecting the Data Recording the Data Analyzing the Data

Chapter 4 The Subculture of Country Music 61 lntroduction 61 The Social Construction of Country Music 61 The Meaning of Music 76 Popular Culture, High Culture, and Country Music 80 Describing Country Music 84 Conclusion 87

Chapter S Career Path Introduction Singing Country Music: A Non-traditional Career Choosing to Perform the Genre Encouragement and/or Discouragement Musical lnf luences The Profession of Singing Class Background Conclusion

Chapter 6 Being a Woman Country Music Singer 132 Introduction 132 The Importance of Studying Gender 132 The Social Construction of the Country Music Female 140 Exclusion 148 Advantages andlor Disadvantages 160 Some Barriers to Progress Conclusion

Chapter 7 Working Lives lntroduction Difficult Choices More Than Just Singing Health Issues Conclusion

Chapter 8 The Role of Radio Introduction Radio and Country Music Canadian Content Regulations (Cancon) An Analysis of Radio Airplay Cancon: Necessity or Detriment? Conclusion

Chapter 9 Being a Canadian Woman Country Music Singer lntroduction The Early Years Country Music, Canadian-Style Conclusion

Chapter 10 Conclusion Contribution to the Literature Limitations of the Study Recommendations

Appendices Appendix A Appendix 6 Appendix C Appendix D Appendix E Appendix F

Bibliography Scholarly Literature Primary Sources Biographies, Autobiographies, and Popular Books Magazines and Newspapers Chapter 1: Introduction A discussion of country music evokes a wide variety of responses. While some of its more ardent listeners are fanatic fans of the genre, there are those who perceive country music as inferior to other forms of music. During the research for this paper, there were times when I was met with an attitude of subtle condescension from those who seemingly had little knowledge of or interest in the subject. From the graduate classmate who laughed and turned away in disbelief upon hearing my thesis topic to a past colleague exclaiming, "...but how can they let you do than" it was as if studying women who sing country music was somehow frivolous and somewhat lacking in credibility as an area of exploration for a doctoral dissertation.

Discussing country music with the 30 Canadian women who participated in this study elicited a totally different response. Their replies exuded a love and pride in their chosen vocation as singers. The depth of feeling revealed was evidence of the respect with which they viewed the genre. As one respondent stated, "I think country music gets such a bad rap or has had such a bad rap as being corny and having no sophistication and that's just so untrue." The music which these women chose to perform professionally held great value for them and formed a major part of their lives.

Defining the Problem There is limited knowledge about Canadian women who perform country music.

Although some information can be found in magazines, newspaper articles, on radio or television, data on Canadian country singers, women or men, are still relatively scarce.

Research on the more general topic of women and music in Canada is rare.

An important aspect of my dissertation was to gather data on Canadian women who perform country music and to include an examination of gender issues. Women's descriptions of their experiences can provide an interesting account of society. In the past, many studies of what constituted so-called "normal" behaviaur were biased since they excluded women. In 2 many cases, "Most of our explanations of 'cultural order' have been based on the male world view" (Robertson, 1987: 243). Since little has been done to give a scholarly overview of

Canadian women's experiences in country music, this thesis explores the perspective of a group of professional women singers in order to impart a broader understanding of the genre's meaning and the social context in which it is placed.

There was definitely a need for a study of this kind because it is valuable to recognize the contributions of women to music and to listen to their stories. It is hoped that this dissertation will begin to address a void by providing more information about Canadian women and their involvement with music. introducing the Study Sociology as a discipline is important to understanding the role of women in society since it unearths what may be overlooked in day-to-day living by revealing patterns of behaviour that might otherwise be lost. As Marilyn French states, The real attitudes of a society often lie buried from view, and can be extricated only by close analysis of behavior, language, and images" (French, 1992: 157).

Since this dissertation deals with examining country music, which is a form of popular music, the sociology of music is also significant to this work. As a sociologist, I was interested in investigating the reasons why the participants chose to perfon this genre professionally.

Discussing issues related to the meaning of country music, career path, being a woman country music singer, working lives, the role of radio, and being a Canadian woman country music singer, this study listens to the voices of country music artists and begins to learn more about the music cal!ed "country" from their point of view.

Purpose of the Research This study was initiated because of my interest in the topic of women who perform

country music and the need to explore their personal and musical backgrounds and their 3 expecences in the country music industry. it seeks to learn more about women who perform this genre and to reveal the diversity among those who choose singing as a profession.

It was not known what to expect with regard to the relationships among the many variables to be discovered since this is an area of research previously unexaminea. Thus, one of the main purposes of the project was to identify these variables and their importance in a discussion of the subject. An exploratory approach was adopted and semi-structured interviews and mailed questionnaires used to gather the data.

In many instances, women have been excluded from the mainstream of musical research so it is important that they, themselves, and the issues affecting them be brought to the fore and discussed. Since the number of Canadian women country music singers is actually much greater than can be deduced from most sources, the data gathered here will merely begin to provide more knowledge about the present situation of Canadian women and country music. Chapter 2: Literature Review

Exploring the Female Perspective

Feminist Research The feminist movement to end sexist oppression has resulted in feminist research which has had a major impact on learning more about the experiences of women in society. Karen

Warren characterizes a "feminist issue" as any topic that contributes in some way to understanding the oppression of women (Warren, 1990: 126). By becoming more knowledgeable about the part women have played in any particular area of society, a clearer picture of a culture and its beliefs and values can begin to be developed. Women and music is an area which has historically received comparatively little attention. Sociological analysis of women performers of country music has been almost totally neglected.

The Issue of Gender Dealing with the issue of gender in sociological studies has been a problem with which scholars are still grappling. In many cases, the experiences of women have been misinterpreted or simply disregarded. In Women, the Family and the Economy, S.J. Wilson states:

Feminist sociologists, political scientists, economists and historians have all argued that mainstream social science either ignores or distorts the experiences of women. In so doing, social science has failed to provide useful tools for the analysis of women. While these criticisms were raised in the past, it was not until the 1960s and 1970s that the invisibility of women in various academic disciplines really became an issue. The women's movement, and the increased numbers of women students and faculty combined to draw attention to sexism in both theory and practice. (Wilson, 1986: 2-3)

The study of women's lives is essential in order to obtain a comprehensive picture of human behaviour. Having had many years of experience in clinical practice, Jean Baker Miller explains the motives for writing her book entitled Toward a New Psychology of Women. From hearing women speak of their lives, she found that what they deemed to be important attributes in their personalities were not necessarily behaviours the greater society valued as positive 5 character traits. For example, concern for how others who were close to them might be affected by the activities in which they participated was labelled a "liability," not a valuable psychological feature. Miller reveals the biased interpretation these qualities evoked by those in position of power:

If psychiatrists and psychologists noticed these characteristics at all, they described them in distorted terms that did not capture their essence. They tended to cast women's activity in disparaging molds, such as 'being too dependent on the reactions of others,' rather than in more accurate language such as 'being able to encompass the experiences and well-being of the other.' Women's valuable characteristics are common, not rare. They exist in abundance, in 'ordinary women.' Often women themselves don't notice them, and they are diverted away from noticing them-systematically. (Miller, 1986: x)

Examples of what Miller perceived as worthy aspects of human connectedness and the ability to communicate were denigrated as being too emotional. Depending on the perspective of those who hold the power, human behaviour can be viewed as either positive or negative in direct relation to the values of those making the decisions.

The issue of gender is significant when studying Canadian women in country music. As women performers, it is important to explore their experiences in the music industry as told in their own words in order to gain insight into what they consider to be relevant aspects of their careers. Studying these women's lives helps to develop a clearer understanding of human behaviour.

Sociology Sociology or the study of society must include a feminist perspective that takes into account the experiences of women. According to Margrit Eichler, "we have envisioned our

social universe as if men were in the centre and everything and everybody-women, other men,

children, social institutions, etc.-revolved around menn (Eichler, 1984: 35). While this

statement was made 15 years ago, it remains important that data be collected from women in

order to comprehend their viewpoint. Sexual inequality is still a sociological problem that

informs the way we view the world (Wilson, 1986: 11). Yet studying women is not entirely

accepted in the world of academia: Most of the members of the professional and academic world still do not consider the study of women to be serious work. They view it as secondary or peripheral at best. They do not perceive the obvious implications for the total human community, for all society, for men as well as women. Or perhaps they glimpse this profundity and perceive it as threatening. Perhaps this fear accounts in part for their disparagement of this work, even when some of it is brilliant and almost all of it stimulating. Thus, while there are some notable exceptions, most of the academic and professional worlds do not support and encourage the existing new scholarship on women. (Miller, 1986: xvii)

In the late 1960s and throughout most of the 1970s, Ruth Pierson describes the difficulty in proving the fact that women were actually a group that was being discriminated against and that their oppression was an area that required study:

As the women's movement developed, both at the local community and at provincial and federal levels, the struggle in those early days was to have the category 'women' taken seriously as a crucial category of social analysis. Feminists had to work hard to demonstrate that discrimination on the basis of sex actually occurred. It was an uphill struggle to gain acceptance for the proposition that women's subordination is immoral. (Pierson, 1993: 187)

In the past decade, we have moved from this struggle to recognize the diversity within the group termed L%vomen." When studying the lives of women, it is important to be aware of the variety of experiences based on class, race, ethnicity, and sexuality which help shape the way in which women view the world.

Studying Women in Music

Musicology Musicology was, and to some degree still is, a male-dominatedfield. In many instances, it has remained steeped in "traditionn although there are those, such as Susan McClary, who are trying !c! chznge this prevailing attitude. With the feminist movement of the late 1960s and

1970s, the contributions of women in society were being studied more widely in many disciplines. However, women in music was an area that came to the fore more slowly. As

Renee Cox states, "...feminist scholarship in music is just beginning to get off the ground" (Cox,

Feminism has contributed to the study of music by revealing the importance of analyzing gender and probing the social context in which music is produced and consumed. McClary, 7 one of the most widely acknowledged feminist musicologists, discusses many issues previously excluded. Examining the use of sexist terminology in music, such as "feminine endings" which became the title of her book, and discussing the misogynist, racist themes of some of the highly celebrated canons of the classical music world, are some components of her work. As a result,

McClary has had to endure criticism from those in musicology who would rather maintain the status quo and ignore any talk of the role women or race have played within the Western art tradition.

McClary believes that the world is profoundly affected by "musical discoursesnand that we need to explore the meaning behind the music and how it creates such effects on people

(McClary, 1991: 5). She asserts that "Culture is not produced in a vacuum but in a social context with a tradition ..." (McClary, 1987: 59) and maintains that music presents the social values of the powerful within a society. It is these hidden ideologies that shape the way in which we understand the world and our place as individuals within it (lbid.: 60).

McClary advocates the study of music with a feminist perspective which would look at the society within which the music was created. She sees musicology as going far beyond its present limits with regard to the study of music and how it relates to people. "The project of critical musicology (of which feminism would be an important branch) would be to examine the way in which different musics articulate the priorities and values of various communities"

(McClary, 1991: 26). An examination of musical discourse is essential in order to better understand the society from which it comes. There needs to be some way of dealing with music as a social dialogue that is subject to critique--including a feminist critique. Unless this happens, gender will remain a non-issue (McClary, 1987: 52-55). John Shepherd also endorses the necessity to explore music with a sensitivity to gender and other issues introduced by feminist scholarship (Shepherd, 1987: 151-1 52).

While a feminist critique of musicology may be long overdue, its actual implementation is far from easy. Although literature, art, and film studies have been dealing with feminism for the past twenty years, some women academics within musicology may still be reluctant to delve 8 into the area of feminist criticism for fear of reprisals from the well established men in the field.

As an example, McClary describes the reaction by "an open caucus of women scholarsn at an

American Musicological Society meeting held to set feminist agendas:

When the possibility of feminist criticism was raised, a puzzled and somewhat anxious silence was the response-in part because criticism of any sort is strangely absent from musicology, but also in part because women scholars still feel themselves to hold a precarious position with respect to the discipline: a position that overt criticism might jeopardize. (McClary, 1988: ix)

McClary believes that many women musicologists are not secure enough in their positions to question the established canon. Any so-called feminist work that has been done in the field of music is more along the lines of "biographies of women composers, editions of their works, and the status of women in present-day music institutionsn(Ibid.: ix). While the situation has changed in the last ten years, feminist analysis of music is still to a degree undeveloped. It remains curious to McClary that although many musicologists in Western culture deny the social meaning inherent in music, they, at the same time, "ascribe to it transcendental significance" (Ibid.: xv). If music holds such importance, why not examine its social relevance and meaning?

The Sociology of Music The significance of studying the sociology of music is expressed by Peter J. Martin in his book Sounds & Society: Themes in the Sociology of Music ...it is arguable that music is now a more central element in the culture of advanced industrial societies than it has been in any earlier time or place, and thus that it is worth trying to remedy the rather undeveloped state of the sociology of music. (Martin, 1995: xii)

Due to the ever increasing advances in technology which have made music even more accessible to the population at large, many people cannot help but be affected by what they hear. The fact that society is more readily exposed to musical forms of communication warrants academic attention. Martin acknowledges the overwhelming influence of music and also admits the need to further investigate the reasons behind this power when he states:

Then are few who have never felt that music has stirred some intense feeling in them, and the vast demand for recorded music in the twentieth century is convincing evidence that millions of people find the experience of music pleasurable. But how does it produce its effect? (Martin, 1995: 25)

While musicology usually tries to ignore the social and cultural aspects of music, the state of the sociology of music, itself, is also less than satisfactory. Due to the focus on the

"'classical' music tradition," there is still, according to Martin, "no very coherent sociological perspective on music" (Martin, 1995: x). Jane Bowers and Judith Tick claim:

Musicologists have paid little attention to the sociology of music, whether this be concerned with the social class and economic status of musicians, stratification in the professions, or access to educational opportunities. They have focused instead on documents (manuscripts, prints, and treatises), relatively few of which exist for women's music in the periods that have been most thoroughly investigated. (Bowers and Tick, 1986: 3)

Theodor Adorno began to open up the field of music to closer scrutiny. His notion of the importance of social context in analyzing music remains relevant today:

Adorno is the only major cultural theorist of the century whose primary medium was music, as opposed to literature, film, or painting. ...His work, while parochially grounded in the German canon of great composers from Bach to Schoenberg, provides the means for understanding how compositions of the tonal repertory are informed by the fundamental social tensions of their time. His conceptual framework opens up that sacrosanct canon to questions of great social and political urgency. (McCiary, 1991: 28)

Rather than simply studying music and i!s intrinsic value as the work of an individual composer,

Adomo acknowledged the importance of the society in which the music was created and how this could help us better understand ourselves:

...a central theme running through his (Adorno's] work was his insistence that music can be understood only as expressing the fundamental structures and processes of the society in which it is created, rather than universal truths or the inner soul of the composer. (Martin, 1995: 112)

The sociology of music must concern itself not only with the study of traditional

"classical" music and its composers but rather investigate all kinds of music within their social contexts. By exploring different musics and the way in which they are described by those who create and consume them, knowledge concerning music and society may be advanced. In addition, the music, itself, must be examined with regard to the direct emotional and physical effect it has on its performers or listeners. By studying country music, the way in which it is 10 perceived by those who perform it, the manner in which they describe its meaning to them, as well as its physical and emotional impact, his genre's relevance may become more widely understood.

Popular Music Since the late 1970s, there has been a continuous interdisciplinary tradition of critical popular music studies. The number of scholarly publications to which it has given rise is large and expanding exponentially. This tradition is not one which can be reduced to feminism or musicology or sociology alone since popular music studies has become an intellectual trajectory that draws on many disciplines and schools of thought. Being aware of the ongoing evolution of popular music studies is important to understanding the study of country music as a form of popular music.

Over the years, musicology has maintained a largely elitist attitude towards popular music and a reluctance to study it. As a result, most scholars have tended to ignore this form of music as a serious field of endeavour (Peterson, 1987: 205). Some musicologists view popular music as not being worthy of academic examination while those from other disciplines ignore it due to music's distinctive features. In Studying Popular Music, Richard Middleton states:

Traditional musicology still largely banishes popular music from view because of its 'cheapness', while the relatively new field of cultural studies neglects it because of the forbiddingly special character of music. (Middleton, 1990: v)

While the attitude of some who study music may be to neglect popular music, there are those who welcome its contribution to our understanding of music. As a musicologist interested in the sociology of music, Shepherd has always been impressed with the impact which popular music has on peopie and believes it should be accorded the same status as so-called "seriousn music. Popular music is definitely an object worthy of study in university music departments

(Shepherd, 1987: 151-1 52).

Shepherd sees the value in music as an indicator of society and culture and questions the lack of depth in investigating its social context by those studying the history of music. In

Music as Social Text, he states: As a student of 'classical' music, Ifound it particularly curious, for example, that the majority of music historians seldom connected the music about which they were writing to the social and cultural circumstances of its creation and consumption in any more than a superficial manner. (Shepherd. 1991: 2)

The tension between popular music studies and musicology lies, in part, with the differing emphasis on what each area of academic endeavour considers to be most important.

While musicology tends to focus on a more positivist or a more liberal humanist approach, those who study popular music believe music also needs to be discussed with regard to the interpretation of its social context as well as its special physical and emotional effect on people.

In his article "Music and the Last Intellectuals," Shepherd states, "...the academic study of music has been dominated by an emphasis on the empirical and the positivistic at the expense of the theoretical and the interpretive." By examining music within its social context and not ignoring the relevance of doing so, studies in popular music attempt to answer some of "the more broader questions to do with music as a signifying practice within human communitiesn

(Shepherd, 1993a: 102).

Womsn and Music

Cultural Determinants In an early study, Music and Women: The Story of Women in Their Relation to Music,

Sophie Drinker concluded "that woman's musical imagination depends upon the culture pattern of any given group for development as definitely as does any other human characteristic"

(Drinker, 1048: xiv-xv). In other words, the way in which women relate to music is determined by the culture in which they reside.

Drinker believed that in indigenous cultures 'Tradition or custom determines what forms of ritual, dance, and music shall develop" (Ibid.: 54). Although these customs may appear strange to an outside observer, they are upheld due to what is called "social habir or "taboo."

Certain things just are "not donen in certain societies. These unspoken rules vary greatly from culture to culture. What may be totally acceptable in one culture may be seen to be totally

unacceptable in the next. In some cultures, men have a distinct musical disadvantage and 12 women hold a high position. It is the women who "are encouraged from earliest childhood to cultivate their natural talent" (lbid.: 56). In some civilizations women sing: in others, only men are allowed to sing.

If the expectation of a particular society is that women not be musicians and they are discouraged from being trained in music, the result is that custom dictates music to be outside the domain of what women are capable of doing (Ibid.: 57). It is difficult to remove such taboos. The effect a society's belief system can have on whether or not its female members are exposed to and partake of music is extremely powerful.

Throughout history women have had difficulty gaining access to the field of music in

Western culture. In their book entitled Women Making Music, The Western Art Tradition 1150-

1950, Bowers and Tick comment on the effect culture has had in determining the extent to which women participate in music:

The cumulative testimony of primary sources from the lives of individuals presented in this book... demonstrates women's crippling internalization of their culturally determined marginality.... In chapter after chapter, evidence accumulates to suggest that even those women who pursued atypical music careers were affected by the status of women in general. (Bowers and Tick, 1986: 12)

The effect of one's gender on musical participation is also discussed by Ellen Koskoff in her essay entitled ''Gender, Power, and Music." Koskoff defines sex as a biological category

(femalelmale) and gender as a socially constructed category (women/men) with clearly delineated social roles which differ depending on the society in which they are found. Gender ideologies are the conceptual and valuative frameworks which underlie the behaviours deemed

"appropriate for women and men" (Koskoff, l9W : 770).

In cross-cultural comparisons, these gender ideologies can be quite contradictory, leading us to question the real meaning or actual significance of the assigned roles. In fact, it is the distribution of power which these gender roles promulgate that is of most interest. Koskoff states that "At the heart of all social relations, especially those of gender, lie culturally constructed and maintained notions of power and control" (Ibid.: 773). These social 13 constructions, in turn, affect the musical production and performance of women within that culture.

The ways in which jsader has been structured within any given society have a direct effect on the behaviour of the individuals within that group. Until recently, there were many who were unaware of the importance of this fact (Koskoff, 1987: 2). 'The gender structure of a society reflects socially constructed and maintained arrangements made between men and women based on culture-specific gender ideologies" (Ibid.: 5). As a consequence, in many instances, women's music has been devalued and considered to be amateurish or unimportant.

In order to study the relationship between women and music in a particular culture, studies need to collect data from women. 'We must also begin to address the valuative role music plays in defining and reflecting established social and sexual orders and in acting as an agent in maintaining or changing such orders" (Ibid.: 15-16). A study of female country music singers needs to listen to women's voices to hear the way in which they describe their relationship to their chosen field of music and the beliefs and values of the subculture in which they practise their art.

The History of Women in Music in the Western Art Tradition Looking at the history of women in music in the Western art tradition helps us gain insight into some of the more fundamental dynamics affecting women and music in general. It reveals the difficulty women have had in accessing the world of music and some of the obstacles with which they still have to contend. Some of the former prejudices against women

in music may still be found within the music industry.

Bowers and Tick discuss the exclusion from music that women experienced in the late

Middle Ages. They recount:

...it is fair to state that women were excluded from musical positions of high status and lacked direct access to most professional opportunities, rewards, and authority. This state of affairs was to continue for some time. (Bowers and Tick, 1986: 4) 14 Musical training for women during 'most of the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries" was limited due to the lack of access by women to "study at a cathedral school or apprenticeship to a master player" which, at the time, were the main sources of obtaining a

'thorough music education." "The principal music professions were closed to them" (Ibid.: 5).

Depending on one's class or social status, some women had the opportunity to be musically active. Daughters of monied families often were given private music lessons and would perform privately.

The rapid growth of opera and of musical establishments in upper-class households during the seventeenth century provided work for a substantial number of women singers, some at the very apex of the profession. By 1700, women were securely established in all branches of singing in Italy, except for religious music. (Ibid.: 5)

New opportunities for women in music began to emerge when in France, as well as in other countries, there were "...developments in opera, concert life, and amateur music making...." However, most women "continued to inhabit the fringes of the profession" working as composers, teachers, or instrumentalists. Singing still provided most women's main involvement (Ibid.: 6-7).

Carol Neuls-Bates states in her book entitled Women and Music, An Anthology of

Source Readings from the Middle Ages to the Present that in the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, before women were given access to conservatories in Europe and the United States, there was a limited number of backgrounds from which they typically came: ...the convent; the aristocracy, in which case women could command education, although in many instances only with men's consent; and finally, those families of musicians who nurtured their daughters' talents as well as their sonst. (Neuls- Bates, 1982: xi-xii)

The nineteenth century offered women more musical educational opportunities. As well, there was a greater awareness of women's musical abilities. Towards the end of the nineteenth century, feminists were also being heard. Yet, it was the opening of public secular conservatories that perhaps had the most significant impact on the number of women becoming involved in music (Bowers and Tick, 1986: 6-7). 15 Socially accepted roles for "proper" women have not always coincided with what is

required of a musician in order to become established in the world of music. For example, women have not only had difficulty being accepted as composers but as instrumentalists as well. "Just as composition once resided far from the small circle of acceptable 'feminine' activities, so did the playing of certain instruments" (Kivi, 1992: 10). During the Renaissance, only specific instruments were believed to be "suitablenfor women to play. The piano and the

harpsichord were two that did not in any way change the outward physical appearance of their

players and were therefore deemed acceptable for women to play. Although there were exceptions, women complied.

...for women in general, the psychological pressure to conform was considerable. Only with the second half of the nineteenth century did the choice of instrument among women widen significantly, and even today the effects of sexual stereotyping linger. (Neuls-Bates, 1982: xiii)

Although the less-than-encouraging attitude towards women and music has improved somewhat, its roots still run deeply in the psyche of the musical community. As K. Linda Kivi states in her book Canadian Women Making Music

Lack of acceptance of women is still an issue with many instrumentalists and there is still a noticeable paucity of women in brass and percussion sections of bands and orchestras. But this too has begun to change. Women have begun to make their way into the world of non-traditional instruments and to stake their claim to remain there. (Kivi, 1992: 10)

McClary recounts the astonishment of some young women attending her university

music classes who are surprised to learn about the derogatory attitude towards women and

music historically:

My students are often shocked by evidence that in the Renaissance, for instance, women who sang in public or who tried to publish their poetry were regarded as courtesans and were pressured to grant sexual favors in exchange for being permitted to participate in cultural production. Unfortunately, conditions have not changed as much as we would like to think. (McClary, 1988: xvi)

While the female students in McClary's classes may be astonished by the treatment of women

in music in the past, once they leave the university setting and enter the professional world of I6 music, they may find that women's place in the musical world is still precarious, and may include sexual harassment. McClary asserts:

The old custom of the droit du seigneur is also alive and well-conductors who demand sex from aspiring sopranos in exchange for casting them in roles and who then condemn those same women for having slept their way through their careen. As a professor in a school of music, I have witnessed many an idealistic young singer get devoured as soon as she leaves the ivory tower. We somehow neglect to tell them about the 'real world'. (McClary, 1988: xvi)

Being a woman in the world of music can be forbidding and may involve stereotypical treatment. Bowers and Tick state:

...women have been and to some extent still are, a minority subgroup within music, with all that implies about ambivalence, achievement, and the slow evolution of opportunity for women to realize and fulfill their musicality within Western culture. (Bowers and Tick, 1986: 4)

In the Preface to her book entitled Evening the Score: Women in Music and the Legacy of Frederique Pettides, Jan Bell Groh recounts:

As with many others of my generation, it was in the seventies that I began to think seriously about women in the arts. Curiously, even though I am a musician, it was through the visual arts that I began my journey-in museums and galleries where I found little or no representation of the excellent and even well-known works of women artists. (Bell Groh, 1991: xiii)

She continues, "Even with the women's movement, I realized how little progress had been made in my own profession" (Bell Groh, 1991: xiii). Bell Groh began to question what the future held for the women in her classes, many of whom had never seen a woman conduct an orchestra. Through her book, she hoped to begin to address the problem of the lack of knowledge about women and music. Since being a woman in the world of music can be challenging, it is important to teach and learn about women and music within an academic setting.

In the twentieth century, women no longer have had to be "virtuosos to support themselves as musicians." Many talented women are able to establish themselves in music careers:

Within the last decade or so there has been a resurgence of women's performing groups, concerts and festivals of women's music, and feminist organizations formed to promote professional advancement. (Bowers and Tick, 1986: 10)

Nevertheless, there was and still is a definite disparity between the number of women trained in music compared with the number who actually are able to establish professional careers in music or, if they have musical careers, are able to secure advancement within those careers.

Women's Music As a performer in the mid-seventies, Connie Kuhns recalls the first time she publicly performed a song which she had written. The response was one she will never forget. After complete silence, the audience "erupted" into applause. She recalls:

What I had written was 'women's music,' inspired by the euphoria of the women's movement. It was in reaction to that nameless emptiness many of us felt while listening to the radio, to our records, or to the music in clubs. Although there were notable exceptions, most of the music in the 1970s did not encourage independence in women. It was rare to hear music that accurately described our lives. (Kuhns, 1990: 27)

It was unusual to hear music to which Kuhns could relate as a woman. It was during this time that she believes women's music came into being. It was honest music that "encouraged women to take control of their lives" (Kuhns, 1990: 27). The mid-seventies was a time that many women began to feel the power of the women's movement both in Canada and the

United States. Presently, women artists enjoy more freedom which in part had its beginnings during this period in musical history.

Women's music, as defined by Kuhns, soon came to take on a different connotation. As it developed a more sophisticated network in the United States, 'Women's musicn generally became synonymous with "lesbian music." Defining what actually constitutes "women's musicn is a contentious issue which continues to be hotly debated (Kuhns, 1990: 28). In her article entitled "Lesbians and Women's Music," Maida Tilchen states:

Some women have always seen it [women's music] as a 'nice name' for lesbian music, a name that permitted performances in space that would otherwise be unavailable and unsafe. It also would draw in listeners who would never attend a 'lesbian music' concert. Others say that women's music began in the straight feminist movement, and was taken over by lesbians when they broke away to form their own movement and culture. (Tilchen, 1984: 295) 18 Both the performers and the women working to present these shows gained experience by being exposed to jobs from which they had been excluded traditionally:

Women's music has provided an opportunity for hundreds of musicians, technicians, producers, and publicists to learn and try out new skills, opportunities that have been denied them in the extremely male-controlled field of commercial music. (Tilchen, 1984: 287)

Women's music has played an important role in women's development in the music industry.

Women and Music in Canada Women have probably played a more significant role in the history of music in Canada than has previously been documented. In an article printed for the Royal Society of Canada in

1947 and entitled 'Women as Folk-Song Authors." John Murray Gibbon contends that "women are the possible, if not the probable, authors of folk-song, hitherto usually classified as anonymous" (Gibbon, 1947: 53). He believes that many folksongs were handed down by women in intimate as opposed to public forums, the most popular being the nursery. He bases his examples of this custom on British folk-songs.

As one of the few books written exclusively on women and music in Canada, Kivi's

Canadian Women Making Music acknowledges the fact that most of the written history of women and music which she includes in her work is that of the "white, middle- and upper-class elite." Missing is information on the multitude of minority women whose individual experiences have not been recorded. Kivi contemplates the difficulty these women of different race, class. and/or ethnicity must have had gaining any kind of access to the "exclusivenworld of music represented in history. However, evidence that these women did partake in making music is evident in "various veiled references and untitled archival photos... albeit primarily within their own communities" (Kivi, 1992: 5-6).

Many white middle class females were able to obtain music education from the middle of the nineteenth century and on through the development of music departments in schools and colleges for girls. In Quebec, nuns and convents were the source of musical training. Whether at colleges or convents, conventional thinking took precedence. Only those instruments 19 deemed appropriate for women to play were taught along with an emphasis on the proper role of music in the home and family. Unfortunately, the voices of working class women are not heard: "The economic reality of women across Canada has especially silenced working-class women, many of whom belong to ethnic or racial minoritiesm(Kivi, 1992: 11). Yet, many immigrant women used music within the home to maintain their culture (Ibid.: 15).

At this period of history, working class women who took part in music were not considered to be fulfilling the role set for them by the Victorian moral code. A so-called "proper" lady might play the piano or the harp but other instruments were viewed as not enhancing the

"'feminine' attributes of gentleness, beauty, virtue and refinement." The pressure to comply with society's standards was powerful (Kivi, 1992: 17-18), Since unbiased information on working class women is so scant, it is difficult to describe their lives with regard to music. Kivi states:

One lone source of information about working women's musical participation on a professional level are the studies on prostitution and brothels, particularly in the Canadian West and North. Whether in fact all of the women in popular music at the time were prostitutes is a Victorian suggestion upon which we can only speculate now.

Much of the popular music in this time of westward expansion and urbanization was ragtime. Ragtime and the women who played or sang in ragtime style were linked to the so-called 'seamy' side of life, implicitly or explicitly. 'Respectable' women were just not involved. (Kivi, 1992: 26)

In the early part of the twentieth century, Canadian feminists such as Nellie McClung and Flora MacDonald Dennison helped to improve the status of women in Canada by asserting

"women's right to suffrage and to access to a broader sphere of human endeavours" (Kivi,

1992: 31). With the success of the women's suffrage movement, after World War I, Canadian women could actually vote in most Canadian jurisdictions. Women began to become more involved in the society at large.

Singing was seen as a socially acceptable way for women to enter the world of music and vocal music was one of the more popular ways in which women came to participate:

The majority of women ...p lied the trade of musician as singers. Almost every dance band had a 'girl singer' and some memorable names are Babs Babineau, Terry Dale, Maxine Ware, Phyllis Marshall and Norma Locke. Significant numbers of 'girl singers' came from vaudeville chorus lines; later, many went on to graduate from dance bands to become soloists. Juliette, who had radio and television programs, and Joyce Hahn were two such women. (Kivi, 1992: 34)

During the middle to late 1960s, feminism began to gain strength again. The Royal

Commission on the Status of Women was established in 1967 lo explore the situation of women in Canada and to recommend to the government what needed to be done in order to provide equal opportunities for Canadian women in all areas of society (Mackia, 1983: 3).

The Report sparked the establishment of new organizations, like the National Action Committee on the Status of Women (NAC), which, along with older organizations such as the Federation of Women Teachers' Associations of Ontario (FWTAO), challenged the federal, provincial and territorial governments to implement the recommendations. But even after the adoption of many of them, women again found the results disappointing and the promised equality remained as elusive as ever. Gradually, it became clear to feminists in the late seventies that true equality was a more complex concept than equal treatment and opportunity. To bring about meaningful change in women's lives required a redefinition of the term and the development of new laws. (Bourne, 1993: 321)

In the 1970s, Canadian women's presence in performing music became more noticeable especially within the wifelhusband duo format. Sylvia Tyson and Ian Tyson were one of the more successful pairs. Shawne Jackson and Jay Jackson in rhythm and blues and

Susan Jack and Terry Jack in pop also became popular. However, the popularity of the duo did not last. Kivi states:

Many of these duos eventually split up and the women went on to join the emerging ranks of solo female performers. Perhaps for the first time, women began to take control of their music by performing and recording their own compositions. (Kivi, 1992: 49)

A prime example of women's powerful lyrics came in the form of singer/songwriter Joni

Mitchell. Born in Canada, Mitchell later came to influence many women performers both in

Canada and the United States.

While intenriewing Canadian women performers for her book, Kivi reveals the

'awakeningn described across all styles of music from coast to coast. Identities were reclaimed and new ground was broken.

Although not all of the women who surfaced during this period describe themselves as feminists, the climate created by the struggles of the women's movement helped expose sexist, exclusionary attitudes and supported all women in their struggle for musical careers. Significant numbers of women took up broader and broader arrays of musical instruments, performed and recorded more often, entered the field of composition and took on influential positions in cultural communities. (Kivi, 1992: 54-55)

Kivi enthusiastically heralds women's participation in music by stating that "the 1980s marked the time when women were no longer excluded from any field of musicn (Kivi, 1992:

47). However, while women in music in the later part of the twentieth century are not letting those around them decide what they can or cannot do, it still remains more difficult for women than men to enter particular areas within music. Even though, presently, more women are involved in music than previously, full equality has not yet been achieved.

Defining Country Muslc

What is Country Music? Defining country music is a difficult if not impossible task. There are probably as many definitions of country music as there are people who write it, perform it, play it, or listen to it.

Country music is a genre that has developed over time and continues to grow and change.

The following attempt by Richard A. Peterson and Melton A. McLaurin to describe all the music that could be called "country" alludes to the difficulty inherent in trying to define it:

... it is possible to say that country music includes that range of music heard on country music radio stations, played at concerts, bars, and clubs by country music performers, recorded and merchandised as country music, and also the informal performances that draw from and contribute to professional performances and record making. Such a definition not only includes the music and renditions that all would agree are country, but also many that some contest. (Peterson and Mclaurin, 1992: 1)

By offering such a broad definition, Peterson and Mclaurin demonstrate in a humorous way that to establish what, in fact, is country music may be impossible.

Throughout its history, the variety of terms used to characterize what is now known as

"country musicn reveals the changing parameters of what is believed to constitute the genre:

Back in the 1920s and 1930s the music had been called 'hillbilly,' 'old-time,' and 'mountain.' With the popularity of moviedorn's singing cowboys, the term 'western' came into vogue. By the time the first country popularity charts were introduced in the 1940s, the music marketers were using the term Yolk' both on record labels and in trade magazines. 'Country 8 western,' or 'c&wJ for short, was the accepted description of the sound between 1950 and 1962. But the then-new CMA [Country Music Association] felt the general term 'country' was classier .... (Bufwack and Oermann, 1993: 422)

Bill Malone, like Peterson and McLaurin, still has difficulty defining what is now called country music and states, "...it defies precise definition, and no term (not even 'country') has ever successfully encapsulated its essencen (Malone, 1991: 1). Peterson and McLaurin acknowledge the debate over what defines the music when they assert:

... there are great disputes among artists, fans and critics over what to include at the margins. Is every rendition of a country song country and is every song by a country artist countv ... Not only are there disputes over the boundaries, but the accepted boundaries change over time. (Peterson and McLaurin, 1992: 1)

The term "country" has come to signify something quite different from the music's original meaning. At one time labelled "hillbilly," then "country and western," these classifications cease to encompass the variety of styles which country music presently is perceived to include. From rhythm and blues to bluegrass, from rockabilly to Cajun, from

"traditional" to "new country," country music now covers a much broader spectrum of musical genres.

What became known as country music was brought to North America by early settlers and developed in pockets throughout the continent. Yet, it was best known and most widely accepted in the southern United States. Regarded as a white working class music, it was referred to initially as "hillbillf music and was presented as rustic and "downhome." While originating mainly from the "folksongs, ballads, dances, and instrumental pieces brought to

North America by Anglo-Celtic immigrants," over time, it has absorbed many other musical forms most notably "from the culture of the Afro-Americans" and has eventually become "a force strong enough to survive, and even thrive, in an urban-industrial society" (Malone, 1991 :

Country music's connection to the southern United States came from the discovery in this particular geographical region that the "dynamic folk cultural expressions, black and white" were commercially viable (Malone, 1991: 1). Although the genre has since become popular 23 worldwide, Malone believes country music still remains more predominant in the southern

United States:

While recognizing that commercial country music now has a following around the world and that rural-derived forms of music stilt show strength in various areas of the nation. I nonetheless remain convinced that country music has always received its most fervent support-as well as the bulk of its performing personnel-in the region extending southwestward from Virginia to Texas.. .. (Malone, 1991: 418)

The rich mix of ethnically diverse cultures and music found in the U.S. south, plus the fact that the U.S. entertainment and music industries discovered rural music which was both black and white, were paramount to the strong establishment of country music in this part of the world.

Working Class Background The genre which has become known as country music is believed to have developed from the predominantly white working classes of North America. It spoke of their hardships and the life they experienced as working people. From sitting on the back porch, providing one's own entertainment due in part to the limited access to other forms of amusement available in the rural countryside, country music is now mass-produced and mass-marketed throughout the world.

The move to greater acceptance of country music by popular mainstream culture has had a long and gradual history. From its "working classmroots, country music has developed over time to include performers and consumers from diverse socio-economic backgrounds.

This change began in the 1920s and 1930s with the broadcast of country music on radio, one of the most influential stations being in Chicago. In addition, radio stations along the Mexican border had a tremendous impact on country music being heard all over North America:

In the dissemination of country music throughout the United States, no stations were more important than those along the Mexican border. These powerful X- stations (so-called because of their call letten) operated just across the border in Mexico, and could be heard quite clearly throughout much of the United States and even occasionally in Canada.... (Malone, 1991: 98) 24 Both Mexico and Cuba had been left out of the entire long-wave broadcast band designations by the United States and Canada leaving them no clear channels. The United States protested against these X-stations but Mexico felt justified. The impact of these border stations on promoting country music was immense.

Over time, country music has spread considerably beyond the U.S. to include fans from other places around the world:

For the most part, the new fans of country music in the 1970s and 1980s were mid-life working-class whites living in all parts of the United States and also in Canada, England, Germany, and other countries. These people themselves faced many of the same problems of urban-industrial living and gender role redefinition and could therefore identify with the themes in the music and the populist image which it projected. (Peterson, 1992: 41)

While country music has retained its solid working class following, its appeal has broadened to include the middle classes: "...an increasing number of people in the middle class embraced it, particularly after 1980 (Peterson, 1992: 41). In the later part of the twentieth century, country music no longer seems to be strictly about or for the working class. The demographics have changed to include urban and suburban dwellers who have descended from rural ancestors and long for a connection to their roots, have had to move from the country to the city in order to secure employment, or simply like the music. They have chosen country music because they can relate to it:

As Hugh Cherry, one of the most influential country music disc jockeys, and certainly the most thoughtful, observed at a sold-out Loretta Lynn Oakland, California concert in 1975, While being a "hillbillf was something you were born to and fated to remain in the 1930s, anyone who is a "hillbilly" today is a *hillbilly" by choice.' By the later 1980s, all of these terms of prideful identification had become virtually interchangeable with each other in connoting a working-class lifestyle and consciousness. Thus, using any of these terms was tantamount to evoking working-class consciousness. (Peterson, 1992: 58)

At various stages throughout its history, country music has tried to make itself more attractive to a larger segment of the population. During the sixties, what became known as the

Nashville Sound developed from a need to compete with the pop music of the day. Adding strings and playing down the pedal steel were thought to make the music more agreeable to a wider range of listeners. Mary A. Bufwack and Robert K. Oerrnann describe country's transition to the mainstream and its attempt to appeal to the middle class as well as the working class during this time:

The idea was to make country music palatable to the pop mainstream, to shed its low-class image and make it the music of all Americans. By adopting the trappings of television variety entertainment-the costumes, stage patter, and dancing-country entertainers hoped to gain fans beyond the truckers, factory laborers, waitresses, farmers, and domestic workers of its bedrock audience. Perhaps not coincidentally, such folks had completely abandoned the term 'working class' by this time. Everyone called themselves 'middle class,' and during the 1970s the U.S. middle class made significant economic strides forward. A!! of this era's show-queen acts downplayed regional accents and the grittier, blue-collar aspects of country songwriting in favor of positive lyrics and high style. (Bufwack and Oermann, 1993: 405)

The popularity of country music was enhanced by television with such popular programmes as The Barbara Mandrell Show.

A weekly television show in the early eighties presented Barbara and her two sisters to a huge public, and there was little on the slickly packaged show that could alienate even the most uncompromising country music hater. Like her occasional specials, the weekly show conveyed more of the essence of Las . Vegas than of Nashville. (Malone, 1991: 376)

Some saw this move towards the mainstream as a violation of what the music was

meant to represent, a shift away from the working class ethic the genre originally was perceived

to symbolize:

Country's inspiration and creativity had historically sprung from a hard way of life shared by its performers and its audience. Increasingly, it seemed to be following marketing fads and commercial whims. It had no touchstone. It was a culture cut adrift. Was it losing its soul? (Bufwack and Oermann. 1993: 422)

Peterson believes that country music is still being made to appeal to the working class-

the only difference being that those who now create and perform it are not necessarily working

class themselves:

If earlier songs pointed with pride to the singer's own humble origins, these songs of tribute suggest that the singers (and thus country music itself) are a large step removed from being the working class. Thus, a music that in 1925 was the heart-felt expression of working-class people seems to have become, by the 7 990s, a product designed, produced, and promoted by others to appeal to working-class people. This suggests the final transformation of a musical expression that was largely homemade into something almost entirely store- bought. (Peterson, 1992: 59-60) 26 Even though the presence of the working classes was a vital force in its development, country music now represents a form of music that has considerably transcended the social locations of its roots.

Race and Ethnieity Country music was described initially as the music of poor white rural folk but it is important to acknowledge the influence of nonwhite musicians which has been prevalent throughout the history of the genre. Some of the first recordings made in country music were inspired by those from different racial and ethnic backgrounds. In its early days, Malone states,

"The recording of hillbilly music was, in part, a phase of the discovery and exploitation of racial and ethnic music in the twenties" (Malone, 1991: 434).

There are those in country music who have not always been tolerant of others who were

"different" than they. These attitudes became more prevalent during the civil rights movement:

The civil rights revolution probably did most to politicize some country musicians. The struggles waged by black Americans to attain economic dignity and racial justice provoked one of the ugliest chapters in country music's history, an outpouring of racist records on small labels, mostly from Crowley, Louisiana, which lauded the Ku Klux Klan and attacked blacks... in the most vicious of stereotyped terms. (Malone, 1991: 31 7)

As the genre grew in popularity in the 1960s, a greater diversity of performers from different racial and ethnic backgrounds began to be seen and heard. This resulted in the breaking down of some barriers and the greater acceptance of nonwhite artists:

The music's great commercial expansion lured talented newcomers who whittled away at country music's 'Anglo-Protestant' consensus. Catholics, Jews, Mexicans, and other 'ethnic' groups began to show up as sidemen and women in bluegrass and country bands, and particularly in country-rock groups, where a greater tolerance for beliefs and diverse lifestyles existed. (Malone, 1991: 31 1- 312)

Country music star Charley Pride is credited with doing the most to help "open the doors to new ethnic or nonwhite talent." He was the first to receive star recognition, although he was not the first recognized Mack artist. From 1925 to 1941, Deford Bailey was a popular performer on the Grand Ole Opry (Malone, 1991: 31 6). 27 According to Bufwack and Oermann, there has never been a comparable black woman star:

Esther Phillips (1935-1 984) was the pioneer with her 'Release Me' of 1962. In the wake of country successes by Charley Pride, 0.6. McClinton, and Stoney Edwards, the record companies went looking for their female equivalents. ... No black women have had sustained country success, but singers like Frankie Staton, Donza Payne, and Hisha Jackson have persevered in the eighties and nineties. (Bufwack and Oermann, 1993: 407)

There have been few black stars celebrated in country music. Even though Charley

Pride has prevailed in breaking down some of country music's racial barriers, no other black artists have been able to repeat his accomplishments. Due to the lack of available information, it is difficult to access data on the number of local black country performers as well as the total of black country fans (Malone, 1991: 31 6).

Sexuality Canadian k.d. lang has been described as "one of the world's finest female vocalists, a young and vibrant artist possessing the best voice of her generation" (Starr, 1994: xiii). In

1990, after six years in country music and a total of four albums, lang took a hiatus for two years. She was discouraged with a number of factors, lack of radio airplay being one. In 1992, she reemerged, leaving country music, gaining a new international audience, and identifying herself as a lesbian. In a biography of lang entitled k.d. lang: All You Get is Me, Victoria Stan explains the significance of lang openly disclosing her sexuality:

k.d.'s 'coming outJmakes her the first openly lesbian pop icon in the history of the entertainment industry. She is the first of what many think will be a wave of entertainers, politicians, and other well-known public figures who dare to stand and declare their gay pride, marking a turning point in the struggle for gay rights. (Starr, 1994: xiii)

While no longer labelled a "country singer," lzng opened up new avenues for other artists: "Her look, her mere existence, challenges long-standing conventions about music and image, fashion, sexuality, and offers a new definition of what it means to be a woman in the nineties"

(Starr, 1994: xiii). 28 While there are other women country music performers who may be lesbian, k.d. lang is

the only one to speak publicly about her sexual preference. Yet, interestingly, it was lang's

"Meat Stinks" pro-vegetarian TV ad that caused more of a row than her admission that she was a lesbian. "She was so androgynous-looking that most fans had probably already assumed it.

Music Row moguls merely shrugged and said, 'So what?'" (Bufwack and Oerrnann, 1993: 519).

lang describes herself as a feminist and wants her music to be the focus of attention rather than

her persona! life. Her intent is to present "a strong examplen and to express feelings from a

woman's perspective. Whether her audience is composed of lesbians or straight women is not

a concern (Bufwack and Oermann, 1993: 520).

Country stars Loretta Lynn and Dolly Parton also acknowledge and embrace their gay

fans. In Loretta Lynn's autobiography she states, "I think there's a few of my fans who are

lesbians-maybe more than a few. But they're my fans, and they visit me, just like anybody

else, and it don't bother men (Lynn, 1976: 91). In her autobiography, Dolly Parton discusses

her over forty year relationship with a woman named Judy:

Judy and I have given a lot, and we have taken a lot. We have had our problems, our ups and downs, but the love has always been great enough to overcome. One thing we've had to overcome is the constant rumor that Judy and I are lesbian lovers. It is understandable. Most people can't understand two women being so close and devoted to each other. (Parton, 1994: 201)

Although married to a man, Parton reveals the importance of her relationship with a woman to

her happiness and well being. In response to the question, "How do you feel about gay rights

and gay people?" Parton answers:

Well, I believe in 'human rights' and the Scripture, 'Judge not, lest ye be judged.' I have many gay friends who I love dearly. I have also lost some very special friends to AIDS. Ibelieve that being gay is something you are, not something you do. ( Parton, 1994: 317)

Malone views the more tolerant mores by the country music industry to be the result of

commercialization, not a change in attitude by the establishment:

Although the entrance into its ranks of women, youth, divergent ethnic groups, and blacks and a more relaxed attitude toward sexual expression and alternative lifestyles suggest a broadening of vision within the country music industry, one should not interpret such changes to be a bold expression of liberalism. Commercialism, not ideology, has motivated many of country music's bold experiments. (Malone, 1991: 316)

Not wanting to offend the various scgments which constitute the listening audience has caused those who make the decisions to be more accepting of differing values and beliefs previously ostracized by the genre. In other words, profit appears to be the major motive for the improved tolerance of previously excluded groups.

Country Music's Popularity On September 24, 1991, an unprecedented event was celebrated at the headquarters of the Country Music Association in Nashville, Tennessee. Country music performer Garth

Brooks' album Ropingthe Wind had simultaneously reached the top of both the country and pop album charts in its initial week making him the first artist in the history of American music to achieve this landmark (McCall, 1994: 387). It became apparent that more than just the rural working class were listening to country music.

At the beginning of the 1990s, "Nearly every major national magazine featured a significant spread on the rise of country music..." (McCall, 1994: 396). The introduction of

Soundscan provided more reliable statistics concerning actual sales and confirmed the genre's increasing popularity. The broadening of country music's definition and the inclusion of more musical styles increased the number of listeners from more diverse backgrounds who were attracted to the music. Yet, this was not an overnight success story but the result of a gradual and continued development of the genre which began many years before.

Malone cites the first commercially successful country music artist as Jimmie Rodgers, the Vather of modem country music." He was one of Victor's top recording stars in the 1920s

(Malone, 1991: 77). Through the popularity of his songs, Rodgers helped country music to spread from a localized to a national music and was an inspiration for many others who foltowed.

Rodgen' commercial success influenced the initial development of country music in

Canada by motivating the RCA Victor offices in Montreal to 'branch off into country music." In 30 1932, they signed native Nova Scotian, Wilf Carter (Matone, 1991: 90). Rodgers' music also inspired another Canadian pioneer, Hank Snow, who "was won to country music through the recordings of Vernon Dalhart and Jimmie Rodgers." In 1936, Snow began his recording career with Victor, an association which lasted until the beginning of the eighties (Malone, 1991: 90,

Over time, country music has changed and reinvented itself several times in response to the social climate. During the Great Depression, country music was not only able to survive but actually began to grow as an industry. Live radio entertainment was popular throughout North

America and had a major impact on the dissemination of the music (Malone, 1991: 93-95).

The border superstations located just across the Texas state line in Mexico were two to three times more powerful than the signals allowed legally in the U.S. and enhanced the careers of

performers such as The Carter Family (Wolfe, 1988: 83). By the 1940s, live radio shows were

declining with the improvement of phonograph records which could be used to replace actual

performers.

World War II had a direct impact on country music. The resulting social mobility caused

a mixing of regional cultures that previously had remained isolated:

In a very real sense, America's rural population was liberated by the war, especially in the South, where poor white and black tenant farmers, sharecroppers, and mill workers left their meager farms and jobs and trekked to the urban areas in quest of better economic and social conditions. (Malone, 1991: 177)

During this time, country music became "a national phenomenonnand attracted more attention

from those in the music business. In an attempt to appeal to a broader listening audience,

performers were pressured to adjust their image and style.

In response to country music being pushed out of radio by rock and roll in the 1950s. the

Country Music Association (CMA) was established in 1958 to promote the music. Convincing

advertisers that country music was a viable means to sell their wares, the CMA worked hard to

improve the perception of the genre (Morris. 1988: 91). 31 Major social changes continued to occur after World War II. By the mid-sixties, country music was seen to harken back to a time when ''the silent majority" were perceived to "know more where they stood." It was reassuring music to soothe the soul:

Country music's identification with 'the silent majority' in the mid-sixties was one consequence of at least twenty years of growing disquietude in the United States about the sweeping and bewildering social changes that occurred in the wake of the second world war. (The roots of these changes, of course, were much older and were products of the nation's rise to industrial power.) In a society swept successively by racial, youth, and sexual revolutions, torn by the tensions arising from long ideological conflict with the Soviet Union, and subjected increasingly to the alienation inherent in post-industrial technology, many Americans have sought reassurance that the older comfortable and predictable world they once knew is still intact. In the realm of popular culture, country music seemed a safe retreat to many because it suggested the 'bedrock' American values of solidity, respect for authority, old-time religion, home-based virtues, and patriotism. (Malone, 1991 : 31 7)

In the late 1950s and early 1960s, country music began its transformation into what was later to be called "The Nashville Sound." While justified by the Nashville establishment as a necessary transition for the survival of country music against the onslaught of rock and roll, Joli

Jensen views the move towards a smoother, more pop sound as merely the commercialization of the music. Yet those in the country music business were reluctant to admit this since the perception of the genre and its ties to tradition were perceived to be what gave country music its ability to sell to its loyal fans (Jensen, 1998: 63). The tension between being true to its roots while at the same time being commercially viable has continued to play a major role in the development of the genre:

Country music's history since the early seventies has been one of unqualified commercial success. The music's ascent in mainstream American culture, however, has been accompanied by internal debates concerning definition and future direction. (Malone, 1991: 369)

The forming of The Nashville Network (TNN) in 1983, an independent cable television station at that time devoted to promoting country music, was extremely influential in exposing the genre to mainstream North America. It continued to provide programming which enhanced country music's image and helped to increase its popularity until the end of the nineties. 32 The Grand Ole Opry, heard on radio and seen on television every Saturday night live from Nashville, promotes the essence of family and tradition. Video stations that play only country music, such as Country Music Television (CMT), advertise the music and increase its chances of being heard by a larger mainstream population.

Malone's previous comment on the social relevance of country music in the sixties may be the precursor for what has happened in the 1990s. His assessment of the social context for country music in the sixties could be applied to explain the success of country music in the nineties. Many people may be looking for a link to the past, a place where they can "feel the way they used to feel." With themes such as home and the importance of relationships, people

relate to country music songs in a way that makes them feel nostalgic and takes them back to a

place where they used to be. Part of the attraction to the music in the 1990s may be shows such as the live broadcast on TNN of the Grand Ole Opry every Saturday night, something

rarely seen on modern television.

Since its commercial beginnings, country music has struggled with the perceived

connectedness to its roots (La., traditionalism) versus its need to become widely accepted, sell product, and compete with other musical forms. In the early 1990s, country music succeeded

in becoming as popular as other mainstream music but there are those who feel it has "sold its soul" in the process. Country music has always tried to maintain a direct tie to its so-called

"traditional roots" and to distance itself from the fact that it is a business and, as such, makes

money from selling substantial amounts of product:

While country music imagines its origins in organic, communal settings, the growth of country music performance has been, since the 20s. closely linked to commercial entertainment, and dissemination by radio and records. (Jensen, 1998: 10)

Over time, country music has continued to increase its listener base. From the "Outlaw"

anti-establishment movement of Willie Nelson, Waylon Jennings, and others in the 1970s to the

so-called "return" to a more traditional sound in the 1980s with Randy Travis, country music has

searched for the music with which listeners could identify. In the late '70s and early 'BOs, the 33 "downhome conservatismnof the Reagan years created a bigger mainstream audience for country music. The Barbara Mandrell Show was popular during the 1980s. It was chauvinist, politically speaking, in its format and the way in which country music was presented. Glitzy and

"uptown," it tried to make the genre more acceptable to mainstream audiences by having the

Mandrell sisters wear glamorous clothing and dance to choreographed numbers.

The move of country music to the centre stage of popular culture and music during the

1990s has first of all to be understood in terms of a trend continuing from the late 1920s and early '30s, but also, and more importantly, as an integral aspect in the development of political culture and cultural politics more generally. A number of factors could be cited as leading to the increase in popularity of the genre in the 1990s. With bigger promotion budgets, a television station dedicated to the advertising of country music (The Nashville Network), and the use of videos, some country artists were being promoted to the same degree as pop stars and the results were seen in the number of albums sold. Country music appeared to fill the void for a population of aging baby boomers searching for a music to which they could relate. Its easy to understand lyrics, adult themes, and appealing instrumentation were attractive. Yet, it also engaged a younger audience with its emphasis on relationships and the extensive promotion of artist accessibility for its fans. With an unstable labour market in part a result of downsizing, the subsequent economic uncertainty, advances in technology, and the effects of globalization, perhaps more people began to cling to the so-called "traditional" values espoused in country music as part of trying to revisit the past in the sense of security of place and a belief in more consenrative, "tried and truen values.

Country Music in Canada The same kind of music that gave rise to "country" in the U.S. was also present in certain regions of Canada during the nineteenth and early twentieth century. For example, Neil

Rosenberg states:

Maritimes country music, earlier labelled 'cowboy' or 'western' music, has been typically thought to be a popular American form rather than part of a viable, local Canadian, folk music tradition. In fact, country music in the Maritimes is both of these things .... A similar regional perspective stressing the syncretism of folk and country music has also been adopted by scholars writing on local country music in Newfoundland and Australia. (Rosenberg, 1994: 41 8)

While some may argue that country music originated in the southern United States, independent development also took place in other parts of the continent.

The first country music heard over the airwaves in Canada was from the United States.

During the 1920s, radio stations in Fort Worth, Chicago, and Nashville introduced listeners to the genre. Later in 1933, WWVA from Wheeling, West Virginia, was very influential. These radio programmes were heard in several areas of Canada. By the late twenties, Canadian radio was broadcasting country music "...beginning with George Wade and His Cornhuskers on

CFRB, Toronto, in 1928, and Don Messer on CFBO, Saint John, NB, in 1929" (Green and

Miller, 1992: 320).

Even before what is believed to be "the first US hillbilly performers to be recorded" by

Victor in 1922 (Eck Robertson and Henry Gilliand), Victor had recorded French-Canadian traditional instrumentalists as early as 1918 (violoneux J.B. Roy). By 1925, other English-

Canadian traditional musicians had also made 78s for Apex (fiddlers Percy Scott, Dennis

OtHara, Jock McDonald and harmonic and ukulele player Billy Russell). The first rise in popularity of American country music singers such as Vernon Dalhart and Jimrnie Rodgers in the late 1920s had a direct influence on Canadians Wilf Carter and Hank Snow who would themselves later become popular country music stars (Green and Miller, 1992: 320).

In the Canadian West, what was then termed "country and westernn music was beginning to take hold. Immigrants of varying backgrounds settled in the Prairies and this music provided a way in which they could share common experiences in a new land:

The many kinds of folk music from the old countries did not flourish in the same way because immigrants who couldn't understand each others' languages weren't able to share their culture in that particular way. Country music, on the other hand, was homegrown, North American prairie music that spoke of their experiences in an adoptive land; English was the common language. (Kivi, 1992: 36-37) 35 In time, live performances became less popular as radio began to infiltrate and spread country music to more and more listeners. For the first thirty years of its existence, country music was male-dominated. By the 1950s, Canadian women such as Myrna Lorrie and Lucille

Starr began to receive recognition both in Canada and the United States (Kivi, 1992: 37).

Victoria Starr discusses the important role she feels country music has played in

Canada's culture. She describes the music as "a central thread in Canadian cultural history, revered and respected in a way it's never been in the United States" (Starr, 1994: 79). While

Starr acknowledges the influence of US. country music which has infiltrated Canada since the

1920s with radio shows such as the WLS Barndance from Chicago and, later, WSM1sGrand

Ole Opry from Nashville, in addition, she cites the importance of Canadian country music shows:

... Canada also has its own vibrant country-music scene, complete with a cast of characters and distinct regional flavors dating back to Don Messer's 'Jubilee,' the most popular show in Canadian television history. (Starr, 1994: 79)

There are many differing opinions concerning the topic of what defines distinctly

Canadian country music if, in fact, it does exist as a separate entity. On this point many may agree with Mitch Potter of The Toronto Starwhen he writes:

When it comes to country music, Canada is not Nashville. From Vancouver Island to St. John's harbor, the argument goes, nearly a dozen distinct variations on the Canadian country equation add up to something very different from its American counterpart. (Potter, 1994: C10)

Defining Canadian country music by what it is not, Potter separates it from its country cousin to the south by acknowledging the difference between the kind of music emanating from American country music's Mecca and that found in various regions across the vast expanse of Canada from the west coast to the east coast to the north coast and everywhere in between.

In 1996, Martin Melhuish published Oh What a Feeling, A Vital History of Canadian

Music in celebration of the 25th anniversary of the Canadian music award called the Juno. The

Junos were "funded in 1971 to recognize annually the achievements of the industry and to commemorate the special contributions of individuals inducted into the Canadian Music Hall of 36 Fame." In this book, Melhuish endeavors to "chronicle the history of Canadian music"

(Melhuish, 1996: 9).

Women in Country Music

Women Performers In the early days men dominated public performances and were participants in fiddle contests. Although women played instruments, they did not take part in the public arena

(Malone, 1991: 22). Before the commercialization of country music, women were important in handing down the Anglo-American ballad and singing tradition. However, their "performingn was mainly done at home in front of family and/or friends (Oermann, 1988: 320).

In the 1920s, women usually accompanied family bands or were background singers

(Oermann, 1988: 321 ). During the 1930s, women started becoming more visible. Still, those who broke from "traditionar women's roles to become singers were looked upon as having questionable morals. During this era, many women who entertained at least had to give the impression they were related to the musicians with whom they pedormed either by blood or by marriage. Only under these circumstances was it deemed acceptable behaviour for a woman to sing publicly. Yet there were a few women who began to create identities apart from men and families (Malone, 1991: 119).

In the past, the history of country music has been mainly about men's music performed by men. Only a few U.S. women such as Maybelle Carter, Sara Carter, and Patsy Montana became recognized nationally in country music before World War II (8anes, 1992: 91).

However, after the war more opportunities for women to record became available. Few women were considered to be top performers until Kitty Wells had a hit with "It Wasn't God Who Made

Honky Tonk Angels." This was what they called an "answef song to Hank Thompson's previously recorded "Wild Side of Life." According to S. Kay Hoke's interpretation, Though

Thompson's song held women responsible for the fall of man, Wells countered by blaming men for their own downfall and for dragging women down with themn (Hoke, 1991: 262-263). The 37 song marked not only a turning point in Wells' career but also noted a change in the way in which women were perceived in country music. Written by a man but from a woman's perspective, it was very well received by many in the listening audience:

In 'It Wasn't God Who Made Honky-Tonk Angels,' Kitty's answer (written by a man, J.D. Miller) turned the tables and defended the ladies Thompson's record had disparaged. The immense popularity of 'Honky-Tonk Angels' transformed the teetotaling, nonsmoking, church-going Wells into a honky-tonk heroine; by July the record made Billboard's Top Ten; eventually it went to #1, and it stayed on the charts for an impressive sixteen weeks. (Oermann, 1994: 220)

In the 1950s and 1960s, Kitty Wells and Patsy Cline became extremely popular. They were two very different people but each in her own way identified with the shifting roles of women and men in the U.S. after World War 11. Culture in the United States had been transformed because of the war. Many country males had travelled and had seen the world, and several country females had experienced economic independence. This affected country music. Previously taboo topics for songs such as "cheatin'." alcohol, and divorce were now being heard. The lives, personalities, and musical styles of the performers were also changing

(Oermann, 1988: 31 5-31 7).

In scholarship, women in country music have been largely ignored according to Ruth

Banes:

...few critics, researchers, or scholars have devoted much attention to the roles of women in the music. Several overview articles from the disciplines of women's studies, folklore, communication, and American studies fail to reveal any consensus. (Banes, 1992: 83)

The publishing of Finding Her Voice: The Saga of Women in Country Music (1993) by Bufwack and Oermann began to fill this large gap left in the tapestry of country music's history. By acknowledging the voices of the women of country music from the early days, these authors give us insight into the realities and concerns of working class women about whom little has been written:

Looking at country music for information about working-class women uncovers a rich and expressive tradition. Along with the blues, country music stands nearly alone as a record of the thoughts and feelings, the fantasies and experiences of this invisible and often silent group of women. It stands as one of the only 38 documents of working-class women's thoughts created by working-class women for working-class women. (Bufwack and Oermann, 1993: ix-x)

The presence and influence of women country music entertainers has increased steadily and, more recently, markedly over time. Since its beginning, women played a role in the development of country music but were often invisible. In the 1930s, with entertainers such as

Lulu Belle, the female influence became stronger (Malone, 1991: 116). Yet it would not be until decades later that the "real 'liberation' of women country singersn would come (Malone, 1991:

The number of commercially successful songs sung by women rose substantially from the fifties and sixties. "Women sang on eighty Number 1 country records during the 1970s, up dramatically from twelve during the 1960s and up astronomically from just five Number 1 records in the 1950s" (Bufwack and Oermann, 1993: 390j. But it was in the 1970s that female country music singers truly came to the fore. "Never before or since has there been as big an era of growth for women in country music as the 1970s" (Bufwack and Oermann, 1993: 388).

There were several major turning points for women in country music. More women began to write their own songs. Artists such as Patsy Montana, Kitty Wells, Jean Shepard,

Tammy Wynette, Loretta Lynn, and Dolly Parton were an inspiration for those who followed.

However, it was not until October 10, 1988, that K.T. Oslin became the first woman to receive songwriting honours for "80's Ladies," the Country Music Association's Song of the Year

(Haydan, 1998: 14).

Canadian Women Country Music Singers In the 1990s, Canadian country music singerlsongwriter Shania Twain achieved phenomenal success. Country Music News acknowledges her meteoric rise to fame in the following article:

Canadian country superstar Shania Twain continues to be 'The Story' in country music. The Timmins, Ontario-raised singer has now surpassed the 10 million sales mark for her Mercury album The Woman In Me', which has yielded a remarkable eight singles, most of which have topped the charts. (February 1997: 1) 39 Twain is just one example of the notable Canadian women country music artists who have played a significant role in the development of the genre. Beginning many years before in the 1950s and 1960s, early female singers helped "open the doof for other women performers.

The increasing number of women in the industry is evidence of the fact that these pioneers established inroads for women wishing to pursue a country music singing career.

Bufwack and Oermann acknowledge the contribution of Canadian women artists to country music:

Canadian country also laid siege to the country charts in the seventies. There is a strong northsf-the-border country tradition, whose female exponents of the fifties included such stars as Myrna Lorrie and Lucille Starr. In the seventies Canadians Carroll Baker, Iris Larratt, Debbie Lori Kaye, and The Family Brown were all welcomed to Nashville. And Anne Murray was elevated to superstardom. (Bufwack and Oermann, 1993: 407)

Although Anne Murray does not consider herself to be a country singer, she has had success singing what have come to be defined as "country" songs. Murray won several accolades for topping the country music charts both in Canada and the United States and is known throughout the world. Melhuish sings her praises:

Hall of Fame member Anne Murray's emergence into the international spotlight in the early 1970s with a string of chart-topping crossover pop and country songs led music critics to herald her as the greatest popular singer in the world, rivaled only by Barbara Streisand. Nothing she has done in the intervening years has done anything to change this opinion. (Melhuish, 1996: 16)

On October 8. 1984, Anne Murray became the first woman to win the Country Music

Association's Album of the Year award (Haydan, 1998: 14).

The acceptance of women country music performers by mainstream Canadian culture in the 1990s is illustrated by the selection of country music singer Michelle Wright for the cover of a major homeshopping catalogue distributed throughout Canada. Both in 1997 and 1998,

Sears chose Wright's image to place on the front of their Fall and Winter publications.

Although neglecting to mention the word "country" on the cover of either catalogue, inside the

1997 issue, Sears describes Wright as "a true international success stow and states "...she 40 has been credited with changing the face of Canadian country music, opening the door for an international explosion of homegrown talent" (Sean, 1997: 59).

Throughout the 1970s and 1980s, the participation of Canadian women singers in country music has increased to unprecedented numbers with the 1990s being their most successful decade yet. Chapter 3: Methodology

Feminist Methodologies Joyce McCarl Nielsen describes feminist scholarship as a "paradigm shift" which focuses "on the distinctive experience of women-that is, seeing women rather than just men in center stage, as both subject matter of and creators of knowledge" (McCarl Nielsen. 1990: 19-

20). Shifting away from a male-centred approach in not only what is studied but how it is studied is what feminists are doing:

To consciously adopt a woman's perspective means to see things one did not see before and also to see the familiar rather differently. So an obvious but important way in which feminist research constitutes a paradigm shift is exemplified by the many reinterpretations, reconstructions, and reanalyses of existing data from the new perspective. (McCarl Nielsen, 1990: 20)

Through feminist studies many scholars are beginning to explore areas previously left untouched. Until now, the study of Canadian women in country music was one such topic omitted by mainstream scholarship.

Feminist study has attempted to incorporate many different strategies for learning about the world around us. These particular methods of obtaining information have resulted in what some have termed a "feminist methodology." As Joanna De Groot and Mary Maynard state:

... feminists have sought to transform our understanding of what knowledge is and how it is produced and legitimated. They have pointed to alternative forms of being and knowing, particularly emphasising the role of subjectivity, emotions and experience in the knowledge-generating process. (De Groot and Maynard, 1993: 159)

Yet how different are these methods from more traditional approaches? De Groot and

Maynard go on to say that, indeed, many of the techniques implemented by feminists in their

research "are not original and specific to them, and arguably should be part of any good

research practicen(De Groot and Maynard, 1993: 160).

In her book entitled Feminist Methods in Social Research, Shularnit Reinharz

emphasizes the plurality of methods that feminists have used and continue to use in their

studies (Reinharz, 1992: 4): Some feminists argue that there is no special affinity between feminism and a particular research method. Others support interpretive, qualitative research methods; advocate positivist, "objective" methods; or value combining the two. Some imply "use what works," others "use what you know," and others "use what will convince." How can we do research without perpetuating the very problems we have identified? Is it enough to make women visible? Are certain techniques more appropriate than others for feminist research? (Reinharz, 1992: 14)

These are questions that scholars continue to discuss.

Margrit Eichler states the difficulty in being able to determine exactly what the term

"feminist research" encompasses:

In one way, there are as many definitions of feminist scholarships as there are feminist scholars, and perhaps even more, since non-feminist scholars sometimes add their own understandings. I will here use a minimal definition: feminist scholarship is oriented towards the improvement of the status of women and is undertaken by scholars who define themselves as feminists. Hence, it is engaged rather than supposedly value neutral research-which is one of the sources of debate with respect to its methodology-and it is carried out within the context of a community of scholars who in some manner take note of and respond to each other's work. (Eichler, 1997: 10)

Like Reinhan, Eichler does not place feminist methods under one rubric but acknowledges the multiplicity of meanings the term includes. There is not one so-called feminist method but rather a series of research methods that have become closely associated with feminist studies and have helped to improve the way in which knowledge is collected and analyzed.

When using feminist methods, it is essential to recognize the diversity inherent within terms such as "women" and "women's perspective." Issues of ethnicity, class, and sexuality directly influence a person's life and impact on her viewpoint. Sylvia Hale states:

This calls for a shift in feminist theory away from essentialist conceptions of women and sisterhood implied in earlier formulations of me standpoint of women," to incorporate a recognition of the diversity of women's experiences, and the historically specific and contingent meaning of gender identity. (Hale, 1995: 445)

It is important to acknowledge that what it means to be a "woman" includes, in reality, a variety of experiences. Quantitative and Qualitative Analysis Earl Babbie defines quantitative research as The numerical representation and manipulation of observations for the purpose of describing and explaining the phenomena that those observations reflect" (Babbie, 1992: (36). In contrast, qualitative analysis is "The nonnumerical examination and interpretation of observations, for the purpose of discovering underlying meanings and patterns of relationships. This is most typical of field research and historical research" (lbid.: (36).

The advantage of qualitative methods is that they allow for a more "in-depth" understanding of any particular situation than can ever be gained by quantitative methods.

They, in other words, allow for the answering of the "why" and "how" questions. Furthermore, they can permit far more dialogue than quantitative methods usually do, resulting in the adjustment of research agendas and questions as research is progressing.

Pat Armstrong and Hugh Armstrong describe the movement of many feminists to more concrete qualitative research techniques in the investigation of women's work:

...feminists began to use qualitative research techniques to examine the nature, conditions, and relations of women's work within and outside of the household. Such research which involves a great deal of time and considerable financial resources, became more feasible as feminists began to win their fight to legitimate research on women's work. (Armstrong and Armstrong, 1990: 88)

Many feminist researchers feel that qualitative methods are the only techniques that can truly disclose the multi-dimensional lives of women. They criticize quantitative research as objectifying women without getting to the essence of their day-to-day lives. They believe that the person doing the research should not assume to know more than those being researched and that no one can stand exclusively and totally objectively "outsiden a study. Everyone brings some kind of bias to research simply because of who they are and their past experiences.

Neither do they like the idea of trying to "fit women into preconceived categories or theoriesn

(Armstrong and Armstrong, 1990: 133). Armstrong and Armstrong used quantitative data in their early work but found working with it "extremely frustrating" (Armstrong and Armstrong, 1990: 134-1 35). They wanted women to voice their own thoughts. They now find qualitative methods better able to achieve what they are trying to accomplish: learning more about women's work. Although not free of faults, qualitative methods have a definite place in feminist research (Ibid.: 136).

Sometimes, qualitative research is not considered to be as valid as supposedly more

"scientific" quantitative research that deals with statistics and relies on numbers to cite patterns and discover relationships:

If data may be categorized very simply as hard or agentic (quantitative methodological techniques) or as soft or communal (qualitative, observational techniques), it is clear that within the discipline of sociology as it is now practised, hard data are afforded the greatest credibility and prestige. (Wilson, 1986: 5)

Some feminists question the relationship between credibility and quantitative methods of research. In reality, how reliable are the so-called "hardn data? Are numbers a closer reflection of the truth? Do quantitative methods achieve the objectives of the feminist researcher? Or are qualitative methods more suitable for exploring the lives of women?

Feminist theorists have sought to include women's experiences at work, and perceptions of work, by employing qualitative approaches. They have been skeptical about quantitative data, questioning what is measured by such means. They have been redesigning and combining techniques in an effort to further the understanding of women's work. (Armstrong and Armstrong, 1990: 16)

According to Reinharz, both quantitative and qualitative research methods have their place. Feminists employ many different methods to acquire information and no one way can be termed exclusively "feminist." It depends on the purpose of the work and the perspective of the person doing the research. Qualitative approaches can be particularly useful when little is known about the area. Eichler states, "Qualitative research is particularly well suited for exploring new topicsn (Eichler, 1997: 11). Yet quantitative methods employing statistical information are advantageous when a more general viewpoint is needed. In Social Statistics,

John Fox says, "A great deal of interesting and important work in sociology-and in other social 45 sciences, not to mention medical, biological, and natural sciences--employs statistical methods" (Fox, 1995: 22.2).

Quantitative methods have been used to support claims for the "scientific" status of some social research since they tend to imply a "cleaner" separation of researcher from the researched but this also opens up the possibility for unwanted and unwarranted

"objectification." However, they do render information that is more readily generalized than that coming from more qualitative studies and thus do tend to give a more global picture of the object of study. The often missed value of statistical studies lies not so much in the questions they can answer but in the questions they can give rise to or generate. Although quantitative study does have its drawbacks, it can generate questions no one would have otherwise thought of asking. These questions can then be addressed using a qualitative method of inquiry. That is why a mixture of methods is sometimes good rather than opposing quantitative and qualitative or choosing one over the other.

Methods Used in This Study The majority of data for this study was obtained using qualitative methods. Since the primary intention of the thesis was to explore the lives of Canadian women country music performers, recording what they had to say about their experiences using qualitative methods was found to connect more effectively and successfully with this topic. As Anselrn Strauss and

Juliet Corbin suggest, qualitative research "...can refer to research about persons' lives, stories, behavior, but also about organizational functioning, social movements, or interactional relationships" (1990: 17). Data were gathered from a sample of radio stations using both qualitative and quantitative methods.

The methods chosen for this study reflect a feminist perspective. Focusing on the experiences of the women themselves was central to this thesis. A sample of 30 Canadian women who presently perform or have performed country music provided the majority of data.

The women's stories about themselves were of greatest interest in revealing how they gained 46 access to the country music business, in analyzing gender issues which have affected their careers, in discussing the realities of being a Canadian woman country music singer, and in determining the role of radio in their careers. Qualitative methods were needed to "...give the intricate details of phenomena that are difficult to convey with quantitative methodsn (Strauss and Corbin, 1990: 19). Revealing what the women themselves believed to be important was crucial to a better understanding of the underlying social framework. Listening to the women's accounts of their musical lives was the essence of this work.

S. J. Wilson states, "Feminists have urged that a feminist methodology must (1) begin with women's experience, (2) be dedicated to bettering women's lives and, (3) not be based on an artificial separation of researcher and researched (Wilson, 1986: 10-1 1). As a feminist researcher, identifying with the women was important. Having had some experience as a performer of country music and having done some recording both in Canada as well as in

Nashville, I was interested in investigating Canadian women who have chosen to sing country music as a professional career. With my limited experience in the music business, the researcher and researched shared a somewhat common bond. There was a curiosity on my part to learn more about both the positive and negative aspects of a career which to me required inordinate amounts of perseverance in addition to talent and knowledge of the music business in order to achieve any amount of "suc~ess.~

Field research in the form of interviews and questionnaires generated the major data.

Analysis involved exploring the "underlying meaning and patterns of relationships" found therein. While this thesis presents mainly qualitative work, some of the information is in tabular form for ease of understanding. Although the statistics do not come from a sufficiently large or randomized population to be generalized, they do reveal some interesting trends from which further, valuable research questions could be generated for future study. Key lnforments A few individuals helped initiate the journey of learning more about Canadian women

who perform country music. The following is a brief account of who these people were and

their contributions to the study.

Larry Delaney is editor and publisher of Country Music News, a nationally-distributed

Canadian newspaper on country music that also calls itself 'The Voice of Country Music in

Canada." When I commenced my study in 1992, Delaney stated that nothing substantial had been written about women or men in country music in Canada, "absolutely nothing." He cited the only available facts to be found in magazine and newspaper articles, or on radio and television programmes.

Producer and performer Gary Buck is the founder and president of the Canadian

Country Music Hall of Fame which was located in Swift Current, Saskatchewan when I began

the study. For several years, Buck helped to make the Hall of Fame a reality and he described

it as "...a tribute to Canadian country music and to the artists who have contributed so much to country music both in Canada and around the world." While visiting the Hall of Fame, contacts

were obtained for some earlier Canadian women country music performers.

Richard A. Peterson, a professor at Vanderbilt University in Nashville, Tennessee, writes about the sociology of country music and teaches university courses in the Department of

Sociology such as "Country Music in Social Context." While Peterson's course readings were

helpful in providing a good background in the sociology of country music, few dealt specifically

with the area of women and country music, except for the work of Ruth A. Banes. Peterson's

most recent book, Creating Country Music: Fabricating Authenticity (1 997), was helpful in

locating my work within a larger social context.

Ruth A. Banes, a professor in the American Studies Department at the University of

South Florida in Tampa, has written about women in country music: "Dixie's Daughters: the

Country Music Femalen (1992) and "Mythology in Music: the Ballad of Loretta Lynnn (1985). Banes warned me that researching lyrical content was becoming an increasingly arduous task since the music was less accessible due to copyright restrictions. As an academic analyzing song lyrics, obtaining the right to quote the words to a song is troublesome. She stated,

"Publishing is also difficult, since many of the copyright holders for songs or records will not grant permission to quote lyrics.... Some song companies charge large fees for permission to quote, and some deny it altogether" (Banes, April 1992). She suggested one way to circumvent this situation was to quote short passages of lyrics or paraphrase them. Small independent companies andlor the songs' authors tend to be more cooperative but sometimes the songwriters do not hold the copyright.

However, trying to draw conclusions of any kind from song lyrics also presents some more substantive methodological difficulties. According to Simon Frith, content analysis of song lyrics popular in the 1950s and 1960s reflected "musical ignorance." One cannot simply assume that the words of a pop song reflect a society's attitude:

Content analysts are not innocent readers, and there are obvious flaws in their method. For a start, they treat lyrics too simply. The words of all songs are given equal value; their meaning is taken to be transparent; no account is given of their actual performance or their musical setting. This enables us to code lyrics statistically, but it involves a questionable theoretical judgement: content codes refer to what the words describe--situations and states of mind-but not to how they describe, to their significance as language. (Frith, 1988: 107)

This knowledge was a major factor in deciding not to include an analysis of lyrical content as part of this dissertation. I decided to focus on the women's accounts of themselves, their descriptions of being country music performers, and their experiences in the country music business.

In 1993, Mary A. Bufwack and Robert K. Oermann published a path-breaking book about women country performers entitled Finding Her Voice: The Saga of Women in Country

Music. Oermann described their book as a social history of women in country music "...from

Appalachia to Trisha Yearwood" (Oermann, June 1992). It discusses the images of women in the genre and the social forces acting upon them at the time. Oermann stated that he knew of few researchers who worked in the area of women in country music and could not name any 49 others who were doing scholarly research on this topic. In addition, he remarked that journals usually do not deal with "blue collar" women's music.

Contact was made with the Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications

Commission (CRTC) in Ottawa. The Commission provided country music playlists from radio stations in eight major cities across Canada. The playlists gave an hour-by-hour breakdown of the songs being played on each radio station for one entire week at different times. This information was helpful in creating a framework within which to discuss the role of Cancon in country music performers' careers.

Target Population In commencing the research for this dissertation, one of the first tasks was to identify the target population. It consisted of women who were Canadian citizens and presently performed ar had performed country music. A list of names was compiled which included woman country music artists from a number of different locales across Canada.

Several methods were used to locate Canadian women country music singers. Initially, two women who were personal acquaintances through my involvement with music became part of the project. A musician friend provided the names and numbers of five women with whom he had worked. Four agreed to participate. Contact was made with another artist via a friend of an academic acquaintance. Another respondent was met while travelling in New Mexico. The founder of the Canadian Country Music Hall of Fame provided the names of 17 women and men involved in the country music business both past and present-some artists, some producers. While an attempt was made to communicate with all, a number of obstacles such as lack of most recent telephone numbers, no answer, or disconnected lines prevented contact with several. From a list of 17, three interviews and one questionnaire recipient were obtained.

A total of 12 participants was acquired as described above.

The majority of participants who eventually took part in the study was found in The Book on Canadian Country: The 1993 Canadian Country Music Association Directory, published by 50

the Canadian Country Music Association (CCMA: 1993). Every female act listed in the

directory, whether solo or part of a duo or group, was contacted either by phone or mail. From

a total of 69 women, 24 agreed to be interviewed or to complete a questionnaire. Of the 12

women cited above who had already been approached and had agreed to participate, six were also listed in the directory while six were not. The six women who were not in the directory were contacted as a result of the names obtained at the Canadian Country Music Hall of Fame

(4) and the two performers I had met personally. This resulted in a total of 30 participants.

In September 1993, Country Music Week took place in Hamilton, Ontario. It was a national gathering of those associated with several aspects of country music in Canada and was sponsored by the Canadian Country Music Association. Many country music artists attended and showcased their talents during this time, went to seminars and dinners, and met with other artists, agents, record company executives, broadcasters, and promoters in the

Canadian country music business. I took full advantage of this unique opportunity to interview and speak face-to-face with several women country singers from across Canada. Meeting times with artists from outside the province were prescheduled for this week and a total of seven interviews was completed.

An Introductory Letter (see Appendix A) was sent to all the women initially contacted by phone or in person introducing myself as the researcher and stating the intent of the thesis.

Upon receipt of this letter, several singers phoned stating that they would like to take part in the study but would not be in the author's area in the near future. Since the cost of conducting in- depth interviews over the phone was financially prohibitive, it was decided that questionnaires be mailed to all those who wanted to participate but could not be interviewed face-to-face due to geographical distance. Relying only on interviews to acquire data would have limited the number of singers from other districts across Canada who were willing to take part but could not meet in person. Therefore, in order to include as many willing participants as possible, questionnaires were sent to all the other women artists in the CCMA Directory who had expressed an interest in participating in the study but could not be physically present for an 51 interview. Of the 21 women artists who were mailed questionnaires, nine were completed and returned. Twelve did not respond.

Included with the mailed questionnaire was a Consent Letter (see Appendix B) which all respondents were asked to sign. It stated that their participation was completely voluntary, they could withdraw from the study at any time, and, if requested, their answers would remain anonymous and confidential with the use of pseudonyms.

The first interview was conducted December 24th, 1992, at a private home. The remainder of the data was collected throughout 1993. Twelve or over half of the interviews took place in private homes. The rest consisted of one interview in a restaurant, one on the telephone, and seven during Country Music Week in a number of locations such as a hotel lobby, the apartment of the artist's friend, and hotel rooms. The interviews ranged in length from one half hour to three hours.

Most of those who did not take part in the study simply did not reply to the initial introductory letter or did not return phone calls and thus no reason was given. Whether they received the letter or made a conscious decision not to become involved is unknown. There were a few artists who refused to participate citing time restraints and other commitments as the major reasons. In three cases, I was unable to make direct contact with the artist and was denied access by her manager. Two said their managers would make contact but nothing materialized. Another prospective respondent replied that she had been out of the business too long to participate even though I suggested that her viewpoint would be very valuable to the study from a historical perspective. Four intelviews at Country Music Week were never completed due to a variety of reasons. One cancelled when the respondent's friend's guitar was stolen and she needed to attend to that situation. Another decided to end an interview in progress upon receiving a phone call in the hotel room in which the meeting was being conducted in order to attend another event taking place simultaneously. One previously planned meeting was simply cancelled with no explanation while another artist did not meet at the designated time. Subsequently, the latter was sent a questionnaire which she eventually 52 completed and returned. One of the respondents who was interviewed called later, on the advice of her lawyer, to state that she did not want anything she had said concerning the

Canadian Country Music Association to be included in the study. I explained that she could request that the information given remain anonymous but, unfortunately, she still insisted on it being omitted.

All participants were born in Canada except for one. All were Canadian citizens which was a prerequisite in order to be included in the project. All respondents' parents were

Canadian citizens except for three for whom this information was unknown due to lack of response. The raciavethnic identity of the participants was not addressed directly during this study since the subject was not included in the initial proposal. However, there were a few women who raised the topic incidentally while answering other research questions.

Collecting the Data Interviews and questionnaires were chosen to collect data from the target population.

Interviews were preferred but questionnaires supplied data when a face-to-face meeting was impossible. The Focused Interview Questions (see Appendix C) consisted of specific research questions. The format of the Written Questionnaire (see Appendix 0)was based on the same open-ended research questions used in the focused interview. The intent was to engage the respondents in communication with the researcher for the purpose of exploring the musical lives of Canadian women country music performers.

The main body of inforrnation was collected through face-to-face interviews (20),with nine additional participants completing and mailing back questionnaires. One interview was conducted using the telephone. A total of 30 women participated in the study. An analysis of the inforrnation provided by these women is the subject of this thesis.

The Interview The interview was chosen as the main method for collecting data for a number of reasons. Firstly, in a face-to-face interview, the participation rate is much higher than if a questionnaire is simply mailed out. A participant is more likely to attend a prearranged interview than to respond to a questionnaire. Secondly, during an interview, there is an increase in the number of questions answered since having an interviewer present can permit additional in-depth probing which may elicit more careful contemplation of the questions being asked. Thirdly, if the respondent has any queries as to the meaning of the questions, the interviewer is present to help clarify. Lastly, the interviewer is able to observe the respondent as well as listen to the answers to the questions thus gaining valuable information unavailable when the questionnaire is merely filled out and mailed back (Babbie. 1992: 269). The researcher should guide the interview to ensure that the areas of inquiry are covered but needs to accomplish this in a way that is not intrusive and does not unduly influence the character of the respondent's replies. Being a good listener is essential. It is helpful if the atmosphere is pleasant and the respondent is made to feel comfortable with the interviewer without being too casual.

Reinharz reveals the value of the interview when she states:

Feminist researchers find interviewing appealing for reasons over and above the assets noted by social scientists who defend qualitative methods against positivist criticism. For one thing, interviewing offers researchers access to people's ideas, thoughts, and memories in their own words rather than in the words of the researcher. This asset is particularly important for the study of women because in this way learning from women is an antidote to centuries of ignoring women's ideas altogether or having men speak for women. (Reinharz, 1992: 19)

Since women are the central object of study in this thesis, their "ideas, thoughts, and memories in their own wordsn were essential to an understanding of this topic.

One of the disadvantages of the intewiew is the reluctance of some respondents "to report controversial or deviant attitudes or behaviors" due to the presence of the interviewer

(Babbie, 1992: 277). In addition, occasionally time is a drawback in that it can be limited and all areas of the interview cannot be completed within the time given. For this study, most participants did not specify a time limit but there were some cases in which one hour was the designated time allotted whether or not the intewiew was completed. In one case, the sudden 54 return of a partner caused the abrupt end to the discussion with several questions left unanswered. Undoubtedly, time limitations put a strain on acquiring data during some interviews and resulted in certain areas not being as fully discussed as originally intended.

The interview consisted of a set number of questions grouped under main headings for discussion (see Appendix C). In general, the discussions were conversational in tone, in several instances flowing from one topic to another rather than adhering to the more rigid question-by-question format outlined in the questionnaire. Although more interviews could have been conducted by telephone and there were several women willing to do so, it was too costly for the number of respondents desired and the length of time each interview would require.

Only one interview was completed by telephone.

The Questionnaire Initially, the intent was to use only the interview to obtain data. However, lack of access to country music singers living in other parts of Canada who did not attend Country Music Week in Hamilton andlor would not be coming to the author's area in the foreseeable future necessitated the use of questionnaires in addition to the interviews. Therefore, questionnaires became the second method of data collection. Although the amount of information gathered by questionnaire is usually less than that collected with an interview, the questionnaire was employed in order to access data from a larger number of participants covering a broader geographical area than could be obtained using the interview alone. Since the thesis topic refers to Canadian women, the intent was to include as many women country music singers as possible from different parts of Canada. Questionnaires were sent out to those who could not be interviewed personally.

In addition to women artists who sang or had sung country music, questionnaires were also sent to the program directors of eight radio stations for whom playlists had been provided by the CRTC. A Letter to Radio Stations (see Appendix E) accompanied each Radio

Questionnaire (see Appendix F) in which questions concerning airplay were asked. All replies were prompt and most were helpful. Of the eight stations, only one did not return the completed questionnaire but it is likely the letter did not reach its destination.

Comparing the Interview with the Questionnaire Having used both the intelview and the questionnaire for this study, it is interesting to note the differences between the two methods in collecting data. The advantage of the questionnaire was that the answers were more concise and "to the point," perhaps due to the limited space available in which to write each answer and the time it takes to respond in writing.

However, the disadvantage was that, in many cases, a number of questions remained unanswered which left gaps in the responses of those particular participants. Far more data were obtained by the interview method than by the questionnaire since respondents who were intewiewed could be probed by the researcher for further information if their answers to certain questions were brief. In addition, if the respondent was unclear as to what was being asked, the interviewer was present to help clarify the question. Both the respondent and the researcher were also free to take the conversation in what they considered to be "an interesting direction" which the written questionnaire did not encourage.

Although there were some respondents who spent a great deal of time filling out every question of the 12-page questionnaire, it appeared from the number of questions left unanswered by others that either the questionnaire required too much time to complete in its entirety or parts of it were incomprehensible. Without the researcher present, not all questions were answered. Thus, for the purposes of collecting data for this study, the interview proved to be a far superior method. However, due to restrictions of time and money, collecting all the data in this way was not feasible.

Recording the Data The 21 interviews were transcribed in full and the nine questionnaires were filed in alphabetical order. All the data were organized under the titles Personal Background, Musical

Background, Images, Country Music, The Canadian Country Music Business, and 56

Communication. After rereading the transcripts and the questionnaires, quotes were taken from the original interviews and questionnaires and placed under one of the six major headings to which it was most closely associated. The quotes selected were those pertaining to the main themes listed above and those that best exemplified the areas being discussed.

Stemming from the initial organization of the material into the six categories, major themes began to emerge and subheadings were developed such as Defining Country Music,

Being a Woman in the Canadian Music Industry, Presentation of Self, Being Canadian. Musical

Training, Level of Education, Parents' Education and Occupation, and The Role of Radio. From the data collected under the subtitles, tallies were taken and tables created concerning topics such as age, place of birth, number of children, musical training, educational level, parents' occupations, and attitude towards Canadian Content regulations. The patterns of replies extracted from these tables were used as starting points to explore written material relevant to the specific areas being discussed and led to the exploration of other relevant areas for discussion such as the meaning of country music and its subculture.

The data collected from the questionnaires sent to the program directors of eight radio stations (see Appendix F) were used to create tables which showed several examples of the actual number of Canadian women country music artists receiving airplay and, more importantly, when these artists received airplay. Within the context of female, male, Canadian, and American subcategories, and the time of day in which these different groups were heard, a framework for a discussion of Cancon was created. This statistical information was then applied to an analysis of the responses given by the respondents.

Some of the interviews were up to three hours in length and it was found that these respondents' quotes were chosen more often in particular areas of discussion due to their ability to express themselves well and to tell relevant stories that helped to accentuate a point being made. In comparison to the questionnaires, the interviews were better for the rich variety of information they provided. In some cases certain research questions were not asked during the interviews due to the conversational nature of the encounters and the difficulty in being able to gauge exactly what questions had been answered specifically while the interview was in progress. In some instances, the respondents avoided answering a question. Whether questions were overlooked or intentionally ignored, when tabulating the responses, lack of an answer was categorized as

"Unknown." On the questionnaires, some of the questions were left blank. If no answer was given, either because the respondent chose not to reply or perhaps did not understand the question, the term "Unknownnwas used to record the data in the table.

Analyzing the Data An exploratory study researches a subject which has been given little or no academic attention. It initiates an examination of phenomena which interests the researcher for a variety of reasons. It plays an important role in social research by increasing the knowledge and

understanding of a particular area of inquiry which has previously been left unexamined. As a

result of exploratory study, insight into the direction of future research can be established:

Much of social research is conducted to explore a topic, to provide a beginning familiarity with that topic. This purpose is typical when a researcher is examining a new interest or when the subject of study is itself relatively new and unstudied.

...Exploratory studies are most typically done for three purposes: (1 ) to satisfy the researcher's curiosity and desire for better understanding, (2) to test the feasibility of undertaking a more careful study, and (3) to develop the methods to be employed in a more careful study. (Babbie, 1992: 90)

Canadian women who perform country music professionally is a topic which requires an

exploratory approach since it is a "relatively new and unstudied topic." By using interviews and

questionnaires, data were gathered through field obsewation. The data were then analyzed

with an emphasis on the similarities, differences, and underlying relationships found to exist

among the participants.

The reasoning used to interpret the data moved from the specific, individual responses

of each participant to generalizations based on the patterns elicited. Both common and

uncommon findings were observed among the respondents using more quantifiable variables 58 such as age, educational level, musical training, number of children, as well as a number of less easily quantifiable variables such as issues of childcare, homecare, health, stage attire, and attitudes toward Canadian content regulations. Based on the trends that emerged from the data, tentative conclusions were reached and explanations given. As with many exploratory studies, during the course of the data gathering, a number of unanswered questions were generated which could form the subject of further research on another occasion.

The quotes extracted from the conversations and the written correspondence with the participants included a variety of rich experiences. Yet, as Miller states, These vignettes do not begin to reproduce the vividness and complexity of a person's real experience" (Miller,

1986: xxiii). With the understanding that it is difficult to categorize human responses into "neat little packages," an effort was made to organize the information in the best way possible to portray the experiences of 30 Canadian women performers of country music in a relevant manner.

Anonymity The data presented in this thesis are anonymous. Pseudonyms were used for each of the participants. Only one of the respondents requested total anonymity of all the information obtained while others took part on the condition that the responses would be used only for my academic study and not for any other publication. Another respondent identified specific issues which she felt were controversial and/or perhaps could be damaging to her career and asked that the facts obtained from her answers to this section not be used. Others did not request any anonymity. However, in respect of those who did, in whole or in part, pseudonyms were

used for all the participants.

Historical Groupings In order to discuss the data collected in a historically relevant manner, the 30 women

interviewed for this study were divided into three categories according to their year of birth. The

first group consisted of those women born before the year 1950 and was referred to as the 59

Pioneers. The Middle Group was composed of those born during the 1950s. The youngest participants formed the Newcomers with birth dates from 1960 and onward. Respondents who, when questioned, did not specify their year of birth were placed within one of the above- mentioned groups on the basis of other information obtained during the course of the interview which would locate them within an approximate time frame. At the time of the interviews, the age of the respondents ranged from 20 years to 69 years of age. The mean age of the participants was 39 years.

The purpose of these groupings was to examine similarities or differences among the three groups. In some instances, the historical time period in which the women were born had a direct effect on the topics being discussed and the information was analyzed with these groupings in mind. However, in other areas of inquiry, these groupings were irrelevant.

The Pioneers had birth dates ranging from 1924 to 1947. They were the smallest group and had seven members or 23% of the total number of respondents. The pseudonyms given to this group were Dorothy Allen, Helen Craig, Marcie Brant, Cheryl Bailey, Marlene Laval, Denise

Murray, and Janelle Stone. The Middle Group was the largest (47%) with 14 women born from

1951 to 1958 and twice as many members as the Pioneers. Their pseudonyms were Lorraine

Cullen, Anne Clifford, Margaret McPherson, Joanne Barry, Robin Gates. Jean Burgess, Laurie

Miller, Carol Emmons, Patricia Stevens. Corinna Edwards, Bonnie Taylor, Kathy Riley, Stacey

Laurence, and Diane Richmond. The Newcomers fell in number between the other two groups with nine women (30%) who were born from 1960 and on. They were referred to as Janet

Phillips, Nicole Reid, Leslie Thompson, Joan Clark, Andrea Baker, Shannon Wilson, Deana

Beattie, Catherine Hill, and Mary MacDonald. When discussing what the respondents said, the

last name of the pseudonym was used throughout the study.

Although the women were placed in three separate groupings, it is important to realize

that there was much diversity within each group. For example, the Pioneers included some

women who were still performing and very much involved in their musical careers. At the same

time, one singer in this group had not been in the country music business on a full-time basis 60 for the past 17 years. In the Middle Group, two women had been performing since they were young children and continued to entertain in their thirties and forties. Yet there were others of approximately the same age who had begun to sing country music only within the past few years which resulted in a broad range of years' experience performing this genre within the same grouping. The Newcomers consisted of the youngest women singers in the study, one participant being only 20 years of age at the time of the interview. As with the Middle Group, some of the Newcomers had been performing since they were children yet one had been attracted only recently to country music.

In addition to being aware of the variance within these age groupings, it is important to acknowledge the diversity within the group "womennwhen trying to analyze the responses.

Even though the participants were grouped by gender as well as age, each participant was unique and brought her own individual experience to bear on any topic being addressed. Chapter 4: The Subculture of Country Music introduction As women performers of this genre, many of those interviewed were in agreement with what they perceived to constitute the music, their reasons for choosing to sing it, and its physical and emotional impact. Sharing a number of similar beliefs and values, the participants could be said to be members of the subculture of country music. The answers elicited revealed the meaning of the music from their perspective to be both socially constructed as well as physically and emotionally mediated.

The Social Construction of Country Music

Cultures and Subcultures In her book entitled How Societies Work: Class, Power and Change in a Canadian

Context, Joanne Naiman argues that human behaviour is rarely, if ever, based on instinct alone. Sharing lives requires people to behave in certain ways deemed to be appropriate by a particular society. In attempting to live together we establish what works for us in order to survive:

We develop technologies, work out means of communicating with each other, construct social institutions, develop rules of social behaviour, and create values and belief systems. Collectively, this socially created package is referred to as a society's culture. (Naiman, 1997: 47)

Yet, in modern society, there is great diversity found within cultural groups. One example of these subdivisions is musical tastes. Martin, for instance, states:

... one of the most striking aspects of modem societies is their heterogeneity. There is no single musical tradition, for example, which is absorbed by all members of such a society; rather, there are various distinct styles and genres, which often reflect other important divisions in society-those of class, age, ethnicity and geography, for example. (Martin, 1995: 9)

Within the larger culture, there are subcultures that form a collective due to a commonality among themselves that distinguishes them from the rest of society. Modern 62 societies are composed of a number of people from differing racial, ethnic, sexual, and sociocultural backgrounds and, hence, a variety of musical traditions.

Belonging to the Country Club: The Country Music Subculture The women interviewed for this study could be described as belonging to the subculture of country music. While most upheld many of the beliefs and values of the society-at-large, they were drawn together as a group due to their special interest in country music. As James

E. Curtis and Ronald D. Lambert state:

Any group that has a great deal of interaction within itself and whose experiences set it apart from the rest of society will tend to develop local cultures, or what sociologists call subcultures. These are distinctive sets of beliefs, norms, and values that are possessed by particular groups in society and that set these groups off from others. While a subculture contains culture common to members of the wider society, it also has elements more or less unique to it. (Curtis and Lambert, 1990: 43)

In defining the genre and telling why country music had attracted them, many of the respondents described several shared beliefs and values. Their perceptions of the music and what it meant to them included the frequent use of words such as "real" and "honest." Their attempts to define it revealed their physical and emotional connection to the genre and the important place it held in their lives. For several, it was a feeling of "coming home," of being familiar and comfortable with this style of music.

The respondents' descriptions revealed a strong relationship with the genre. This display of emotional attachment reinforces the concept described by Curtis and Lambert in which they acknowledge both the external and the internal aspects of belonging to a culture:

Culture is external to individuals, in the sense that they learn about it, but it is also internal-it becomes part of them and bestows meaning on their lives. So people's loyalty to their culture is an intensely personal matter. (Curtis and Lam bert, 1990: 34)

The way in which the respondents discussed their involvement with the genre demonstrated the personal nature of the connection. Being a professional country music singer was more that just a "job,"it was, for many, a way of life. 63 Living the Belief Social behaviour can be affected by cultural beliefs and this was evident in the way in which many of the participants exhibited traits similar to the ones they valued within the country music subculture. During the interviews, the manner in which the respondents answered the questions could be described as sincere but relaxed. No one behaved as if she were superior to anyone else due to her celebrity or "star statusn in the country music business. In fact, several of the women specifically stated the wish not to be viewed as someone "special" but rather as an ordinary person simply doing a jobthe only difference being that the occupation of singer happens to be a very public one that involves getting up on a stage in front of an audience. One of the Pioneers described the uncomfortable feeling she sometimes experienced due to the adoration of fans which she felt to be unwarranted.

Country Music Discourse As members of the country music subculture, many of the respondents used a common language to describe their beliefs and values. They employed a discourse which spoke to their inclusion in a group of people for whom country music plays an important part in their lives.

The repetition of words such as "real," "honest," and "down-to-earthn were used to describe their perception of the genre and their relationship to it. Those belonging to a particular culture may feel that their beliefs and values are what they consider to be "right." It is this belief that provides the cohesion that keeps the group together. From this perspective, they view the rest of the world and their place within it.

It's Real: Daily Dramas Many of the artists interviewed described being drawn to country music because of what they perceived as its relationship to "realn life as they had come to experience it. The term

"realn was mentioned a total of eleven times by the respondents. Being "realn was seen to be an integral part of discussing country music. "Real" meant relating familiar occurrences that can happen to the "averagen person, portraying the reality of everyday events. Since country 64 music draws its life, in part, from the meaning given to it by its listeners, dealing with issues with which they are familiar is essential. In attempting to define the genre, the following quotes show the significance given to the word "realn by the respondents:

The real life experience-emotions and everything-are all in country music, all in the songs, daily dramas, yes. (Stone-Pioneer]

The real meaning of country music is when it's genuine. Not the crossover type or country rock, just the down home songs, great love songs, ballads & songs that portray a story. [Allen-Pioneer]

...music that tells about real pain in life, real joy in life.... [Gates-Middle Group]

...j ust real music. ...it's about real things and about real people. [Laurence-Middle Group]

...j ust a regular lifestyle... it just talks about people in a small town, maybe, and that's the kind of life that I had growing up .... [Miller-Middle Group]

Country is very real and the music is very real and I'm a very real person. And you know, I wanted to do something I could relate to. And I can relate to country. ... pvilson-Newcomer] ... it's very real... the songs are written about real life situations that most people can relate to .... And I think that's why it's becoming so popular today. [Baker- Newcomer]

Country music "speaks" to the "common" person. To Bailey (Pioneer), it is "real, it's not phony." You can understand what it is saying and it "tells us something." She finds it the easiest kind of music to which to sit and listen. Stone (Pioneer) believes that everyone can relate to the themes in country music even though there are those who do not wish to admit it.

As actress Sissy Spacek states, 'There's reality there, real human emotion, ...l think that's what makes country music, country musicn (Spacek, quoted in Bufwack and Oermann, 1993: 41 0).

Respondents from all three historical groupings spoke about the importance of the music being "real." But what exactly does "realn mean? Shepherd states that "People situated differently in the social structures of industrial capitalism experience and articulate reality in different waysn (Shepherd, 1991: 134). In other words, as part of the subculture of country music, what may be considered to be "real" for the women interviewed is not necessarily what those from other subcultures may view as "realn for them. Depending on one's racial, ethnic, 65 sexual, or socio-economic background, what constitutes that perceived to be "real" may vary greatly. Yet, it is interesting to note the similarity among several of the respondents with regard to what they described as "real." This may derive from the common working class background from which many of the women came, playing a part in their attraction to the music and what they felt it represented to them.

It's Natural: This is Who I Am Many of the singers described being attracted to country music because it was

"comfortable" or "natural." Several singers felt their voices were best suited to sing this particular type of music:

That's where I feel most at home. I love listening to other musics but when I perform, I just know that this is me and this is who I am and this is what I feel most relaxed doing. [Clifford-Middle Group]

... it just seemed natural to me. I didn't want to be a rock singer, I've never listened to rock music ever in my life.... [Edwards-Middle Group] ...it's so strong in me that people think I'm from the Appalachian Mountains when we do them kind of old Carter Family songs and stuff. That's just what's in our heart. (Gates-Middle Group]

While human beings are not merely "puppets on a stringn being manipulated by the society in which they live, they are influenced by that society. One's cultural surroundings tend to influence the way one feels about particular musical styles. Martin postulates:

...it has been the specific contribution of sociological thinkers to emphasise the extent to which we do absorb, or 'internalize', elements of our cultures, and that the ways of thinking, acting and feeling which we assume are normal and natural are in fact the results of a lengthy and complex process through which we learn to operate in accordance with prevailing conventions-the process of 'socialisation'. (Martin, 1995: 4)

The music which some of the respondents described as "natural" may, in fact, be the result of their socialization within the particular subculture of country music so that they have become comfortable with it and feel that it is "a part of them." A few commented that they did not believe they had chosen country music but that it had chosen them. Martin explains:

As a routine part of the process of socialisation, we absorb the music of our cultural environment, just as we learn its language. The music which we thus 'internalize' comes to sound right and natural, even though we may subsequently realise that the conventions which organise it are arbitrary, in the sense that they are not shared by other cultures, and represent only a fraction of the possible ways in which melody, harmony and rhythm may be combined. (Martin, 1995: 8)

Perhaps what some of the participants referred to as "feeling at home," "a natural progression," or having been "chosen" by country music are more indicative of the process of socialization of which Martin writes. What is considered "natural" or a part of who they are may be simply the early, consistent exposure to the genre resulting in a feeling of familiarity and security. As Martin observes, "...we become so committed to our established interpretive procedures that we believe they must be natural" (Martin, 1995: 42). Being raised in an environment of country music where family members participated and encouraged the participation of others could not help but have an effect on a child. If the experience was positive, she would be more likely to have good feelings about the genre. And, in addition, if she has talent, she may be more inclined to seek a professional career performing country music. Although not all the participants were exposed to the genre growing up, the majority had some direct contact and were surrounded by people who loved it. For several, country music was the music they were exposed to as children, became familiar with, and came to love.

It's Honest: Down-to-Earth Values People are Looking for To Laurence (Middle Group), country music expresses the "values that I think a lot of people are looking for ...in today's society. Not necessarily just family values, but just honest and down-to-earth type of values that I really like and that's what I love about country music."

Although Laurence does not like ail country music, especially the "redneck stuff," she does like the "honest" part that tells about people and things to which she can relate.

The importance of ''family values," to which Laurence alludes, is maintained by the country music subculture in the sense of belonging to the Grand Ole Opry "family," as well as its promotion of church and the traditional family. While the term "family valuesn used by

Laurence could imply a rather consewative definition of family consisting of a mother, a father, children, and a comfortable home environment, she also states that she likes the way in which 67 the music goes beyond more traditional values to include other relevant issues that are dealt with in a honest way.

Country music, as an industry, has a tendency to promote traditional "family valuesn in the promotion of its artists. The topics of several trade magazine articles include artists' most recent heterosexual relationships, marriages, birth of children, motherhood, and fatherhood.

Yet, the lives of the artists, themselves, do not always follow the traditional definitions of "family" presented to the public.

For many years, country music has tried to keep the family image intact even if the reality did not bear it out. For example, The Carter Family, one of the first commercially recognized country groups, was composed of Sara and A.P. Carter and sister Maybelle. Sara and A.P. were married when the group began but they did not remain as wife and husband.

"Though Sara separated from A. P. Carter in 1933 and divorced him six years later, Victor executives asked Sara to conceal her feelings so the public would still believe they were a family" (Feiler. 1998: 154). Another example of upholding the traditional family image is the story of the country mother-daughter duo, The Judds. Mother, Naomi, became pregnant prior to being married which resulted in the birth of her daughter, Wynonna. Wynonna was led to believe that the man her mother married was her father. It was not until her thirties that Naorni told Wynonna of her real biological father (Feiler, 343: 1998). A movie made for television about their lives plus an autobiography by Naomi did little to reveal this purposely overlooked fact.

While keeping a conventional family image is important to many involved in country music, there have been several artists who have publicly acknowledged that their lives do not fit the traditional mold. For example, country singer Tanya Tucker has two children but chose not to marry their father. A number of women country artists such as Jann Howard, Tamrny

Wynette, Loretta Lynn, and Tanya Tucker have written autobiographies telling of physical abuse by their partners. Once considered a country performer, k.d. lang became one of the first singers of any genre to state publicly that she is a lesbian. 68 Throughout its history, country music has not always upheld traditional family values either in the messages of its songs or in the lifestyles of its performers. At a time when such topics were not publicly discussed, Loretta Lynn sang a song called 'The Pilln(1975). Some country radio stations refused to play it. While the men at country music radio stations may have been more conservative in their attitudes toward upholding so-called traditional "family values," Lynn was not. An underlying attitude of conservatism may still exist in country music but women performers continue to choose material that connects with their listeners.

It Says Something: The Importance of Lyrics The term "lyrics" was mentioned a total of ten times by the respondents indicating the high priority given to the words in a country music song. According to most of the respondents, it is the words of a country song that make it ''country." A listener is able to hear the lyrics clearly, they are easy to understand, and they are meaningful. The topics usually include subjects with which the listener can easily identify in everyday life. Yet it is the feeling which the words elicit which make a country song notable. In Why Do Songs Have Words?" Simon Frith states:

The pleasure of pop is that we can ''feeln tunes, perform them, in imagination, for ourselves. In a culture in which few people make music but everyone makes conversation, access to songs is primarily through their words. If music gives lyrics their linguistic vitality, lyrics give songs their social use. (Frith, 1988: 123)

Frith asserts the importance of words to a song whether it be pop or country or rap. The following quotes reveal the importance of lyrics to the respondents: ...I do think that it is lyric-driven music about mainly adult concerns. [Brant- Pioneer]

... lyrically it deals a lot with personal issues of life: jobs-even health-out having fun. It just reflects day-to-day life, and on a simple emotional level. [Stevens-Middle Group]

A musical form of company for the average human being. Life songs with strong melody and meaningful lyrics. Music of the people, of the times, for the people. [Burgess-Middle Group]

...songs with intelligent lyrics & various rhythms; as compared to a lot of other 'popular' music-you can usually hear the lyrics; the singers usually have acceptable-to-great voices; the lyrics speak of universal experiences [Emmons- Middle Group]

...there're some pretty deep things that I guess have happened in the world and to ourselves that country people put into their music and into their lyrics and sing about it and 1 call it therapy of people.... [Beattie-Newcomer]

Emmons (Middle Group) notes that when compared with other forms of "popular" music where the words are sometimes difficult to understand, with country "...you can usually hear the lyrics...." Reid (Newcomer) was attracted to country music because of its lyrics more than its music. She also enjoys the songwriting aspect of it in that it is the lyrics that are "really important in country music a lot more than production...." In pop she sees the music as being more of the "hook." In country, it is the lyrics: "...every line's got to be right ...." The words of a country song are extremely important. As members of the subculture of country music, the respondents believe the words reveal what they term "realn life. To them, the stories tell about things that could really happen: "it says something."

Instrumentation Country music uses some musical instruments not often found in other types of music.

The steel guitar, dobro, fiddle, and mandolin are four such instruments. Riley (Middle Group), for example, likes the mandolin and the "weeping steel guitar." Hill (Newcomer) likes the more

"traditionaln instrumentation, which is less synthesized than some other kinds of music.

The acoustic sound is highly prized by many in country music circles. With the advent of greater technology as the years have progressed, country music recording sessions still give the impression of having "live" musicians playing together, "realn people playing "real" instruments. Many of the artists enjoy this aspect of the genre. For example, Thompson

(Newcomer) was attracted to country music because most of it is acoustic. She states, 'You don't get a lot of MIDI (Musical Instrument Digital Interface] recordings... when I do a session. It's always live players... the musicians are excellent...." Thompson believes that country music has not been affected by technology other than the fact that anyone can now have a recording studio at home at an affordable price and the quality of the instruments and recording equipment is better.

Institutional Reinforcement

Promoting the Subculture Institutions within society can be formed to reinforce a subculture or system of beliefs.

Such is the case with country music. During the 1970s and 1980s, the country music industry in Canada generated several organizations and events. Richard Green and Mark Miller outline the history of these groups, formed to reinforce and promote country music:

The Canadian Academy of Country Music Entertainment was established in 1975, renamed the Academy of Country Music Entertainment (ACME) in 1976, and the Canadian Country Music Assn (CCMA) in 1986. RPM initiated the Big Country Awards in 1975. They were discontinued when ACMUCCMA established its own awards in 1982, but restored by RPM in 1985. Other awards have been organized by associations in several provinces.... Both the Juno and Felix awards have had country music categories from the outset, the Junos for performers and, 1965-74 only, recordings, the Felix Awards for recordings. (Green and Miller, 1992: 322)

In a pamphlet entitled "Do It For the Country," the Canadian Country Music Association solicits membership in its "federally chartered non-profit organization." Anyone involved in the country music industry, such as singers, songwriters, musicians, producers, managers, booking agents, promoters, distributors, retailers, publishers, etc., is invited to joinincluding fans. Its purpose is:

...to further the interests of all segments of the Canadian country music industry, both domestically and internationally, and to ensure the preservation and enactment of laws favourable to our industry.

The CCMA is a professional trade organization for the Canadian country music industry. Since 1976, the CCMA has been the principle advocate for the growth and development of Canadian country music world-wide. (CCMA: 1997)

As one aspect of that promotion, once a year the CCMA holds a national meeting for all those involved in the country music industry from across Canada. From artists showcasing their talents, to seminars given by singers, songwriters, broadcasters, etc.. to a gala award 71 show, country music is celebrated during a week of festivities known as Country Music Week.

Most provinces also have their own awards shows where country music is recognized.

While many of the respondents enjoyed the benefits of the organizations formed to reinforce the subculture of country music, a few were not in agreement with what these groups were doing and found them to be more of a detriment than a help. Instead of aiding them in their pursuit of a career in country music, they felt excluded from the group and like an outsider.

One Big, Happy Country Music Family? Curtis W. Ellison in his book entitled Country Music Culture characterizes those in country music as behaving "like a vast extended family at an endless church supper" (1995: xvii). Some of the participants in this study agreed with this assessment in describing the

Canadian country music industry as a "family." Barry (Middle Group) states:

There's a big feeling of family across ...the board between artists, radio people, ...management companies, record companies. It just seems like there's a real family feeling in Canada. It's a unifying kind of thing. And the industry's growing and there's a lot of talent that keeps emerging every year and it's great.

Exuding a very positive feeling about the Canadian country music community, Wilson

(Newcomer) concurs: "...everybody is recognized for what they do and how they do it." She feels Canada is special in that the industry maintains a certain "simplicity," as well as a family orientation and closeness.

However, while some described the Canadian country music industry as "family," others disagreed. McPherson (Middle Group) considers the industry in Canada to be very

"regionalized." Her experience has been that the music she produces is limited to the area in which she lives. She has found it difficult to be heard across the country and obsewes,

"...my career as an artist really is only tak[ing] place out where I live [in the west] because I don't have airplay out here (in the east]...." This situation is unlikely due to the fact that she is a woman, but is more directly related to the regional character of Canada, and to the difficulty country artists have in promoting their music as a consequence of the great distances between west and east and the lack of effective distribution. 72 Cullen (Middle Group), a longtime performer, describes herself as being on the outer fringes of a business where it is "who you know" that determines success. She has noted a change in the industry over the twenty-five years she has been involved in music. For her, the industry has gone from being "close-knit" to being "wide and broad." She does not want to be involved in the larger aspect of it because she does not agree with what the industry is trying to accomplish:

...country used to be very close-knit. It's so wide and broad now. It has had to get its own little niches, its own little cliques going and the big clique is like this momentous thing 1 don't even want to belong to anymore because I don't believe in it. I don't believe in their goals so I'd rather stay on the fringe.

While Barry and Wilson feel close to the group and part of it, McPherson and Cullen do not. The discrepancy between those who describe the country music industry in Canada as

"family'' and those who do not may be in part a result of length of time in the business and individual experience. Generally speaking, those involved from the mid-1980s on and enjoying success are more likely to have a positive feeling than those who have been struggling during the ups and downs of a volatile vocation which may have started ten years earlier.

The Changing Nature of Country Music There is no one definition that can encompass everything that country music has come to mean. Patrick Carr explains one reason for the difficulty in arriving at a universal definition of country music when he writes that:

... these days a 'country' act is defined not by any connection with rurality in either music or appearance, but by point of origin in the overall popular-music marketing apparatus (Nashville or another recording center feeding into the country divisions of the major record companies), and by target audience (the staggeringly diverse demographic of listeners to radio stations identifying themselves as 'country'). Therefore, modern country music must be defined as whatever the recording and radio industries choose to market under a 'country' label, and whatever the 'country' radio audience and record buyers will accept. (Carr, 1988: 482)

Many of the respondents stated that country music is difficult to define because of its increasingly extended character, which includes several different musical styles previously outside the realm of what was once thought to characterize the genre. The following responses 73 from the respondents are indicative of the wider range of definitions presently applied to the music:

Country music today has a very broad definition. It seems to cover traditional and contemporary styles and has room for some rhythm and blues. What once was MOR [Middle of the Road] now is country. At any rate it has a heart 8 soul & very often a message... l guess I couldn't really 'define' country music. [Taylor- Middle Group]

Country music used to be just country and western music. Now it's country rock, country pop, country blues, traditional country, everything. I mean there's something just about for everyone. ...I don't know of anyone who doesn't like some form of country music. [Baker-Newcomer]

Clark (Newcomer) views country as "the music of the 90's." Her definition reveals the all-encompassing attitude of some artists when she claims, "It can be anything you want it to be. There are no limitations with Country music....* But Brant (Pioneer) refused to attempt a definition stating, "...I can't do it.... There are so many different definitions. And everybody who sings it will have a different definition of what their particular area of it is."

While starting out as a folk singer, Bnnt is now considered by many to be ''country."

Although she feels she did not change, the definition of what constitutes country music has evolved and now includes her style of music. American singer Brenda Lee also experienced this phenomenon. After her initial foray into pop music, by the seventies and early eighties she had charted thirty-two country hits. Lee states, 'I don't really think I started doing country, ... I just think that the music changed so much that the music I was doing in the seventies had become what was called country" (Lee, quoted in Bufwack and Oermann, 1993: 41 5).

This wide variety of definitions for country music, together with a reluctance to define it. is commensurate with a discussion of the genre's history by Richard Peterson (1997). From the early country radio programs of 1923 to the "Father of Country Music," Hank Williams, in 1953,

Peterson traces the cyclical nature of the music from what he has termed "hard-core" to "soft- shelln and back again. Hard-core is defined as the hillbilly, Roy Acuff, strong, mountain-type singing while soft-shell is characterized by the so-called "croonersn such as Eddy Arnold who, with the advent of microphones, did not have to project the voice to be heard and, therefore, 74 could sing in a smoother, more melodious way. According to Peterson, these styles have come and gone, only to return once again. What constitutes country music has continued to transform throughout its history.

Keeping Up with the Times or Selling Out? In an effort to attract a wider audience and to become an easier, more popular product to sell to the masses, some would argue that country has become more "pop" oriented. As a member of the Pioneers. Laval sees these changes in country music, yet feels that the

"uptempo pop soundn is a positive direction. She believes that it is important to be up-to-date and to acknowledge what is happening in the current musical market: "...we have to remember, we've got to keep abreast of the times." She cites Elvis as being popular when she was growing up and thinks of artists such as Garth Brooks and Billy Ray Cyrus as the Elvis's of the nineties. While her generation loved Elvis, the present generation loves Garth and Billy Ray.

"So I say it's another era ...." Laval sees this so-called "new countly" as attracting a younger audience who may never have listened to country music before: "...if we can get them to listen to the older country, as well, they'll find the history that they never knew about."

Like Laval, Riley (Middle Group) also sees the positive side of the changes in country music. Although she admits that some of the older country music listeners may not agree, the

"new country" has attracted a younger audience and, as a result, more fans. There are more artists, the sound production qualities are better, and there is more money behind it

(unfortunately, she is quick to clarify, only in the United States, not in Canada). "In Canada, those things are happening but not in the same way. It's more of a gradual thing on a smaller scale, of course."

Bailey (Pioneer) hears a major change in the character of country music

instrumentation. As one of the original country music recording artists in the sixties, she observes a definite progression since that time: "...you're not just getting your old banjo and your old guitar anymore. You're getting a sound. So I think it's improved 100% that way."

McPherson (Middle Group) agrees: 'It's just thrilling to see that there's just more time and 75 attention paid to sonic quality and tasteful good arrangements and the instruments sound bigger and better and the singers are of very good quality now." These are just some of the benefits of improved technology-better sound systems and better sounding instruments. The result-better production of country recordings.

Conversely, Gates (Middle Group) enjoys the "new country" but prefers the 'traditional" style of music. She responds:

The new country and stuff-that's all real nice-half of it's computerized-to me that's not country music. Country music is traditional. And I know it's a very competitive market. I don't know if any of our stuff would ever make it on the radio because I'm very traditional-maybe CBC. But a lot of country music crosses over now to jazz, to blues, to pop, and the person looks country but really, if you wanted to define that music, it's not country music. It's country lyrics but to pop music.

Whether or not the record sells is not important to Gates. She wants country music to sound like she recalls it. She does not want the words of the song to be country while the music that backs "pop."

Reid (Newcomer) can see both sides. She feels that country music has changed in that

"anything goes." She sees this as a good thing since she does not believe music should be labelled. However, she also thinks that some of the "real traditional country music albumsn had some very good material on them that has been forgotten as the genre has developed over the years.

For Richmond (Middle Group) and Burgess (Middle country music has become too "slick." The culture has developed into a "technological sociev and country music has been "enchanted by this technology." Richmond does not listen to country music on the radio because she does not care to listen to this type of music. 'Radio is such a hype thing-like it's always got to be under three minutes long." Burgess describes what she sees as the corruption that is taking place in the music business. No longer does the music come first but rather the creation of "superstars." It has become like rock music. Money is the most important thing.

Real country artists are not getting the record deals. Labels are paying more attention to 76 image-building rather than to the music. "Country music is now controlled by business and hype."

The Meaning of Music Those who study music vary in their understanding of what constitutes its meaning.

Sociology, musicology and cultural theory all have somewhat differing views on the significance of music in society. For example, musicologists tend to maintain that the social mediations of music are irrelevant to understanding its meaning. By contrast, sociologists such as Frith and

Martin adopt the position that music is an "empty signifier." According to them, meaning in music arises solely as a consequence of the meaning ascribed to it "from outside" by people.

Frith contends that the question we should be asking is not what music "reveals" about people but rather how popular music is "constructedn (Frith, 1987: 137). He explains that popular music is popular because it "creates our understanding of what popularity is" and does not simply mirror human experience. Frith asserts the importance of spoken (verbal) discourse in how meaning is ascribed to music, and negates the study of the music itself as important to understanding its meaning when he states:

... the value of particular pieces of music can only be understood by reference to the discourses which give the value terms concern[ing] their meaning.... Our reception of music, our expectations from it, are not inherent in the music itself -which is one reason why so much musicological analysis of popular music misses the point: its object of study, the discursive text it constructs, is not the text to which anyone listens. (Frith, 1990: 96-97)

Musicologists with significant knowledge of sociology and cultural theory, such as

Richard Middleton, Peter Wicke, and John Shepherd, do not agree entirely with this position.

Shepherd and Wicke interpret Frith as follows:

What Frith seems to be suggesting is that if the meaning and value of music are not located in the materials of music themselves, then the only reasonable alternative is to locate them within the discourses through which people make sense of and assign value to music. (Shepherd and Wicke, 1997: 18)

By contrast, Middleton, in discussing the relative merits of culturalist and structuralist approaches to the analysis of meaning in music, has argued that neither the individual nor the musical text can be determining in the manner in which meaning is constructed. Meaning 77 results from a dialogue between the individual and the sounds of music, and there are limits of tolerance within which such dialogue must take place:

...it seems likely that ... there are, inscribed in the musical form and its cultural history, limits to the transmutation of meaning and hence to the re-construction of homologies; 'culturalist' social actors are not free to express themselves by inventing or interpreting ab novo, and 'structuralist' texts are not free to wander infinitely away from the cultural contexts in which their meanings have been defined. It seems likely, too, that in the relationship of form and ...'experience' ...the two must 'dock-rather than the one completely producing the other or the conjunction being purely one of juxtaposition. The docking may be relatively loose; but the parties must meet within certain limits of tolerance. (Middleton, 1990: 154)

In addition, Shepherd has during his career argued that the materials of music both constrain and influence the meaning generated through it. Martin, in discussing Shepherd's work. identifies a tension between his claim that meaning in music is socially constructed and his argument that, as a signifying practice, music has specific characteristics which are unique to it.

In work more recent that Martin's, Shepherd and Wicke continue to maintain that the sounds of music are implicated in the generation of meaning to a very significant degree.

However, they argue, this does not negate the fact that meaning in music can also be negotiated by people acting socially. According to Shepherd and Wicke, the relationship between sounds in music and the meanings they "evoke" is thus not an arbitrary one. Music is not simply an "empty signifief to be filled only with the meaning given to it by people. That is, people cannot just ascribe any meaning they like to the sounds of particular instances of music.

The sounds of music are, in other words, of consequence for the meanings that can be constructed in and through them, while not determining those meanings. Music has unique characteristics and, as such, contributes in and of itself to the meaning invested in it by people.

Without the sounds of music, there would not be any discussion as to what the sounds might mean. Music must be present in order to elicit a discussion. Language merely provides people with the ability to talk about what the music means to them. With regard to music, the

'social construction of reality" does not constitute a set of processes separate from the 78 processes involved in the creation of sounds recognized as musical. Music is distinctively different from verbal language in the ways that it uses sounds.

The main point being established here is that the meanings and understandings ascribed to country music and the country music world are the outcome of social constructions, constructions which involve the music itself as well as language and other modes of communication. Country music is a social construct and thus socially constituted, yet these processes of construction and constitution have embedded within them unique characteristics which flow from the sounds of music, characteristics which affect producers and consumers both physically and emotionally. The meaning of music to the participants as thus socially constituted is central to a discussion of how the subculture of country music is constructed.

Since meaning in music is socially constructed, it cannot be assumed that there is a

"universal marketplacenin the sense of popular music being consumed in the same way everywhere. While a piece of country music may have huge world-wide sales as in the case of

Garth Brooks or Shania Twain, it should not be accepted that there is only one "universal meaning'' to be derived from it. In fact, pieces of popular music which sell do so in all likelihood because of their capacity to "accept" quite divergent "readingsn in different parts of the world.

The Effect of the Music Itself The effect of the music itself was described by several of the participants. Many discussed moving their bodies to the music as a natural part of their performances and the ability of music to cause one's body to move. Some also described an "other worldliness" of performing on an occasion when they achieved a level of communication and sense of well- being that was rare. Striving for that special moment was something they continue to do.

As Shepherd and Wicke have argued, the meaning of music is more than that ascribed to it linguistically by those who produce and consume it. There are many different elements involved in music in addition to those mediated principally through language and these, too, must be taken into account when analyzing the meaning of country music. Brant (Pioneer) outlines what she believes to be the various components of which music is composed: I feel that the elements of music are of course the lyrics, the melody, the arrangement, the rhythm, and the personality of the performer. Those really are the major things that you are dealing with. This is why a lot of song lyrics, unlike poetry, are somewhat repetitive and... seem somewhat simplistic sometimes. It's because you've got so much to deal with, other than just the lyrics. And it's too much. If lyrics get too complicated, then the melody has to get much simpler, the rhythm has to get much simpler.

In addition to the linguistic discourses referred to by the respondents to describe country music, its meaning to them, and their attraction to it, the women also described the effect of the music itself. The following quotes illustrate the importance ascribed to music's sounds in evoking emotional and physical significance and the meaning inherent in "the music itself."

If it's an uptempo number, of course it's very uplifting. You feel good. You feel like that's the reason you're living. And if it's a ballad, it makes you feel pretty bad (laughs) ...Music makes you feel good or makes you feel miserable. [Stone- Pioneer]

Melodicly [sic] and rythmicly [sic] music has been hypnotic for me. I cannot casually listen to music in the background-it involves me and demands that I listen. [Murray-Pioneer]

I think all music affects you, all your senses, so it wouldn't be just country music. [Stevens-Middle Group]

...g ood nights are always the ones when you're most connected to it and you're in the groove. You know, you're singing heart and soul. You're all there. You can't be anywhere else. It's a 100%. And that's fabulous. ...y ou'd like to feel like that always. [Richmond-Middle Group]

...when things are right, ...it's hard to explain, ...y ou're just part of something bigger. It's exhilarating, you feel light, you feel like it's a rush. I mean it really is a rush. It's an adrenaline rush. And it's, I don't know, to me it's a spiritual kind of thing. ...You're connecting, you're connected to everything. ...To me, it's just when all the pieces are right. And sometimes it happens when you don't expect it. Sometimes when you think it's going to be just an awful night because you feel this way or something's wrong, it can turn out to be the best one of those magical nights. [Edwards-Middle Group]

Well, it's a very emotional thing, I'd have to say, especially being on stage. ...Sometimes I just, I almost forget that I'm on the stage, and that there's an audience out there. I'm just right into the song. [Author: ...do you find that ...y ou move your body... to the music?] Definitely. I think that's probably where dancing was created. It just makes you want to, I mean, when you hear a nice slow song you really like, you almost naturally will start moving to it, it just does something to your body and it responds (laughs), I'm not sure why, but it does. [Baker-Newcomer] 80 Some of the music touches me very deeply, especially if I can really identify with what the words are saying. Music makes me high, and I feel sometimes that because of it, there is a heaven on earth. [HilCNewcomer]

Music always affects me emotionally and physically. (Clark-Newcomer]

At times, country music, itself, has what some singers describe as a magical or hypnotic effect over them. The music "makes" them feel like moving their bodies. It "causes" them to feel certain emotions. It "compels" them to have particular reactions to it. These descriptions were found across all three historical levels and reveal the effect of the music, itself, on

Canadian women who perform country music.

Popular Culture, High Culture, and Country Music The apparent dichotomy between what is deemed to be popular culture and so-called

"high" culture has given rise to contentious issues. The way in which "high" culture has come to be defined is of interest in a discussion on the subculture of country music. Many of those outside the field have a tendency to look down on the genre as being inferior in terms of the ability of its creators and performers and can be somewhat derogatory in their assessment of the artistic "tasten of those choosing to listen to it.

It is interesting to analyze who decides what music within a particular society is more or less valuable than another. Upon what criteria are these decisions made? Does formal training make a musician more talented than one who has acquired musical competency through the help of family members, friends, or by being self-taught? Does simplicity translate into inferior quality? The following discussion centres on what is valued in country music as opposed to what may be assumed to be worthy in other forms of music, and why specific groups within society might believe they have the right to denigrate country music as less worthy of being taken seriously as an art form.

Due to its position of power both economically and politically within society, the so-called

"upper class" is able to set the "rules of the game." According to

... the Marxist tradition, the fundamental conflict is between the dominant economic class and all those who are ewloited and subordinated by it; such a class will attempt to present its own interests and values as those of the whole society. Thus, for example, it has been argued that the dominant musical tradition in western industrial societies-generally, if misleadingly, called 'classical' music-reflects the cultural preferences of the social class which came to dominate such societies from the eighteenth century onwards, the bourgeoisie of Marxist theory. (Martin, 1995: 10)

"Classicaln music is considered to be a valid art form worthy of serious study in university departments while other genres, such as country music, are usually not deemed deserving of the same kind of academic attention. Classical music maintains its privileged status while other forms of music take "a back sear (Ibid.: 10).

Shepherd reiterates the influence those with power have over the lives of ordinary people, that is, those who make the decisions compared with those who do the work:

Those whose function is ownership and control (as against those whose function is labour) ere charged with the intellectual and abstract maintenance not only of the symbolic environment which orders our lives, but, through that, of the social, political and economic framework within which most people live. They think while others do. Their role is one of impersonal manipulation at a distance over relatively extended time periods. So it is musically. (Shepherd, 1991: 135)

The world of music is manipulated in much the same way as other facets of society.

That deemed valuable by the elite is what is given priority. According to David Cheal, "The term popular culture refers in a broad sense to any meaningful activity or object that is widely distributed in a population" (Cheal, 1995: 7.1 3). So-called "highn culture views itself as being above popular culture on the hierarchical ladder of social distinction regardless of how many individuals are involved: "The difference between popular culture and high culture does not lie simply in the number of people who enjoy one or the other. It is also a matter of social distinction* (Ibid.). Many of those who study music reinforce the attitude that certain forms of music have different merits and are either worthy or not worthy of study:

Like any other aspect of culture, music reflects the hierarchical divisions of a society-its pattern of social stratification. ... the study of music has. ovewhelrningly, presupposed the validity of the conventional hierarchy of musical taste. (Martin, 1995: 21)

As a form of popular culture, country music is not accorded the same status as classical

music. The attitude towards country music as being inferior to other forms of music is an

example of The ideological domination of one class by another' (Cheal, 1995: 7.20). Those 82 with the so-called "knowledge" or formal training and, hence, the power determine to some degree what is or is not deemed to be of value within any given society. The dichotomy between high culture and popular culture is defined by the ruling group. Country music is viewed by some as lower on the hierarchical ladder due in part to the fact that no formal training is required and the music is described by some as "simple." However, these characteristics of the genre do not necessarily translate into a lack of intellectual or musical ability.

Country music has to deal with the negative image given it by many, especially in the world of music. "Even in the age of Garth Brooks, country music seems stuck with its reputation of being in the ignorant backwaters of American consciousness, even if the reality doesn't bear that out" (Starr, 1994: 159). Oermann speaks of his weariness with the way in which some people view the music and its artists, stating that he is

... tired of hearing arrogant Northerners bash country music and its people. 'It's the one popular-music form that writers and intellectuals feel perfectly comfortable deriding and degrading,' he observes. 'They say things about country singers and country stars, about the music and the fans, that they would never dream of saying about other genres of music. Jazz has achieved an intellectual cache [sic], the blues, soul music, even rap.' (Starr, 1994: 159)

While other forms of music have received more attention and respect over the years, the prejudice against country music can still be very strong. Many in the media continue to view it in a stereotypical way. They seem to want to contain country music within a limited definition and to neglect the reality of what has been happening since the 1950s and 1960s:

It's funny that mainstream media always dwell on country's typical themes such as truck drivers, drinking, and infidelity. A major cultural shift has eluded most urban intelligentsia: as the CMA [Country Music Association] has been saying for years, country music is not necessarily rural music anymore. (Parsons, 1994: 13)

Can views the prejudice and stereotyping of country music as a difference in values and beliefs between the rural community and the urban capitalists with socio-economics at the source:

For the very elements that created pride and shared identity within the country community-passionate loyalty to tradition, historical continuity, small social scale, a belief in cyclical rather than progressive relationships between people and their environment, and cooperation between individuals and groups in the struggle for survival-are in direct opposition to the values of the American Dream: relentless growth and progress on all fronts, and competitive socioeconomic dominance over one's fellow citizen. (Carr, 1988: 485)

If one does not "buy intonthe "more is better" ideology, then one tends to be labelled as not too smart: Therefore they must be unsophisticated, unintelligent. They must be hicks, rubes; they must be not just different, but dumbn (Carr, 1988: 485). Yet, with the growing awareness of the environmental impact of the capitalistic "more is bettet' mentality, which has negatively affected the quality of life on this planet, some of the values espoused in country music are being embraced by those with similar concerns. The importance of community, relationships, and an appreciation of the earth have become more significant as people witness the wanton destruction of natural resources in the name of "progress."

The stereotypical "hayseedn image of the country rube is no longer representative of the genre, if it in fact ever was. Stevens (Middle Group) sees country music as being influenced by the growing urbanization in Canada. It may have begun in the rural areas and have sung of rural and working people's issues but the genre has expanded because the culture is increasingly urban. Many farmers have some contact with the urban environment: perhaps they have to work in the city during the winter months in order to be able to keep their farms.

As a result, they are more readily exposed to "urban attitudesn which in turn, Stevens believes, has an effect on the nature of country music.

Many of the respondents believe that the stereotypes assigned to country music and its performers require closer examination. Thompson (Newcomer) calls them "misconceptionsn and "old fashioned images." McPhenon (Middle Group) believes that those who look down on country music as being "hokey" need to be educated:

...p eople who sneer at country music in the first place have not learned to appreciate it. They haven't spent the time listening to it to understand that it is really a well-developed craft, not just something people do because they're unable to play anything more complicated. In fact, I look at it a bit like-as an artlike Japanese poetry, almost, where you have a certain number of symbols which are appropriate to use and you express an incredible number of nuances. emotions, and attitudes through a very limited number of symbols that are appropriate to use in country music. And that number of symbols has grown in this decade. The symbols of which McPherson speaks could be described as cultural symbols that represent the values of the country music subculture. The intended meanings of these symbols are far clearer to those who can hear and appreciate them. As a member of the subculture of country music, McPherson is able to interpret these symbols in a way which someone outside might not and appreciates the continued development of the genre over the past several years.

Descrlblng Country Music

It's Simple: Deceivingly So Country music was described by some of the respondents as "simple" but "deceivingly so." This refers to a certain directness that they perceive in the music which enhances its unique ability to connect with its listeners both psychologically and aesthetically. Different styles and genres of music have different complexities and other elements that are less complex. For example, it can be argued that classical music is simple rhythmically by comparison with West African drumming. However, West African drumming can be argued to be harmonically simple compared with classical music. Country music may be harmonically simple, which might then be perceived as an element of its directness, but it is timbrelly and texturally very rich and complex. While advances in technology have affected country music production as much as some other forms of music, there is a tendency to downplay their effects so that the intended result is so subtle as to not draw attention to itself, and country's image of tradition is thereby maintained. The participants viewed being "simplen as a positive aspect of country music.

According to Stone (Pioneer), country music may appear deceivingly simple to those who do not know what is involved in writing a good country song. The ability to portray a story from beginning to end within close to three minutes requires a skill which few possess or have the competence to accomplish successfully. It is precisely this perceived simplicity that makes a great song. Communicating deeply felt emotions through a minimum of words and music is a challenge. Stone reports: ... when people listen to a song and they're not a writer, they think, 'Oh, I should have thought of that ....' When you listen to the song, it sounds simple when you hear it. But they're not as simple as they appear. To put a song together and make a good composition out of it, it's deceiving. It's not as simple as people think it is to get a story within three minutes.

Not only lyrically but also musically, country music can be very "simple." You can have a great country song with just four chords according to Stevens (Middle Group). But it is this directness that makes it appealing. It is music that does not need to be backed by an orchestra in order to be successful. An artist and an acoustic guitar can perform an extremely satisfying show because it is an artform that depends on the emotions drawn out from the listeners by the words and music.

The respondents described the directness of country music in both singing and instrumentation:

... very basic and simple in their way of expression, something that most people can understand very quickly. ...They come right to the point. [Craig-Pioneer] It's not technology-driven like the other music. ...it's direct, deceivingly simple and it still boils down to a gal standing up in front of a microphone relating to the audience-direct-with a common thread. [Stone-Pioneer]

A simple style of music which relies heavily on heart and feel. [Burgess-Middle Group]

It just reflects day-to-day life and on a simple emotional level. [Stevens-Middle Group] ...an honest portrayal of life through simple music... a simple art form ... [Riley- Middle Group]

It is the emotional appeal of the music which is arrived at through its "simplicity." In fact, it was the simplicity which attracted Riley to the genre. in some country songs there are just three chords.

...I prefer that [the simplicity] over a lot of the programmed music... in pop. ...I like real instruments. I tend to gravitate to that sound more than the mechanically produced. ... I like tearing, breaking down the rest and stripping everything away. It's nice to hear somebody just singing with an acoustic guitar. I love it.

Renowned Nashville guitarist and producer, Chat Atkins, recalls his prejudice against the supposed simplicity of country music when he first arrived at the Grand Ole Opry in 1946: ...They were all farmers from around there. The music was kind of primitive to me. My dad had always put country music down. so I thought a person had to sing with a trained voice, like Red Foley. But I got to watching Roy Acuff. He'd sing 'Great Speckled Bird' and cry. People loved it. They'd just throw babies in the air. And Ernest Tubb, he had a truckdriver's voice, real low. Onstage, he'd look straight ahead, like he was having an out of body experience or something. And I got to realizing that simplicity had its values. (Atkins, quoted in Hirshberg and Sullivan, 1994: 62)

Atkins began to see the direct effect of the music on the audience and learned there was something to this simplicity. He later went on to work with many great country artists and achieved much success in the field.

It's Accessible: No Formal Training Required Country music is more accessible to a greater number of people than some other musical forms. No particular training is required to sing and play country music. Several country musicians have been known to be unable to read music and play "by ear." A love for the music makes it attainable to most. As Stevens (Middle Group) states:

...I don't have a lot of formal training and I think I'm probably a good example of someone who fit into that form of music [country music] because I am not a concert pianist... [I] write simple songs. So I think it's sort of passed on that way because it was just every man's music--every man, every woman really.

McPherson (Middle Group) concurs that everyone is able to enjoy country music without special training. In fact, Richmond (Middle Group) believes it is almost a detriment to be able to read music since it can take away from one's creativity. Murray (Pioneer) simply calls it "The music of the people."

While this accessibility is viewed as a plus by those within the country music subculture, those without use this fact to reinforce country music's lower social status due to the fact that they believe "anyone can do it." Martin explains the role played by the elite in an attempt to sell their values and beliefs to the rest of society in order to sustain the status quo:

Dominant groups ... will attempt to persuade others, perhaps through formal education and the mass media, that such inequalities are right and proper, in other words will create an ideology which sustains their position of advantage. Thus, for example, the belief that classical music deserves support and respect because it is 'great' music can be said to have an ideological function in the sense that it provides a legitimation of the music's privileged status. The values and interests of the dominant group may be presented as those of the whole society. (Martin, 1995: 11)

Without the elitist attitude fostered by members of so-called "higher" cultural groups who include only those who pass the test," country music is theoretically more open to accept its members from any social stratum and racial, ethnic, or sexual background.

Conclusion Those who create, perform, produce, or merely listen to and enjoy country music may be described as belonging to the subculture of country music. The language used by the respondents to describe this genre revealed a number of shared beliefs and values. Meanings and understandings ascribed to country music and the country music world are the outcome of social constructions and are thus socially constituted. However, these social constructions involve the capacity of music's sounds to elicit emotions on a different level than that of merely speaking and using language. It is the language or lyrics in combination with the musical notes, tempo, and timbre that give meaning to the music. The meanings given to country music by the participants were not only a consequence of what they brought to the music, but also a result of an engagement with the music itself. Discussions revealed country music's emotional impact with regard to the respondents' attraction to the music itself. In other words, country music is not an empty signifier to be filled solely with what people bring to it, but rather has special characteristics within itself that cause people to react both physically and emotionally.

It is important to acknowledge that the group of women interviewed for this dissertation was composed of unique individuals with a variety of musical and personal backgrounds. Their

patterns of responses reveal the effect of socialization and power that exist within a subculture.

Yet, it must be made clear that this sample is small and the generalizations made here may not

necessarily be extended to the larger country music population. Chapter 5: Career Path

Introduction The following chapter examines the career paths of country music singers. It explores the personal and musical backgrounds of the participants in order to study the route taken to achieve a career in the country music business. Education, musical training, influences, and support networks are discussed with regard to their impact on choosing this profession and being able to sustain it. The information presented are the views of a small group of Canadian women country music singers.

Singing Country Music: A Non-traditional Career In Canada there are more women working outside the home than ever before. Whether due to necessity or choice, this social trend has continued. Yet, while more women are employed, the most prevalent occupations are still those labelled traditional" women's jobs, that of nurse, secretary, salesclerk or teacher. In addition, many of the jobs accessed by women are part-time which usually means no benefits. More women are working outside the home but the type of employment in which they are engaged still tends to be concentrated on the lower rungs of the occupational ladder:

The majority of employed women continue to work in occupations in which women have traditionally been concentrated. In 1994, 70% of all employed women were working in either teaching, nursing and health-related occupations, clerical positions, or sales and service occupations. This compared with just 31% of employed men. (Almey, 1995b: 67)

Even though the percentage of women in these traditional fields of employment decreased from

77% in 1982, the fact remains that a majority of women still tend to find work within these job categories (Almey, 1995b: 67).

When discussing women and employment, it is important to acknowledge the diversity within the group termed Women" with respect to work outside the home and their respective salaries. For example, Hale discusses the differing experiences for women of colour when she states: The feminist struggle to change the economic dependency of women on men has little meaning for black American and Caribbean women who are often the main breadwinners in their families. This, in turn, is a direct reflection of racist labour market practices. It was often easier for black women to find employment as domestics and cleaners, than for black men to find wage labour. (Hale, 1995: 440)

Race, ethnicity, and social class play a significant role in obtaining a job.

Since well over half of Canadian women are employed in so-called "traditional" occupations, singing country music is a job outside the realm of the majority of women workers.

Choosing to be a country music singer is a unique career decision. Statistical data related directly to Canadian women singers of country music are difficult to obtain. While not finding the exact information desired, employment statistics encompassing a much broader definition than "singet' were studied in order to show the trend towards an increase in the participation of women in the arts over time. Occupations categorized as "Artistic/literary/recreationalt' increased in number between 1982 and 1994. In 1982, 38.6% of women were employed in these areas. This percentage rose in 1994 to 46.4% (Statistics Canada, 1995: 76). Although this grouping covers an extremely wide range of occupations, it does demonstrate the increased participation of women in these particular areas of employment. It is interesting to note that the category "Artistic/literary/recreational" is included under the heading

"Professional." Since singers of country music are artists, are they considered to be professionals? A discussion of the term "professional" will be found later in the chapter.

Choosing to Perform the Genre Singing country music is a non-traditional occupation for Canadian women. It is interesting to study the reasons why the women interviewed wished to pursue this particular career path. The following discussion focuses on the ease or lack thereof with which they entered the profession, from whom they received encouragement and/or discouragement to become country music singers, and their musical influences.

In their capacity as performers of country music, the participants were asked if they had had any difficulty moving from the private sphere (meaning the home or a personal life) to the 90 public sphere (meaning performing on the stage in front of other people) when initiating their careers. Two-thirds of the respondents (20 or 67%) replied that they did not experience any problems moving from their personal lives to a life in the eye of the public. Some even described it as a very "natural progressionnand that the stage was the place where they felt most comfortable. Only eight (27%) replied that they had had difficulty at first but had learned to overcome their fears due to their intense desire to sing.

Many of the respondents had families who sang themselves either professionally or as casual entertainment and, as a result, several were exposed to country music at a very young age and it became a part of their lives. As Cheal notes, "Cultural preferences are shaped by upbringing and education. They are therefore often related to family and class backgroundn

(Cheal, 1995: 7.13). Thus, it is not surprising that those respondents raised in an atmosphere of country music singing would find performing to be a "natural" thing to do.

The following table shows the participants for whom performing was or was not difficult.

As can be seen, the majority of the respondents had no problem performing publicly. Two respondents did not answer the question and were categorized as "Unknown."

Table 5.1 From Private to Public Sphere L From Private to Public Sphere Was It Difficult? N % r No 20 67 Yes 8 27 Unknown 2 7 Total 30 101 I

Just Like Breathing The largest group of respondents replied that moving from the private sphere to the public sphere was not difficult. The most common reason given was, having started from such

a young age and performing for most of their lives, they viewed entertaining as quite a normal

phenomenon. Family involvement and support also influenced their positive attitude towards

singing as being a "natural" thing to do. 91 Many expressed their innate desire to sing from a very early age, some as young as three or four years of age. According to Shepherd, there is some evidence that suggests this

"innate desire to sing" may be gender specific, that it may be stronger in women than men. It is noticeable that, at the onset of puberty, if not before, some girls feel more comfortable singing than some boys. It was once thought that this might be due to the phenomenon of boys' voices

"breaking." However, it seems more likely that the split in attitudes at this age has more to do with developing gender identities:

So long as the male adolescent can hide his structural insecurities behind a potentially loud, strident instrument, things are not so bad. But the moment he is asked to sing, particularly a vocal line that does not give expression to rampant masculinity, the protection is removed. The voice is personally immediate in a way that a loud musical instrument is not. It is totally revealing of the individual and thus the male adolescent is quite naturally wary of using it in a musical context. (Shepherd, l984b: 150-151)

The voice reveals the inner self and some boys typically feel threatened by this, whereas some girls feel more comfortable. There appears to be a greater tendency for boys to "hide behindn musical instruments as a form of technology.

The respondents' true love of singing was evident from their descriptions of the enjoyment derived from performing and the major role it continues to play in their lives.

Although nervous during her first attempts at singing publicly, Bailey (Pioneer) describes her later transition and the feeling of comfort with which she subsequently performed:

I guess I was so used to it. It was just like breathing to me. I never even thought twice about it. During the day, I'd go around the house in my old sloppy blue jeans, hair up in rollers, and then at night, transform and be somebody completely different. But it was just something I'd done for so long I never thought about it. God forbid they'd see me in the daytime! Scary!

For Stone (Pioneer), performing is synonymous with life itself. She feels totally at ease on the stage and craves it for her survival. In response to being asked if it was difficult for her to be on the stage, she replied exuberantly:

Not a bit! Not a bit! That is my home, 100%. Yes. I like it (laughs). it's something I need, I need it. [Without it...I I'm miserable. I have to be doing it. I have to be creating in one way or another or life just isn't happening. That's all that's worth living for-in my opinion40 me that is. 92 Being an artistic person, Stone needs to be involved in the creative process in order to feel she is really alive. There is no doubt in Stone's mind that she feels at home on the stage. Taylor

(Middle Group) concurs: "I need it. It's like I have to have a stage to give myself permission to command people's attention. If I take time off, I miss performing.''

Country singer Dolly Parton speaks of this "needn in her autobiography, Dolly: My Life and Other Unfinished Business. She recounts singing before a live audience at a small radio station in Knoxville when she was only ten years of age:

I finished my song, and the crowd exploded with approval. They cheered and clapped and stomped their feet. It was as if they were saying 'Yes! Yes, Dolly, we love your singing. Yes, Dolly, we love you!' And this time they didn't crawl away.

At that very moment I fell in love with the public. This was what I had always wanted- no, needed. It was the attention I had longed for. I knew what they were giving me. Now I had confidence in what I had to give them. (Parton, 1994: 100-101)

Thompson (Newcomer) reveals that she feels "much more comfortable on stage often than I am just being me." Clark (Newcomer) even goes so far as to say, "I never actually

'became' a country singer, I just always was as far back as I can remember. By the time I was

8[,]1 was singing professionally." For her, country music is part of who she is as a person.

It's Been Hard Although most found performing easy, there were those for whom the transition to the stage and singing in front of the public was difficult. Yet, the desire to sing overruled the reluctance to perform and, as a result, these women continue to pursue careen in country music where singing in front of audiences is an important component of an artist's career.

Edwards (Middle Group) still finds performing publicly difficult even though she has been in the business a number of years. She is not comfortable on the stage and describes it as a

"strugglen--her uneasiness a result of the fear of disappointing people. Although she loves to sing and does perform. she lacks self-confidence. Now, as a woman of 35, Edwards has begun to detect a change. Finally, at this point in her life, she is beginning to feel more 93 comfortable with who she is as a person and, thus, more accepting of herself as a performer.

Presently, she feels more control over her life than ever before:

For me, just now at 35, I'm starting to feel more comfortable and more in control. But I feel like my life is changing now at 35. 1 feel like I'm kind of coming into my own as a woman at 35. So of course that reflects in every way positively-l hope. But, ya, I mean it's been hard for me to do that. It's [on the stage] not where I'm naturally comfortable.

Cullen (Middle Group) recounted her fear of performing as being so overwhelming that she would have to have a couple of drinks in order to get up on the stage. It was very difficult for her to look at the audience while she was singing and she "went through an awful lot of stuff." She was not at ease socializing in a crowd if she did not know the people, and, at the time, felt that drinking "would sort of help me fit in." After touring with a band from 1979 to

1982, she realized that she had "a real drinking problem." As far as her singing career went,

"...if anything could be a career smack in the face, that [having a drinking problem] was, because I just .... I finally-thank God, I had some friends who lived right next door who had seen the problem and helped me through." She began attending one-on-one Alcoholic

Anonymous meetings because she found it difficult to be in large groups of people. She describes her return to the public sphere of singing on the stage:

It took me about a month and a half before I could get back on a stage, to feel comfortable. I had to find-l finally went out and found a writer's night [a place where songwriters can perform songs they have written] ...where nobody knew me, like it was another part of town and very few people would be there that Sunday night. And I remember going up with my ginger ale and I was so nervous. I mean, my knees were shaking. ...it took a few of those to get over it.

After this initial foray back into the performing scene, Cullen started taking some acting lessons to help with her stage presence. A year and a half after quitting drinking she went to a psychologist. At that point in time, she felt she was either going to "make it or break it," so she went for help. She does not elaborate further on the outcome other than she was still in the music business at the time of the interview several years later.

Beattie (Newcomer) enjoys performing but has difficulty with the publicity part of being an entertainer. Like all the women intewiewed, she loves to sing but differs in that she 94 describes herself as a private person who finds certain aspects of the music business, such as making videos, difficult. In direct contrast to many of the others, she has never felt comfortable being the centre of attention although she realizes that that is part of what the job entails. She would just like to sing her music, play, and perform without all the added fanfare. She values her privacy:

...p eople would wonder why I would ever want to be involved with this industry because it's [being a public person] part of it. You have to be in front of people all the time and I'm a pretty independent person who likes to-private person more than independent, I guess I would have to say-that I love to sing and I love to perform for people but there's times when I really do like to keep the personal things and the private life aside. And that's really tough because people really do want to know absolutely everything about you when you become somewhat public property. So that's a bit awkward. Shooting videos and the whole visual aspect of supporting this type of a career is always awkward for me. I hate them.

For Beattie, it seems to be more a case of wanting to retain her privacy as an individual than a fear of performing publicly. She prefers to be a more private person than a career in country music allows her,

Encouragement andor Discouragement The participants were asked whether they had received encouragement andlor discouragement in the pursuit of a career in country music. The responses were divided into five main categories depending from whom they had received the most encouragement:

Family, Friends, Other, None, and Unknown. In several cases, their families supported them but those outside the family, such as schoolmates, people who lived in the town, or the music business, itself, did not. In these instances, the response would be categorized as "Family" since family members provided more encouragement than the discouragement from other sources. "Other" included those who were not family or friends. "Noneu were those who

received neither encouragement nor discouragement or only discouragement. Those who did

not answer this question were categorized as "Unknown." Table 5.2 Encouraaement Encouragement I N I % I Family 1 16 I 53 I Friends 3 10

Other 4 13- - None 4 13 Unknown 3 10 Total 30 99

Family By far the largest supporters of this group of women in their pursuit of a career in music were their families. Over half (53%) indicated the important role their families played in encouraging them in their chosen profession. Parents were mentioned most frequently but sisters, brothers, aunts, uncles, cousins, andor grandparents were also named. Many respondents described families who had always believed in them and helped them get through the more difficult times in the music business. There were women from all three age groups who received support from their families.

Craig (Pioneer) recalls people from her hometown who wondered why she would ever want to participate in such a "stupid businessn and did not think she would "make it." Yet, despite this "outsiden discouragement, Craig's parents continued to encourage her to pursue her dreams. Her father believed that it was important to do what you wanted and her mother's advice was to "aim for the sky" because even if you get half your dream, you will get "a lot."

Craig thought this advice was perfect" and that it was also true.

Brant's (Pioneer) parents always encouraged her interest in music. Yet, she contemplates, "I don't think that they ever thought that I would be making a living from it."

When she left her small hometown to pursue a singing career in a large metropolis, her parents' attitude was one of acceptance and support but also with the unspoken underlying belief that to actually accomplish this feat was next to impossible. Their attitude was "...go

ahead, have a nice time, if it doesn't work out, you can always come home and get married."

Being the late fifties, Brant laughingly acknowledges that her parents' attitude was "fairly 96 liberated for that day." Later, upon their daughter achieving success in the field of music, her musical parents were elated.

Stevens (Middle Group) was always encouraged by her mother. She laughingly says,

"She just always wanted me to sing to her just like a mom." To Stevens, her mother was unique in the fact that she was able to understand her daughter's desire to sing: "I think she was the one person that could see how much I loved it and how much I enjoyed singing and performing for other people." Even though her parents did not sing, her mother was always playing music in the house and Stevens believes that is the main reason why she enjoys music so much. Yet, even while her mother and close friends encouraged her, country music was not popular among those in the high school crowd in the large city in which she was raised and, as a result, she did not receive much support from the outside world.

Laurence (Middle Group) was always encouraged by her father who was involved in the country music business himself. It was her relatives who found the lifestyle of an entertainer questionable, especially for a young girl, and they were quite vocal in stating their objection to her father taking her into venues which they deemed inappropriate for a juvenile: "...my uncle, he always thought it was kind of an odd lifestyle because they were farmers and it was so foreign to them for someone to just travel and go away from home ...." Laurence attributes these concerns mainly to their lack of familiarity with the music business and what pursuing a singing career entails.

Reid (Newcomer) now recognizes how special her parents were in helping her to realize her dreams: "...they must have been really great people to put up with the stuff that they did."

Her family travelled to where she played, her father and brother loaded the heavy equipment. and they were always there for support when things were not going well. "...I think they just knew that I didn't want to do anything else and that they should just support me." Having such understanding parents was crucial to her pursuit of a singing career.

Baker (Newcomer) was warned of the difficulties inherent in the music business right from the beginning but her parents always supported her. She agrees with the people's 97 prognosis with a knowing laugh but also acknowledges the role her parents played in continuing to encourage her: "...my parents, ...they've always believed that I had a talent right from the start and they were behind me all the way." With her parents' support, she was helped through difficult situations which she can now see are part of the music industry.

Phillips (Newcomer) credits much of wlrat has happened in her career to her parents' vision of what could be accomplished within the music business. She writes, "Our parents were incredibly insightful and tolerant. My father believed that a living could be made from our music in an era and in a society where that was virtually unheard of." Helped by her parents' beliefs, she was able to achieve success at what many thought impossible to accomplish. Clark

(Newcomer) remembers being discouraged by her schoolmates as young as six years of age

but her parents continued to encourage her interest in country music.

Friends Not all families welcomed their daughter's choice of entertaining as a career option and

it was through the support and encouragement of friends that the respondent began in country

music. For example, Bailey (Pioneer) had parents who did not approve. As a girl, she recalls

singing three or four songs in a little club every Saturday without her parents' knowledge: "They

would have killed me. We'd go in there, my girlfriend and I. We'd tell our parents we were

going to the show." Later, as a teenager, it was at the urging of some friends that Bailey found

herself in a country bar. After getting up to sing, the band liked her so much that she eventually

replaced the lead singer and thus began her singing career in country music.

Edwards (Middle Group) was another singer encouraged by a friend who later became

her partner. While serving beer in a bar, he encouraged her to pursue a singing career

because he believed in her talent. Although shy at first, Edwards was able to overcome her

initial reluctance. Other There were four respondents (13%) who were encouraged by people other than family or friends: another artist with whom the participant toured, some patrons in a country bar, an entertainment lawyer with "contacts," and simply positive feedback from the audience.

None There were four participants (13%) who received no encouragement: two neither encouragement nor discouragement, one who was discouraged by her parents, and another who was discouraged by both her parents and teachers.

Stone (Pioneer) had parents who were leery about her being an entertainer and did not want their daughter to be in the music business. "I guess they had legitimate reasons. They didn't like to think of a young girl singing in nightclubs. And it just wasn't looked at as being a very decent thing to do. But I did it anyway." Stone's parents acknowledged her artistic ability but did not take it seriously since she believes they were "brainwashedn like everyone else into believing you could not have a career singing. Overcoming society's negative attitude towards a woman choosing entertaining as a profession was difficult but Stone pursued her dream regardless.

Not only was Stone discouraged by her parents, she vividly recounts how teachers at the private girls' school she attended took her aside and tried to dissuade her from wanting to perform. They told her implicitly what she shoulddo: "...grow up, get married, follow your husband...." As a young woman in the forties and fifties, the overwhelming societal expectation was to be a wife and mother: Stone recounts:

...y oung ladies didn't discuss money and things like that. I grew up very ignorant in that department-grew up to realize there was a hostile world out there that I was not prepared for.

Stone was told things such as monetary concerns should be of no interest to a "proper" young lady. The result was a lack of knowledge as an adult woman causing her to be at a great disadvantage in the "real world." 99 Under the circumstances in which Stone found herself as a young woman, having a career in the entertainment business was unacceptable. But she was only interested in the arts and nothing else. Although many tried to thwart her wishes, the desire to perform was too strong and she eventually did become a singer. She knew what she loved to do and was determined to pursue it. Her commitment to achieve her dream demonstrates the high degree of will and perseverance needed considering the opposition she encountered.

Support from Other Women A few respondents told of their close relationships with other women. They described the need for women friends and the true emotional support they were able to provide. They counted on them for emotional sustenance from time to time and would make an effort to meet periodically or talk on the phone so as not to lose contact. The respondents felt these relationships with women were very important to them and their well-being and provided mutual support:

I have some very close female friends that have been friends for a very long time. For a long time, I did not get to spend much time with them because I was on the road almost constantly. There's a group of women that I have been meeting with for dinner once a week for-oh gosh-about 25 years now. And we don't normally see each other, other than at that dinner, and we do try to keep that up. And we've been through a lot of things. We've been through deaths, we've been through the loss of children, we've been through divorces, we have been through illnesses, we have been through just about everything that one goes through. And it has been a support group. [Brant-Pioneer]

...I have a few really, really, really good women friends, three in particular, who I depend on for that-the real kind of emotional support that I need at times. And I value those friendships, you know, so much. It's really important to me that it's women, other women, women I trust and who I know I can speak to in confidence and who understand what I'm talking about and that's a mutual relationship. [Edwards-Middle Group]

Laurence (Middle Group) values her special relationship with three women friends with whom she goes out to a movie once a month: "...we get along really well." The importance of these relationships with other women was evident from the depth of emotion elicited by the respondents when describing their activities. Musical lnfluences The musical influences of the participants were divided into four main categories:

Family, Friends Only, Other, and Unknown. The following table shows the number of respondents who spoke of being influenced by family, friends only, or other people or things.

Those with influences in addition to family were included in the "Family" category. The term

"Other" refers to other people or things outside of families or friends who or which influenced the women to become performers of country music. This question was not answered by one responden1.

Table 5.3 Musical lnf luences Musical Influences N Yo L Family 24 80 Friends Only 2 7 Other 3 10 Unknown 1 3 Total 30 100

A total of 24 respondents (80%) was influenced in some way by their families. Two

(7%) mentioned "Friends Only." Three or 10% became country singers due to other influences.

Only one was "Unknown."

Being influenced by family to become a country music singer can differ somewhat from merely being encouraged or discouraged by them. While parents can react positively or negatively and support or not support their child to pursue singing, actually seeing one's own family involved in music appears to have a major impact on career choice and was a primary influence mentioned by several of the respondents. Although these areas do overlap in the case of families who performed country music, themselves, and also encouraged their child to pursue a career in the music business, it is important to acknowledge the difference between being influenced directly by what one's family did musically, and simply being encouraged or discouraged to try it.

In a study on the influence parents can have on their daughtersr careers. Sue Joan

Mendelson Freeman inte~ewedforty women over four years at the beginning of the 1980s. She described her target group as those "who were or were about to become middle managers." Freeman states:

Influenced by the spoken and unspoken, children are commonly unaware of the sources of motivation during their formative years. In retrospect, they can recognize family components that contributed to what they have become. The full meaning of parental example and instruction becomes clear when women connect their current selves to the past. (Freeman, 1997: 36)

Although singing country music is a quite different occupation than pursuing middle management, the fact remains that family influence through example can have a significant impact on choosing a career. A family's effect, whether directly or indirectly, can sway a daughter's career choice as well as her concept of self.

By far the most prevalent influence revealed by the respondents was the introduction to country music through those who were closest to them as children growing up: their families.

This included seeing other family members participating in music, which affected them in a positive way. Exposure to country music as a child appeared to be the most important factor in establishing the desire to pursue a musical career in this genre for most of the participants. As

Freeman states:

It is common knowledge that a family's environment contributes significantly to the shape of an individual's future. That environment has both external and internal components. ...Cultural heritage and social access are largely determined by the sociological circumstances of one's birth. (Freeman, 1997: 32) For a majority of respondents, their early socialization played a significant role in the choice of a career path. Many were inspired by members of their immediate families who were involved in country music themselves. While it was usually a mother and/or a father who were mentioned, there were also sisters and/or brothers. In some instances, spouses, cousins, aunts and uncles played a role in introducing them to the music.

Family Get-Togethers: We Made Our Own Fun On both the west coast and the east coast of Canada, a few respondents described family get-togethers on weekends where music was played for entertainment and enjoyed by all. Being rather isolated was a great motivational factor in becoming involved in music: there 102 was not much else to do. Playing music together and singing were for many recreational

endeavours that provided fun in an otherwise work-oriented environment. It was simply described as What families did." No one looked upon it as a unique experience. Yet being surrounded by family members in this kind of musical atmosphere appears to have been

influential in instilling a love of music for many of the women exposed to it and this passion has carried over into their present lives.

Edwards (Middle Group) was born in an eastern province and came from a heritage of country music. It was a part of her family tradition. She described weekend parties where

"there were lots of guitars and lots of fiddles and lots of singing and piano-playing and step- dancing...." Country music was very popular: 'That's all we listened to in my family." As a child, Edwards fantasized about becoming a country music singer, yet, it was not until her mid- twenties that she began to realize her dream.

Like Edwards, Wilson (Newcomer) also came from the east coast and a tradition of

musical family gatherings. Since the small rural area in which she lived did not have movie

theatres or places to go to be entertained, the local residents learned to entertain themselves.

Many of the families in the area were large. On Saturday night, they would all get together and

play music as a way of having fun.

Wilson believes that she was most directly influenced by her large musical family. In the

fifties, both her mother and father used to sing and play end then her sisters joined the family

group. Being a younger member of the family, "...long before I was even probably thought

of...", her family was singing at fain and travelling around making a name for themselves.

However, despite coming from a big family that provided a musical atmosphere in which to

grow up, it was not always an easy life. There were certain restrictions-a major one being

limited financial resources. The result: "...you had to stay within the family circle because there

was no place else for you to go." Since Wilson's family could not afford to purchase records,

they would listen to the radio. Yet, even though there may have been difficult times, a musical

foundation was being established which has lasted throughout her life. Wilson reiterates the 103 effect her family has had on her country music career and, more directly, her life when she states: "...their life made the roads for my life.... Their musical backgrounds sort of paved the way for my music and where I am today."

At the opposite side of the country, Gates (Middle Group) was raised in a small mining town on the west coast. As described by Edwards and Wilson in the eastern provinces, entertainment outside the home was scarce in the area in which Gates lived as a child, so people made their own fun. Her mother would go to

...the only social place in the whole town, the local bar .... And she'd bring home anybody who was musical and... we'd sit and listen like till five or six in the morning to all these old people playing accordion, guitar, wine jug, you know, whatever they could get their hands on they'd play. And it was always the old country music songs.

Although Gates did not have much in the way of material goods and even food was sometimes scarce, she has fond memories of her mother sitting "around an old stove, clapping hands and singing with us." Half the time it was just to keep themselves warm but it also made them

happy. Music gave them joy duting hard times and continues to provide happiness in a

sometimes difficult life. For Gates, music has brought herself and her children together and it is

something they enjoy doing as a family.

Early Childhood Exposure: The Influence of Mothers and Fathers From a young age, Craig (Pioneer) was influenced by her parents who were involved in

music. Her father loved country music and played the fiddle while her mother enjoyed classical

music. As a child, Craig had the unique experience of being exposed to both kinds of music.

As one of the few participants who had a parent directly involved in the music business

as a full-time occupation, Clifford (Middle Group) had a father who was a country music disc

jockey all his life which strongly influenced his daughter. Her father realized his daughter's

musical talent at a young age and encouraged her to "Get out there and sing." Although not

actively involved in the music business as a full-time occupation, Clifford's mother came from a

musical background and taught her daughter harmony. She "...used to sit me down to the

piano and show me the chords and literally taught me and gave me my ear for singing 104 harmony." Clifford names her parents as having most influenced her to pursue a professional career. Due to their involvement and interest in the genre, she was surrounded by country music throughout her childhood. Clifford's parents wanted their daughter to sing, and, in part, it was their aspirations for her that lad her down the country music career path.

Both Laurence (Middle Group) and MacDonald (Newcomer) were influenced by their fathers who were performers. They provided opportunities for their daughters to sing publicly with a band at a young age. Beattie (Newcomer) remembers watching her father perform around central Canada and thinking to herself that it "looked like fun" and that she would like to be a musician some day.

The influence of fathers upon daughters' career paths is acknowledged in Freeman's study. She found that although neither parent would normally dictate a career path for their daughters:

Like mothers, fathers had various way of fostering development that ranged from specific expectation to general support. ... A father's authoritative expertise can work to a daughter's advantage when he not only lends her the benefit of his experience but also facilitates similar expertise in her. (Freeman. 1997: 35)

In the case of Clifford, Laurence, MacDonald, and Beattie, having fathers who sang in country bands and/or were involved in the country music business introduced them to a career performing.

A Mother's Dream Both Clifford (Middle Group) end Edwards (Middle Group) had mothers who loved to sing but never pursued careers in the country music industry. When Clifford's mother was young she:

...said she used to sit on the haystack with her guitar and sing Gene Autry songs and wished that she was ... in the movies and singing cowboy songs. She loved it. But she was happy to be a mom and raise me4guess-l don't know....

Although it is difficult to know whether or not her mother was totally content in her role of mother or would rather have pursued a singing career herself, Clifford's parents' dream was that their daughter take their interest in country music farther than they had been able to take it. 105 While her father was directly involved with the music business, her mother was not.

Clifford states:

...my mother never got the chance to do it. She was--my mother was a very shy sort of person in those respects and she-even though she liked to sing ...y ou put her out on the stage in front of people and she just-she wasn't comfortable. She just-it wasn't her--she didn't--she couldn't be the performer she kind of wanted to be in her heart.

Clifford's mother had had the desire "in her heart" to be a performer but it had never been fulfilled. In the fifties, societal expectations for some women were that mothers should stay home and take care of their children. They were usually not encouraged to aspire to a career such as performing. Singing publicly was not totally acceptable for a "proper" woman with a child to raise. Although there were women in country music who did entertain during this era, they were generally accompanied by those to whom they were related by blood or marriage.

According to Malone:

Ramona Jones was one of several women who began to gain some recognition in a musical form long dominated by men. Virtually all of the women in the immediate postwar years-Martha Carson, Kitty Wells, Molly O'Day, Texas Ruby, Wilma Lee Cooper, Anita Carter, Rose Maddox-worked with their husbands or family groups, but each eventually began to carve an independent identity. (Malone, 1991 : 21 8)

Edwards was another respondent whose mother liked to sing but had never pursued a singing career:

My mom was a country singer and that's what she wanted to do with her life if she would have had enough newe to do it or if she would have known how to do it. She ended up getting married and having kids instead. But she used to sing at the local radio station with a couple of other gals in a trio kind of situation.

While Edward's mother had wanted a career as a singer, she was unable to realize this aspiration. Perhaps there was subtle pressure on many women during this era towards a more

"traditionaln lifestyle: that of wife and mother. A generation later, her daughter finds herself living her mother's dream. Edwards relates that her mother "...always says that I'm doing what she really wanted to do." 106 In Freeman's study, mothers exerted substantial influence in several cases. In some instances, it was found that mothers did not wish their daughters to repeat the lives they had lived:

Parents do not merely convey a 'Do as I did' message to their children. In fact, mothers often use their own lives as negative examples for their female offspring. They want their children to have opportunities that they lacked. ...Mothers, who had been socialized according to traditional gender dicta of female domesticity and dependence, found their experience wanting and preached the opposite to their daughters. Recognizing the limitations imposed upon them by economic dependence, they encouraged their daughters to increase the possibilities for their own lives. (Freeman, 1997: 35)

While the mothers of Clifford and Edwards liked to sing, they never had careers as country music singers. Neither Clifford nor Edwards have children and both continue to pursue careers in the country music business. Their mothers' experiences undoubtedly had some influence on their decision to live their lives differently.

Friends Two artists mentioned only friends as having influenced them. Since there was no television or radio in the mountains in western Canada where Murray (Pioneer) grew up,

everyone learned to play an instrument for fun. In the beginning, it was her friends who

influenced her to sing. Richmond (Middle Group) was exposed to country music through a

friend whose parents had a country band. She recalls happy times going over to her friend's

house and taking part in the fun. Her own parents did not express an interest.

Other Three artists had influences other than family and friends. Barry's (Middle Group) first

encounter with country music was entering a country music talent contest. Up until that time

she had never listened to country music. Burgess (Middle Group) was influenced by the

producer of her first two albums and an artist whom she later came to know well. Thompson

(Newcomer) was introduced to country music by her vocal teacher. Mentors and Role Models The respondents were asked if they had had any mentors or role models who had influenced or helped their careers in any way. For the purposes of this study, a mentor is a person who is in the music business and has direct personal contact with the artist in helping her to become a professional singer. A role model is someone whom the artist respects and looks to as an inspiration in the field of country music and may or may not be known personally by the respondent.

Among the women interviewed, there were differing opinions as to what constituted a mentor. Some defined mentor as someone who personally helps you and takes you "under her or his wing" to guide you in your career. Others interpreted mentor as meaning a person whom you admire and aspire to be like. This variation in definition caused somewhat inconsistent responses. Due to the discrepancy in definitions, it was impossible to compose a table tallying the results. Therefore, the following discussion considers the issue but does not deal with actual percentages. Future studies should include clarification of the definition of mentor and role model before asking the question in order to avoid confusion.

Those answering the question in the affirmative and citing mentors with whom they had direct contact were few. They included fathers (Laurence and Beattie), someone in the music business, such as another performer (McPherson and Burgess), those in production and publishing (Burgess, Thompson, and Baker), and a music teacher (Allen). Several of the respondents listed popular artists as their mentors: Buffy Sainte-Marie, Joni Mitchell, Gordon

Lightfoot, Rita MacNeil, Emmylou Harris, Glen Campbell, and Dolly Parton. Unless these well- known performers took a direct interest in the career of the respondent and personally guided them, they would be better classified as role models than mentors for the purposes of this study.

Not all respondents answered the question directly. Of those who did, there were six

(20%) who claimed they had never had a mentor. Two of the respondents cited living in an isolated rural area as the reason for never having had the opportunity of being exposed to a 108 mentor. Edwards (Middle Group) replied that she had never sought out a mentor and it just never happened. It is interesting to note that after being asked the question, she began to wonder aloud if, in fact, as many women artists have mentors to help them with their careers as men artists. Edwards pondered, "...Ido hear men talk about mentors almost more than women, for some reason." This lack of discussion by women concerning mentors may simply illustrate the fact that they likely do not have one about which to talk. Gates (Middle Group) is one artist who admits that she would love to have a mentor but does not and describes her career up until this point as "...we've just been stumbling in the dark."

Many of the respondents mentioned other artists as their role models. The ones listed were well-known and successful in a variety of genres such as folk, rock, pop, and R&B. Of the

16 women who answered this question, 15 (93.8%) mentioned American artists, while only nine

(56.3%) listed Canadian singers. Stompin' Tom Connors, k. d. tang, Myrna Lorrie, Joni Mitchell,

Anne Murray, Marg Osborne, Buffy Sainte-Marie, Joyce Seamone, Lucille Starr, and Michelle

Wright were some of the Canadian artists named as having been role models for the respondents. The only Canadian man mentioned was Stompin' Tom Connors who was admired by one respondent due to his fierce pride in being Canadian and his belief in singing about Canada.

While in the early days of country music in Canada, there were few women entertainers, it is interesting to note that in the 1990s, many of the respondents still named Americans as their role models. American artists were mentioned far more often than the participants'

Canadian colleagues. Considering the major influence of American culture in Canada and the bombardment of Canadians by American programming, it is not surprising that the vast majority of role models for these artists was from the United States.

The Plolession of Singing The sociological definition of a profession entails an occupation for which specific training and documentation are required in order to be admitted into a particular field of work.

For those from upper classes, restricted entry into certain occupations dependent on 109 compulsory credentials helps to maintain the status quo, allowing admittance mainly to those who can afford both the time and the money to attend institutions of higher learning to obtain the necessary documentation. Those with these compulsory requirements are usually better able to secure jobs with higher incomes and prestige. According to Ian Gomrne:

This occurs because occupational groups, in part to reduce competition, professionalize and, in the process, elevate their status. They control entry to their ranks through certification and licensing requirements. Professional schools and faculties develop in universities and are controlled.largely by the occupation. Such is the case for medicine and law. (Gornrne, 1995: 12.1 1)

While ability and/or skill might be thought to be the most important component of becoming a professional and is undoubtedly part of the requirements, successful inclusion is usually more dependent upon whether or not the applicant has the financial resources to pursue the required training and, as a result, obtain the necessary documents.

Even though her study looked at women in nineteenth-century Europe rather than in a contemporary situation, the definition of what constitutes a professional musician for the purposes of this discussion will be adapted from Nancy B. Reich and her study entitled "Women as Musicians: A Question of Class":

For want of a better term, I will refer to professional musicians as members of an artist-musician class, a category which includes actors, artists, artisans, dancers, writers, and practitioners of allied professions. They had in common an artistic output and a low economic level. Above all, they depended on their work for a livelihood. (Reich, 1993: 125)

Reich defined musicians who made money as professionals while those from the wealthier classes who did not need to work for monetary gain she regarded as non-professionals. These non-professionals were seen to be at a disadvantage, since they were restricted by their status in society as to what they could do. It was not appropriate behaviour for a "proper" woman to use her musical potential to the fullest. Although many were highly talented, they were not exposed to the public sphere and hence did not develop their skills to the same extent as those who worked as professional musicians.

Performing country music can be viewed as a profession in that a singer seeks employment to engage in the act of singing and is in turn paid for that service. This contractual 110 agreement relies on the person paying for the service being convinced that the performer's level of competence warrants payment. As a profession, it can be argued that singing requires some kind of training, be it formal or informal. While some of the respondents were educated specifically in music at formal institutions, others obtained their skills at home through family and friends, or were self-taught. Regardless of training, they are considered to be professional since they make money for what they do and are paid for their ability to be able to do it.

Some of the women included in this study could be designated as professionals in the sense of having particular academic credentials in music. A few were formally trained in the arts, some specifically in voice, achieving college diplomas or university degrees in music. Yet, these courses provided only partial preparation for what is required to be a country music singer. A parallel situation exists in the genre of heavy metal rock music, as Deena Weinstein reveals in her book Heavy Metal: A Cuitural Sociology

The general education that provides the necessary skills for most white-collar employment does not develop the skills needed for rock artistry. Learning these skills takes ingenuity and perseverance. The time devoted to such learning is not subsidized by scholarships, but must be snatched from school and leisure time, and is paid for by sympathetic parents or the aspirant's own menial day jobs. The recruits for heavy metal performing are strictly self-selected and in large part self-motivated. (Weinstein, 1991: 61 )

Like the lack of formal education for rock artists described by Weinstein, there is no specific schooling available to prepare for the occupation of country music performer. It requires substantial initiative to pursue and perseverance to maintain. Those wishing to become country artists acquire their knowledge to be able to do the job from a variety of sources.

Musical Training Since formal musical training is not a prerequisite for a career singing country music, that received by the participants varied greatly. While some were graduates with university music degrees, college diplomas in music, or certificates from The Royal Conservatory of

Music, others had acquired training through more informal means or were self-taught.

The musical training of the respondents was divided into the two main categories of

Vocal and Instrumental. Failure to make this distinction would have resulted in a loss of 111 information. For example, those who had formal training in voice might only have had "on-the- job" training with an instrument. Categorizing such a person as having only received formal training in voice would have obscured the fact that she had received instrumental training "on- the-job." Thus, instruction, both vocal and instrumental, were analyzed.

As with any specifically defined categories, it is often difficult to place individuals within one grouping only. However, in order to gain an overall view of the general patterns presented, the women were placed in a particular category dependent upon the answers given.

Vocal Training Vocal training was divided into the subcategories of Formal, Some Formal, None, and

Unknown. While some vocal training may have been received incidentally through practices such as family sing-alongs or imitating voices on record, only one respondent mentioned this avenue of acquiring vocal skills when asked about her vocal training. Although stating she did not receive vocal training, McPherson (Middle Group) acknowledged the role played by other artists in her vocal education when she exuberantly exclaimed, "I always had the blessing to work with marvelous musicians. Right from my first professional days, I worked with people who were excellent and I learned from them." If she liked the way a person sang, she would imitate them, learn their "riffs," and then later add her own "character."

For the purposes of this study, "Formal" included an extensive series of lessons specifically for the voice that were on-going over a long period of time. Vocal education at the high school, university, or college level was included in the "Formal" category. "Some Formal" consisted of participation in school andlor church choirs, or a limited number of formal lessons

("one set," "three months," seeing a "speech therapist," or when terms such as "recently," or

"occasionally" were used). "Nonen meant the respondents had no formal or semi-formal training of any kind. There was only one woman from the Middle Group for whom the information was not known because it had not been discussed during the interview. 112 Table 5.4 Vocal Training L Vocal Trainlng Kind of I Pioneers I Middle Group I Newcomers ( Total Training r N N N N % Formal 0 5 4 9 30 Some Formal 3 5 3 11 37 None 4 3 2 9 30 Unknown 0 1 0 1 3 Total 7 1 14 9 30 . 100 -- --

Overall, the vocal training of the respondents fell evenly among the three categories:

Formal (30%), Some Formal (37%) and None (30%). However, when comparing the groups historically, it was found that the Middle Group and the Newcomers had more members who received formal training in voice while there were no Pioneers with any formal training. The opportunity to take lessons appeared greater for those from the Middle and Newcomer Groups.

The groups were more evenly divided on the question of receiving some formal training which was achieved mainly by either belonging to choirs at school andfor church or by taking a few

lessons at school or privately for a limited amount of time. The Pioneers had the highest number of those with no vocal training of any kind (4). Generally speaking, many of the respondents had little or no vocal training.

There were only three women whose vocal education was more extensive. Emrnons

(Middle Group) took vocal music at the high school level for five years and continued with private vocal lessons when she became a full-time singer. Taylor (Middle Group) was a vocal

major in college and graduated with a three-year honours diploma. Hill (Newcomer) majored in voice at university and has a degree in music. Although Beattie (Newcomer) completed a three year Music Industry Arts diploma at college, when asked if she had received any vocal or

instrumental training, she replied no.

Belonging to choirs was included in the "Some Formal" category since some training was provided but it was not composed of intensive or individual instruction. Wilson (Newcomer) 1 I3 explains what she believes is the significance of choirs in helping to enhance the skills needed to establish a career in singing:

...I think you learn far more than you think ...when you're in a small community in a church choir and you're one of three alto singers...y ou do learn a lot. ...y ou say you don't take any training but I think, in that respect, you learn a lot from being... in front of an audience from a very early age. Although it's a church audience, ...it's no different from anything else.

Of the five respondents who belonged to choirs during their formative years, in a few cases, this was all the "training" they had received.

Several of the artists began taking vocal lessons due to necessity-they had to do something to save their voices. After running into problems such as "losingn their voices and/or having nodes on their vocal cords, they sought expert help. Since these lessons were not consistent over long periods of time, they were included in the "Some Formalwcategory as opposed to the "Formal." Stevens, Cullen, Baker, and Clifford spoke of the importance of learning how to use the voice properly. Playing in smoky ban for extended periods of time and singing without a microphone while touring across Canada were adverse conditions in which these singers, at times, found themselves. As a result, their voices began to suffer. Both vocal coaches and speech therapists proved helpful in enabling these singers to improve both the strength and longevity of their voices. The singers soon became aware of the consequences of neglecting their prime instrument-the voice.

In total, 67% of the respondents had some kind of vocal training. It appears that the majority of participants possessed the musical ability to be able to teach themselves the fundamentals of what they wanted or needed to know vocally to be a country music singer.

Instrumental Training Knowing how to play an instrument is not essential for women who have chosen singing as their occupation. Not surprisingly, most of the respondents preferred singing over playing an instrument, but found that being able to accompany themselves could prove to be an asset when performing or songwriting. As with the table showing Vocal Training, 'Formal" means taking lessons over an extended period of time privately, in a group, or at an educational 114 institution such as a college, university, or The Royal Conservatory of Music. "Some Formaln accounted for occasional lessons taken for a limited amount of time. In addition, two categories were added to include those who learned to play an instrument "on-the-job" or were "self- taught."

Table 5.5 Instrumental Training h Instrumental Training Pioneers Yiddlr Newcomers Total N N N N % Formal 2 6 3 11 37 Some Formal 1 4 3 8 27

On-the-job 2 2 0 4 . 13 Self-taught 1 0 2 3 10 None 1 1 0 2 7 Unknown 0 1 1 2 7 Total 7 14 9 30 101

- - - -- pp

There were more women who received formal instrumental training (37%) than vocal training (30%). Perhaps this is because the vocal ability of the participants could be described as somewhat innate and "came naturally"4 was just something they "did." Singing was their chosen profession-something they liked to do and did well with little or no formal "training." In comparison, learning to play an instrument for many of these women did not come as easily and required more instruction either formally or informally.

It is interesting to note that with instrumental training, if all the %on-formalnways of learning to play, including Some Formal (27%),On-the-job (13%), and Self-taught (lo%), are added together, they account for 50% or half of the respondents. In other words, many of those who played instruments learned informally (50%) as opposed to formally (37%).

As with vocal training, the Pioneers had the lowest percentage of members who were

formally trained to play an instrument or instruments (28.6%). The Middle Group had the

highest (42.9%) with the Newcomers placed second (33.3%). This is perhaps due more to the

limited opportunities available to the Pioneers than to a lack of willingness to take lessons. 115 There were only two women with extensive formal instrumental training: Taylor and

Riley, both from the Middle Group. These women obtained Grade Eight from The Royal

Conservatory of Music: Taylor in flute and Riley in piano.

Working with talented musicians provided some of the respondents with the chance to learn from the best while working in the music business. Brant (Pioneer) explained how she learns to improve her guitar playing: "I'll get together with a friend who plays guitar and say,

'How do you do this?' And that person will show me how it's done and then I sort of work on my own after that." As a child, Wilson (Middle Group) recalled sitting around with family and friends watching their fingers as they played their instruments and trying to teach herself by simply copying what they were doing.

The majority of women had some kind of instrumental training (37% + 27% + 13% +

10% = 87%) at some point in their lives. While this was usually on a guitar or a piano, some received training in other instruments such as the ukulele, violin, trombone, and tuba in elementary or high school.

Becoming Professional: Point of Entry Entering a career singing country music is quite different from starting in an occupation where a specific number of years of education is prerequisite. Since there is no formal training required, the age at which singers begin their professional careers varies greatly. This is reflected in the broad range of responses from the women in this study indicating the age at which they began singing as a professional. From as young as eight years of age to as old as forty, each participant's response revealed the very individualistic nature of initiating a career in country music.

The point of entry into the profession was divided into five categories: As a Child, Mid- to-Late Teens, Twenties, Thirties or Later, and Unknown. Some of the women had been performing country music since they were children and continued to do so. Most started their careers in their mid-to-late teens while others did not begin until their mid-twenties. There were 116 also a few who initially sang in another musical genre, such as folk or rock, but have now entered the realm of what has come to be termed "country music."

Table 5.6 Point of Entry into the Profession Point of Entry into the Profession Professional Beginnings N YO As a Child 4 13 Mid-to-Late Teens 9 30 -- I- Twenties I 3 -1101 Thirties or Later 5 17 Unknown 9 30 Total 30 100

As a Child There were only four women (13.3%) who began their country music singing careers as young children under the direction of their families. Entering the profession at such a young age was the direct result of having parents who were involved in the country music business and/or wanted their daughters to become singers. In a couple of cases, these girls grew up to periodically question whether or not they would have chosen to pursue this career themselves without their parents' influence.

Having begun singing at a young age, as an adult, Laurence (Middle Group) decided to take some time off to reevaluate her singing career but concluded, "...it made me realize (the time off) that this is what I was meant to do and this is what I love to do and it's just not something you can just walk away from some time." She found singing country music was something that had become a part of her and who she was. Working full-time with her family's band since the age of ten, she describes performing country music as "...just something that was in my blood..." and "...a natural path to follow." Clifford (Middle Group) also wondered if it had really been her decision to pursue this career or one her family had made for her since she had been singing professionally from some time between the ages of eight and ten and had come from a family "ingrainedn in country music. Presently, she continues to work in the country music business. Mid-to-Lute Teens Women entering the profession from their mid-to-late teens represented the largest group of those who answered this question. There were nine or 30% of the total who began singing professionally during this age range. Waiting to finish high school seemed to be the most relevant factor. Either completing or deciding to end their schooling early, these women were usually 17, 18, or 19 years of age when they began their careen. In addition, singing in venues where there was drinking meant they were supposed to be at least 18 years old, although some were not but did so anyway.

Twenties Only three or 10% of the respondents began their professional careers in their mid- twenties. One had had her children first, then achieved recognition as a singer, while another only gained the necessary self-confidence and belief in her own ability in her mid-twenties.

Another finished university and then began her singing career at 24 years of age.

Thirties or Later Those who were included in the 'Thirties or Later" category had begun singing careers in their mid-to-late teens but in another genre such as rock or pop. They were now performing country music for a variety of reasons. In some cases, the definition of what constituted country had changed to encompass what they were doing, or they had come to embrace country music more due to its broader definition. As mature women, some described feeling more comfortable with country music than with any other form of music in terms of singing as well as songwriting.

Class Background The issue of examining class background as a factor in the presence of Canadian women in country music is confounded by the continuing difficulties of operationalising the category of "classn in a manner which meets with widespread agreement. Given the character of popular music consumption since at least the 1960s, Shepherd feels that the question of 118 class in relation to the production and consumption of various genres of popular music is a complex one. Within this context, the following discussion centres on an examination of the backgrounds of the respondents in order to confirm or deny a perceived association of country

music with the working class. The educational background of each participant and her parents and partner (if applicable) was studied. In addition, the occupations of parents and partners (if

applicable) were also reviewed.

Cultural capital is usually passed on through childhood socialization. For must of the

respondents, it appears that a love of country music began in families where country music was

played. Even though many of the respondents had moved to cities and obtained higher levels

of education than their parents, the effect of childhood socialization could be seen in their

continued love of the genre. Most came from working class backgrounds according to the

educational levels and occupations of their parents, but some could now be considered middle

class if educational level were used as the criterion.

In "Social Stratification," Hawey Krahn discusses the term '%lassnand offers the

following explanation with regard to occupations and level of income:

Using the term class in the Weberian sense, we might be justified in viewing individuals in managerial and professional occupations (the top ten and others near the top of the earning hierarchy) as members of an upper-middle class, given their high incomes and their access to and control of material resources through their employment positions. In contrast, the ten lowest-paying occupations, the majority of them in the service industries (e.g., food and beverage services, child care), included some of the insecure occupations that we might classify as constituting a lower working class. (Krahn, 1995: 2.1 5)

According to this categorization, few of the respondents could be classified as upper-middle

class in the sense of commanding a high level of income and a position of power. Canadian

country music artists, either female or male, seldom earn large amounts of money for what they

do and the job, at times, could be described as uncertain with respect to the individual artist's

consistent and continued employment.

Clifford (Middle Group), who has been involved in the country music business for most

of her life, described the minimal financial rewards in her chosen field. The lack of steady work 119 results in not being able to afford some of the things people in other occupations take for granted such as buying a house or being able to be sick without losing income. Singing can be described as an insecure occupation. Business is usually dependent upon the individual performer finding work. In addition, when one sings for a living, the band relies on the singer being present and performing in order to receive payment and "you are only as good as your last performance." If an artist is talented-as well as lucky and backed well financially-things can happen quickly. But for the vast majority, it is a lengthy and arduous task trying to sell their talent and staying in front of the "public eyen in a positive way. Thus, with regard to income and security, singing country music could be considered to be a working class occupation unless someone "makes it." Those who do achieve success in a monetary sense are rare.

Participants' Education Although many of the respondents obtained a higher level of education than their parents, it appears that for most, formal education had little, if any, effect on choosing a career in country music. For the majority, performing was a vocation selected outside their formal school training, something they pursued on their own, through their own perseverance and determination, and above all, love for what they do.

The following table organizes the educational level of the respondents into the three historical groupings.

Table 5.7 Respondents' Level of Education Respondents' Level of Education . Pioneers Middle Group Newcomers Total N % N % N % N % Elementary 1 14 0 0 0 0 1 3 High school 5 71 6 43 5 56 16 53 College 0 0 3 21 1 11 4 13

, University 1 14 5 36 3 33 9 30 Total 7 99 14 100 9 100 30 99 -- -

The educational level of the participants was divided mainly between those who attended some high school or graduated from high school (16 or 53%) and those who went on to college or university (a total of 13 or 43%). Only one respondent from the Pioneers 120 completed her entire formal education in elementary school. The women who went to college or university majored in a variety of subjects, few of which related directly to a career in country music. From a university degree in Commerce to one in Fine Arts, from a Law degree to a

Sociology degree, out of a total of 30 respondents, only three graduated from college or university in the field of music. Taylor (Middle Group) received a Honours Music Diploma,

Beattie (Newcomer), a Music Industry Arts college three-year diploma, and Hill (Newcomer), a

Music degree majoring in voice. The most common level of education for a!! three groupings was high school (71%, 43%, and 56% respectively).

It is interesting to note that in this sample higher educational levels did not continue to increase as the age of the participants decreased. It is curious that not more of the Newcomers had followed this pattern. While one Newcomer had a law degree, two others had university degrees in vocal music and commerce respectively, and a third had a three year college diploma in music, the remaining five had not attended post-secondary educational institutions.

The largest percentage of participants attending college or university was found in the Middle

Group (57% compared with 14% of the Pioneers and 44% of the Newcomers). This finding is contrary to a trend which shows a significant increase over time in the number of women attaining post-secondary education. Statistics indicate that women's levels of education have risen substantially over the past twenty years. Wetween 1971 and 199 1, ...the proportion of women aged 15 and over with a university degree rose from 3% to 10%" (Normand, 1995: 54).

Although it is acknowledged that the sample for this dissertation is small and no generalizations can be made, the following discussion elicits some possible explanations for the educational level of the participants within the three major groupings.

Education: It Didn't Enter the Equation Formal education did not seem to be relevant for many of the participants in helping them pursue a career as a performer of country music. While most of the women finished high school and many attended colleges or universities, some described the opportunity of being able to "go out on the road" to sing with a band as more important to them than completing their 121 schooling. Many knew at a relatively young age what they wanted to do and, in their particular circumstances, felt that more time spent in school would not have provided them with the experience they needed. Several realized where their true interests lay and began to make decisions that would lead them in the direction in which they wished to go-that of a career performing music. Evidence of this attitude towards formal education was observed within all three age groups.

Basically, I did not see any point in going on to university because I knew what I wanted to do. From the time I was 15, 1 knew what I wanted to do and so it didn't enter the equation really. [Brant-Pioneer]

...when I was in high school, I travelled a lot. When I got to Grade 11, Grade 12, I was discovering that I really had less in common with my school chums and that I kind of wanted to be away. And a lot of my closest friends were a little older-even married and were more actively in the business and I guess that's what I wanted. So I quit school halfway through Grade 13 and decided to get both feet wet in the business.... [Clifford-Middle Group]

...I'm about 4 credits shy having my high school actually. I had the opportunity to go out with the band that I wanted to and I decided that I wanted to do that more than I wanted to be in school.... I didn't think that that opportunity was going to lend itself again. So I decided to do that .... [Reid-Newcomer]

A few explained that they did not enjoy school, and when the opportunity to sing with a band was presented, they gladly took it. Their interests lay in performing, and school for some was a stifling encounter. Stone (Pioneer) describes her experiences with formal education in a private girls' school as "horrendousnand "revolting." She did not "fit in," and did not like school:

I couldn't cope with it, not at all. Didn't like it at all.... I was continually strapped and punished and put down .... Yes, it was horrible. ....they always considered me a slow learner which was another put down. So I grew up thinking I'm not too bright and (it] definitely carried through--carried through until the last few years, actually.

Later, it was discovered that Stone had a learning disability which had not been diagnosed.

While a young student in school, she was made to feel inferior because of it. Yet her superior artistic talents went unnoticed. She felt stupid, hated it, and eventually quit during elementary school. She found her school experiences humiliating and could hardly wait to leave.

Presently, she is not only an accomplished singerlsongwriter but has also achieved success as a painter and sculptor. 122 An interesting comparison can be made between the educational experiences of Stone

(Pioneer), whose "horrific" story is discussed above, and those of Baker (Newcomer). Baker was a student for whom special allowances were made by the high school she attended to accommodate her desire to be a country music performer. As one of the youngest respondents interviewed, Baker was fortunate to find herself in a position where she was able to attend a school especially established "for artists, performers, and athletes." Students who attended this particular school were provided with tutors and given extra time to complete assignments if they were absent from school because they had been out "on the roadn performing. They could request "time OW for rehearsing and receive help "catching up" upon their return. Baker relates the advantage attending a school like this had on her educational achievement:

It really helped. I don't know if I would have graduated if it wasn't for that (laughs) because I really didn't enjoy school. I liked my teachers, they were all supportive, and I had some good friends. But I just didn't like-I'd rather be out on the road doing what I wanted to do. That's exactly what I did. The night that I graduated, I didn't even go to the parties, I went home and went out on the road for a month the next day (laughs).

In contrast to Stone's experience, Baker had the opportunity to combine her career as a performer with her formal schooling. This was an option not mentioned by any of the other respondents during their high school years. However, the opportunity afforded Baker could provide an excellent solution for those desiring a career in the performing arts without compromising a formal education.

Parents' Education The following tables show the educational level of the respondents' mothers and fathers grouped according to the three historical categories. Table 5.8 Mothers' Level of Education Mothers' Level of Education Pioneers Middle Group Newcomers Total N N N N % I Elementary 2 3 2 7 23 High school 2 4 4 10 33 College 1 4 0 5 17 University 0 1 2 3 10 Unknown 2 2 1 5 17 Total 7 14 9 30 100

Table 5.9 Fathers' Level of Education Fathers'- Level of Education Pioneers Middle Group Newcomers Total N N N N I % Elementary 4 4 3 11 37 High school 1 5 3 9 30 College 0 0 0 0 0 University 0 2 2 4 13 Unknown 2 3 1 6 20 Total 7 14 9 30 100

The most significant difference between the respondents' level of education and that of their parents was the higher number of parents who ended their formal education in elementary school. A total of seven mothers (24%) across all the groups and 11 (37%) fathers were listed as completing their education at the elementary school level compared with only one (3%) in the respondents' table. There were also some parents whose educational level was unknown by their daughters. In these cases, it appeared that formal education was not looked upon as being significant in their lives, and, hence, they did not pay much attention to it. Another interesting fact was that the mothers' level of education was higher than that of the fathers'.

Fewer mothers left elementary school (only 7 or 23% as compared with 11 or 37% of the fathers). More mothers attended high school (10 or 33% of the mothers compared with 9 or

30% of the fathers). There were five mothers (17%) who attended college while none of the fathers did. However, only three (10%) mothers went to university compared with four (1 3%) fathers. 124 As one explanation of the lower level of education attained by the respondents' fathers, a few respondents indicated the need for their fathers to leave school as children and work in order to support their families.

My dad left school in public school. He had to. His grandfather had left and he was forced to go to work (he was the oldest of nine kids) and send some money home. So he worked at a couple of factories... and then he moved in with my great uncle who taught him [a trade]. [Laurence-Middle Group]

I don't think my father completed high school. My father lived a way up north. And he ended up being puiied from school to help with the chores and stuff when he was quite young. And my mom only has public school, too. [Reid-Newcomer]

I believe my dad only went to Grade 6 because he had to stay home and take care of the farm back then and has been a farmer ever since then. [Beattie- Newcomer]

The luxury of an education appears to be something that many could not afford. Other matters took precedence. In the Vertical Mosaic, John Porter describes the barriers to educational opportunities experienced by some families during this era:

Education costs money and regardless of how free it may be, lower income families tend to take their children out of school at an earlier age and put them to work. ...A second social barrier is family size. The larger the family the more difficult it becomes for parents to keep their children in school, or to make choices about which of their children should remain in school as far as university, if that should be a realistic choice for them. In the large family, children are put to work early to help meet the heavier expenses of child-rearing. (Porter, 1965: 168)

The parents of these participants were likely affected by large families and the need to go to work instead of school in order to help out financially. Geographical location is also relevant in that access to and availability of educational institutions determines to a large extent what is actually feasible:

Some persons are fortunate enough to be reared in areas where educational facilities and the quality of teaching are good; others are brought up where educational standards are low. For many the institutions of higher learning are a long way from home and for them the costs of going into residence must be added to the cost of fees. Accident of birthplace thus limits a person's opportunity by determining the education available to him [sic]. (Porter, 1965: I 68)

Several respondents' parents lived in rural areas without easy access to educational institutions. As a native North American, Miller (Middle Group) describes the negative experiences her mother encountered in a residential school for native children:

...my mother, she was a high school graduate, which was very rare (laughs), very rare at that time for a native person to graduate from high school. And she graduated from [a residential school] .... And it was a very-l guess you would say it was a very negative experience, all in all for her, because4 don't know how much you know about what has been coming out now as regards the Roman Catholic church and their intervention with the different native communities and cultures, you know. it was a very negative experience for all of them ....

Although Miller's mother was able to graduate from high school, this was not the case for most

Aboriginals in Canada. In 'Canada's Off-reserve Aboriginal Population," Ryan McDonald writes:

In general, Aboriginal people in Canada have much lower levels of educational attainment than the overall Canadian population. In 1986, 41% of off-reserve Aboriginals aged 15 and over had less than Grade 9 education, and only 2% had completed university. In contrast, 17% of Canadians aged 15 and over had less than a Grade 9 education, and 10% were university graduates. (McDonald, 1994: 53-54)

Given the lack of opportunity for many Aboriginals, Miller's mother was indeed unique in her accomplishment. Unfortunately, the interview time with Miller ended prematurely when her husband returned home to take her to an appointment. In addition, throughout the conversation at a table in the backyard, her children played, interrupting periodically. As a result, the number of topics able to be covered was less than in those interviews in which there were no distractions or abrupt endings.

Some participants seemed to defend their parents' level of education by emphasizing they were intelligent people even if they did not have a formal education. The following quotes reveal their belief that one does not need to go to school in order to be "successfuln:

Well, they just had the usual-the little school house--and then it was the 'school of hard knocks' and they did very well for themselves. [Craig-Pioneer]

Very limited, very limited (education]. They were both very-they were self- taught.... But their education4 think, comes with living life. I think that we can become very educated by living our lives and my parents are as bright and as smart as the next person. Because they didn't go to school doesn't mean that they don't have knowledge. Knowledge doesn't come from-always come from--books. It comes from living. Wilson-Newcomer] My mom has Grade 12 education and my dad has Grade 7 but he probably has just as much education as anybody else (laughs). He was the eldest of his family and they didn't have a lot of money at times. So he sort of helped support them. [Baker-Newcomer]

To these respondents, their parents were successful regardless of the level of their education.

When assessing self-worth, formal education was not seen as being relevant.

It is interesting to compare the respondents' level of education with that of their parents'.

While most parents came from what could be considered working class backgrounds, many of the respondents had obtained higher levels of education. Therefore, it would appear that educational level is not a factor which enters into the decision to become a country music singer. Several of the participants had college or university training while others had not graduated from high school. If educational attainment is taken into account, the perceived connection between country music and the working class is shown to have been extended over time to include the middle class.

Parents' Occupations The majority of parental occupations could be classified as working class. The respondents' parents had a variety of jobs some of which changed over the course of their lifetimes. With the additional responsibility of children, some mothers stayed at home and returned to work outside the home once their children were older. In other cases fathers left school at an early age in order to support parents and siblings. Most of the participants' parents were homemakers, farmers, or pinkhlue collar workers.

The mothers' occupations were listed as: housewife, homemaker, cleaning, taking in laundry, babysitter, seamstress, working at a seniors' centre, cook, farm engineer, farmer's wife

(actively involved in farming), construction, school teacher, librarian, nurse, clerk, fanclub chairperson, art selling, painter, potter, and weaver. Few of the mothers' occupations were directly associated with music. One example was Brant's (Pioneer) mother. She was an organist, choir leader, classical pianist, piano teacher, and also taught art and music.

Newcomers Baker and Phillips had mothers who were helping them with their professional 127 music careers. The table below indicates the number of respondents' mothers who were homemakers, pink collar workers, white collar workers or were in music-related occupations.

Table 5.10 Mothers' Occupations Mothers' Occupations Pioneers Middle Group Newcomers Total L , N N N N I % Homemaker 4 2 2 8 27 PinWBlue Collar 1 4 1 6 20 White Collar 0 4 2 6 20 Music-Related 1 0 2 3 10 Unknown 1 4 2 7 23 Total 7 14 9 30 I00

In analyzing the data, it must be emphasized that in some cases the respondents' mothers had more than one job over the course of their lifetimes and, thus, the most recent, or in some cases, the most prevalent job was used to categorize the response. Also, it is important to remember that this table is presented only to give the reader a general overview of the respondents' parents' occupations.

"Homemaker" constituted the highest percentage of mothers' occupations, with a total of eight (27%). The highest percentage of women's mothers who were homemakers occurred in the Pioneers, with four or 57% of the group as compared with that of the Middle Group (2 or

14%) and the Newcomers (2 or 22%). This would be consistent with societal expectations for many women during the time in which the participants were born. More mothers of the

Pioneers would be inclined to stay home, which so-called "good" mothers were supposed to do.

As time has progressed, more and more women have entered the workforce outside the home either by choice or necessity. This is evident in the relatively lower percentages of homemakers in the Middle Group and Newcomers as compared with the Pioneers. The largest increase in percentage points over time was in white collar jobs, where there were no mothers of Pioneers compared with four or 29% of the Middle Group and two or 22% of the Newcomers.

Few mothers had occupations which related in any direct way to music or a career in music: one or 14% of the Pioneers, none of the Middle Group and two or 22% of the Newcomers. Two 128 of the respondents' mothers worked in non-traditional occupations: one as a farmer and the other in construction. This may have had a positive influence on their daughters' choice of another non-traditional career: singing country music.

Like the mothers', the fathers' occupations were listed under five categories. Across all three groups, the highest percentage of fathers' occupations were blue collar, with the Pioneers

having the most fathers in this category with three or 43%. As with the mothers, the most white collar workers were fathers of those in the Middle Group, where the number of blue collar and white collar workers were tied at four each or 29%.

Table 5.1 1 Fathers' Occupations

Fathers'-- - Occunations 1 Pioneers Middle Group Newcomers Total N N N N % Farmer 2 2 1 5 17 Blue Collar 3 4 3 1 10 33 1 White Collar 4 2 7 , 23 Music-Related 0 2 0 2 7 Unknown 1 2 3 6 20 Total 7 14 9 30 100

Like the limited number of mothers directly related to their daughters' musical careen, there were also few fathers. While several had an interest in country music and might play it, not many actually made their living in the country music business. As exceptions, Middle Group members Clifford and Laurence had fathers whose occupations related directly to music.

Clifford's father was in radio broadcasting and a disc jockey all his life. Laurence's father

entered the country music business after a number of other jobs as a young man, later forming a band of his own. Other fathers' occupations were listed as: rancher, farm engineer, guide and outfitter, baker, truck driver, barber, construction, fisherman, miner, welder, electrician,

millwright, plumber, mechanic, firefighter, salesman, architect, accountant, teacher, market

researcher, doctor, and art seller.

The following table summarizes the total occupations of both mothers and fathers. Table 5.12 Parents' Occupations Parentst Occupations Mothers Total Fat hers Total N % N % Homemaker 9 30 Farmer 5 17 Pink Collar 5 17 Blue Col!ar 10 33 White Collar 7 23 White Collar 7 23 Music Related 3 10 Music Related 2 7 Unknown 6 20 Unknown 6 20 Total 30 100 Total 30 100

Comparing mothers and fathers, there were more homemakers (9 or 30%) than farmers or ranchers (5 or 17%). The blue collar males (10 or 33%) outnumbered the pink collar females

(5 or 17%) by a ratio of 2:l. White collar workers were tied at seven or 23% each. There was one more mother who was involved in music (3 or 10%) as compared with fathers (2 or 7%).

There were six or 20% whose occupation was unknown. Overall, homemaking was the largest category for the mothers and the fathers were largely blue collar workers.

Being mainly working class, the participants' parents could provide the cultural capital needed to instill a love for country music which is viewed as dealing with "realn people and "real" problems, and issues to which they can relate. Perhaps being socialized in a working class family results in many of the participants having a number of the same beliefs and values commensurate with the country music subculture.

Partners' Occupations The respondents' partners' occupations were not what would be considered to be working class. Unlike the participants' parents, most of their partners' employment related to the music business. Of those women with known partners (21 or 70% in total), over half (1 1 or

52%) were in music-related occupations. The remaining 10 (48%) had a variety of jobs such as farmer, insurance business supervisor, paramedic, realtor, supervisor in a large warehouse, mechanical supervisor, and jobs in design and advertising. Table 5.13 Partners' Occupations

Farmer 2 7 Blue Collar 2 7 1White Collar I 6 I 20 I Related to Music 11 37 No Partner 4 13

1 Total I 30 I 101 I

The highest percentage of known partners' occupations was related to music. As a performer for many years, Murray (Pioneer) believes it is important to be with someone in the music business, for only a person involved in some aspect of the industry would understand the dedication needed to pursue a career in music. She states, "...it would be impossible to not be married to a fellow musician. No other man would ever understand the devotion required to be a musician."

Yet there were others with partners in a variety of different occupations who also gave support. Although Wilson's (Newcomer) husband's occupation was not music-related, she states:

My husband-he's my best friend. He's the one that, you know, when after an awards show, when I don't feel that I've done a good job, he's the one patting me on the back saying I did. And he's been my closest friend, you know, as far as emotionally and for support. He's always there.

Most participants who had partners obtained both emotional and financial support from them. While coming from parents who for the most part were not directly involved in the music business, many chose partners who were in some way part of the business. Perhaps the participants met their partners through the business or were attracted to them because of their understanding of the music industry and the lifestyle required to pursue a career singing country music.

Conclusion Canadian women singers of country music are diverse with regard to the ways in which they have come to choose a career in country music. While most were encouraged as well as 131 influenced by family members, a few discovered the genre on their own. Many, but not all, found the move from the private sphere to the public sphere of performing an easy transition and one they enjoyed. Support from others was important in maintaining a career in the business. No special training is required to become a country music singer other than inordinate amounts of talent, perseverance, and luck. Thus, age of professional entry varies greatly within this sample of singers. Educational background seems to have little, if any, effect on choosing to perform country music professionaily.

Most of the participants interviewed came from working class backgrounds. According to the educational levels and occupations of their parents, many were raised in homes of the working class. Yet, the educational attainment of the participants was, in many cases, quite different from that of their parents. In addition, most of their partners were also employed in occupations which would not be labelled working class. While most of their parents were working class, several of the participants were middle class with regard to their educational level. However, in terms of job income and security, class designation would depend on a person's level of "success." As John Shepherd states, discussing class in the field of popular music can be difficult since the number of variables impacting on an individual makes the issue of defining one's class problematic with respect to an analysis of a career in country music, especially when the level of income is unknown. Chapter 6: Being a Woman Country Music Singer introduction The importance of gender is instrumental in understanding the lives of women in our society. The following chapter looks at the social construction of the woman country music singer. The issue of whether or not being a woman has any effect on a country music career is addressed. Various barriers to progress are discussed: an industry dominated by white men in positions of power, attitudes towards women in leadership roles, ageism, sexual harassment, physical safety, and sexism.

The Importance of Studying Gender Discussing gender has become an important area of academic endeavour. What was formerly accepted as "just the way things were" has been replaced by new ways of looking at social environments and roles as women and men in society. Gender is a relevant area of study since issues such as power and economic independence are so tightly bound with one's gender and role expectations within a community. Hale states:

Gender relations are moving into the centre of cultural, social, and political struggles in the 1990s. Much of the taken-for-granted character of relations between women and men, and also between men and men, and women and women, have been challenged by feminist theory, the active politics of the women's movement, and the emerging struggles around gay and lesbian sexual orientation, and men's liberation movements. (Hale, 1995: 85)

With regard to music, gender has played a role in the development of music in the

Western tradition. As outlined in the literature review, being a woman had an effect on one's pursuit of music. The history of women in music reveals the limitations imposed on women who wished to become involved in music as a livelihood. In Gender and the Musical Canon, Marcia

J. Citron reveals not only the exclusion of women but also the neglect of studying non-canonic forms of music when she states:

Anthologies have stressed Western art music and generally ignored other idioms, such as folk music, popular music, and world music. Music by women and other 'minorities' in Western culture has also been overlooked, and this shows the biases in gender, class, and race that are inherent in the seemingly comprehensive label Western art music.' (Citron, 1993: 26)

Richard Leppert discusses gender hierarchy in eighteenthcentury England. During this era, it was considered desirable for upper class women to receive musical education only as an effective way for a "propet' woman to acquire a marriage partner: "...the culture demanded music as an appropriate mark of both femininity itself and female class status. As such music was routinely viewed by parents as an asset to their daughters' future matrimonial stockn

(Leppert, 1988: 29). Upon reaching adulthood, a woman was not encouraged to pursue her musical interests beyond the accepted role of domesticity as this was seen to severely alter the relationship with her marriage partner in unacceptable ways:

A woman who became an accomplished performer signaled a variety of changes in her relationship to her husband and to her place in society. She became visually prominent, especially if she performed outside the drawing room, particularly if she gave a public recital, thus upstaging her husband and, implicitly, suggesting to her husband's friends that she was out of control, leading a life of her own not defined by domestic regulations and responsibilities. A well-bred woman who took music so seriously constituted a threat to social boundaries. Accordingly most courtesy and conduct literature charged women to view music as a trivial pursuit, like virtually everything else they did apart from bearing and raising children. (Leppert, 1988: 39-40)

Women were thus not encouraged to become musicians in the public sphere as this was against the designated role for upper class women of this era.

When studying music, it is important to be aware of the role gender plays in any given society. Ellen Koskoff states: ...the performance and creation of music, as well as all other human social and expressive activities, are fundamentally dependent upon a society's understandings of men and women and the interactions between them. Conversely, music performance can and does provide a context for understanding inter-gender relations. (Koskoff, 199 1: 784)

Although the amount of knowledge to be gained from examining this aspect of music appears evident, it has largely been ignored. Renee Cox contemplates the lack of academic study of women musicians, referring specifically to the scarcity of women composers and the reasons why they were and still are so rare: There are many possible explanations for what seems to be a relative dearth of female composers, among them the lack of opportunity in the past for musical education, the lack of resources and access to the means necessary to get works performed, and the public nature of the discipline in cultures that sought to confine women to the home. ...Another reason for the absence of feminist criticism in music has been the strong resistance within the academic disciplines in music to cultural criticism in general. (Cox, 1991: 331)

Musicology tends to ignore issues of power related to differences among groups within societies. Yet Shepherd emphasizes the importance of gender in the study of music. He contends that capitalist societies are stratified with regard to gender as well as class and while male hegemony is evident, the study of music still does not usually take this fact into account:

My thesis is that it is impossible to understand the practice of music in modern Western societies without simultaneously exploring how the practice, understanding, and management of music have attracted a specific and powerful form of gendering. (Shepherd, 1993b: 47)

By including the study of gender instead of ignoring it, the music of a particular culture

may come to be better understood. The social context within which the music has been and continues to be created is beginning to be recognized by more as relevant to the study of

music. However, although the study of women in music is beginning to change, there is still a

long way to go.

The Early Years With regard to country music, studying the treatment of women in the early years of the

business provides us with an account of the difficulty female singers faced when attempting to

secure a place within the industry. The following discussion examines how gender has affected

female country music singers.

Craig (Pioneer) pays respect to the women singers who "paved the way" for those

presently performing country music. According to Craig, if it were not for these early women

breaking down the barriers, women in country would be much further behind than they are

today. Through what these female artists were able to accomplish, it was proven that women

could sell records and were more than just "fillersn in any given show. Craig relates:

The first lady I so admired was Kitty Wells and there was Jeannie [sic] Shepard, also. They were very different, they were unique, and you know, they were the beginners in this business because it was always men who had all the hits and seemed to get all the breaks. And the women on the shows were what we call 'filler' or whatever. And these ladies came along and had tremendous hits and opened the door for a lot of other women artists to be recognized as people who could sell records.

In 1952, Kitty Wells became the first woman to have a number one song since Billboard began compiling the charts in 1948. Her first hit, "It Wasn't God Who Made Honky-Tonk

Angels," is often perceived as "a breakthrough for woman's liberation in country music" and her success was an inspiration to other woman performers. However, it is interesting to note that in her own life "Kitty Wells preserved an image of wholesomeness and domesticity that was far removed from the world she often sang about." Her husband, Johnnie Wright, played an important role in her success. In the "aggressively competitive country music world ...Kitty seems to have been protected from much of its reality by her husband who handled the details of her career and who generally spoke for her" (Malone, 1991: 224). Wells' rather nonchalant attitude towards stardom and her belief in the importance of 'Yamilr is demonstrated by the following quote:

'We just try to make a family show out of it,' Kitty says. 'Don't any one tries to outshine the other. We're not jealous of each other. I don't try to push myself out in front of Johnnie. If anything, I'll push him forward rather than to be out front myself. I've always been easygoin'. I don't like to make any enemies. I just like it for everybody to like me, you know?' (Bufwack and Oermann, 1993: 179)

While Kitty Wells had Johnnie Wright to help her with her career, according to Bufwack and Oermann, Jean Shepard's success was even more amazing for this era since "she was the only early-fifties country music woman who made it on her own." Unlike Wells, "...for most of her career, Jean had no husbandlprotector as part of her traveling show." Shepard had her first number one song in 1953 with "A Dear John Letter" when she teamed up with Ferlin Husky. "In

1954 Jean released country music's first female concept album, a brilliant tapestry of distaff emotions called Songs of a Love Affair." It was not until 1960 that she married country singer

Hawkshaw Hawkins who was killed three years later in a tragic plane crash that also took the life of country singer Patsy Cline. As an independent female performer during the fifties, Jean 136 Shepard was unique since the "country couples' route" was far more common during this period

(Bufwack and Oerrnann, 1993: 185-1 88).

In the early days of country music, many of the women who stayed in the business were usually associated with husbands, boyfriends, families, or some kind of touring show in order to be "accepted." In the late 1940s and early 1950~~the happy couple image took hold to an unprecedented degree in country music. More than forty spouse teams were active during the postwar era. ..." (Bufwack and Oerrnann, 1993: 188). In some cases, even if a re!ationship between a singing wife and husband was not good, this arrangement may have provided the only vehicle available for a female to pursue a career singing country music. 'The husband- wife image was so important that several other country couples kept up a facade even when things were far from rosy at homen (Bufwack and Oerrnann, 1993: 190).

The beginnings of the genre in Canada saw few female artists. Laval (Pioneer) recalls:

...when I started out, it was- ...l can almost count on my hands the female singers in Canada. ...it was myself and Anne Murray and Carroll Baker. Lynn Jones had a show out of Hamilton. Julie Lynn was playing the club circuit here.... But it was just a handful of us and look how it's grown. And I'm glad to have been part of the beginning.

Proud to have been one of the few female performers in the beginning years of the industry,

Laval emphasizes the importance in helping younger singers realize that what they now enjoy has not always been there. She feels they need to be made aware of what has gone before:

"...they might think that it's just started now and it really started like 20 years ago or more with

Lucille Starr and those people. So I'm glad to have been a part of the early era." Laval recounts the impact made on her by Canadian singer Lucille Starr and her hit 'The French

Songn (1965) and states, "...that is one of my favourite songs and I do it a lot in my shows. It had that much of an impact from the time I was little and it just stayed with me."

Laurence (Middle Group) began her career in the sixties as a child of ten. Although classified as a member of the Middle Group due to her birth year, Laurence's early start places her first experiences with singing closer historically to members of the Pioneers. At that point in time, Laurence describes the less-than-encouraging attitude by the country music business 137 towards female performers. This is reminiscent of the way in which Leppert outlined the societal mores that discouraged "propef women from pursuing a career in music. Even though

Leppert's work applied to Europe of the eighteenth century and this dissertation involves

Canadian performers in the twentieth century, the point nonetheless remains that entertainment

in both instances was not condoned as a socially acceptable career choice for many women.

Laurence reasons that the limited number of female singers in the early years was in

large part due to the fact that travelling on the road at that time was so difficult, especially for

women who had children. If you were a mother who could afford to stay at home, society

dictated that childcare responsibilities take precedence: "...when you had a family, you were expected to stay [home] ...." Boyd confirms this societal attitude by stating, "In the l95Os, women were expected to work exclusively in the home and take complete responsibility for domestic tasks and behaviours. ...the attitudes and activities expected of women-that is, their

social roles-were those of wives and mothersn(Boyd, 1995: 3.2). However, it should be noted

that while this statement may have been true for those of the mainly white middle class, it was

not necessarily the case for all groups of women. Those who could were expected to stay

home but there were many who were the breadwinners of their families and were not given the

choice.

According to Laurence, the type of song material available for women to record during

this era was rather limited: They were singing cutesy songs-songs that men wrote for them

that didn't really kind of touch on how they felt. And so I think a lot of women found it

frustrating...." Kitty Wells comments on the scarcity of songs from which women in the early

years had to choose and how her hit was a turning point in the writing of songs to which more

women could relate:

'They didn't seem to write songs for women before then [referring to Wells' hit song "It Wasn't God Who Made Honky-Tonk Angelsn].... Mostly, [songs] were for men.... There weren't a lot of songs to choose from. You had to sing them or not sing at all.... rHonky-Tonk Angels7 was kind of the womenfolk getting back at the men.' (Bufwack and Oennann, 1993: 179) 138 Even the way in which women were introduced on a show could be demeaning.

Laurence recalls, "I just remember even in the introductions, 'Here's the pretty little lady,' and that's all you were-was kind of a little novelty thing or something-for a long time." Bufwack and Oermann confirm this attitude towards female performers with reference to country star

Loretta Lynn and her entry into the business:

She (Loretta Lynn] rose to fame on The Wilbum Brothers' syndicated TV series. In those days, Opry stars taped weekly programs that were sent out for weekend broadcasts by stations in tawns from Akron to Wichita Falls. The general format was simple-the star on a single hay-bales-type set introducing his big hits. instrumental numbers from band members, a guest star, the resident comic, 'and now something from our pretty miss' or 'and now here's a religious number from our girl singer.' No women hosted these. (Bufwack and Oermann, 1993: 310)

Like Laurence, Clifford (Middle Group) was another child performer who began singing in the sixties and remembers the way in which women in the industry were treated. Female singers were referred to most times as the "girl singers":

...y ears ago, the women-'girls,' the 'girl singers' in the ban& ...they were sort of just there. 'Well, we gotta have a 'girl.' You have to have a 'girl singer,' you know. We better have a 'girl' on stage to make it look good,' kind of thing-not really taken that seriously.

Many women who sang were not treated as singers in their own right. Clifford was also a member of the Middle Group but began performing at such a young age that the events about which she speaks were happening at approximately the same time as the adult members of the

Pioneers were performing.

Sexual Harassment Monica Boyd states, "Sexual harassment is essentially a display of power in which one person attempts to control, and often succeeds in controlling, another through sexual overtures"

(Boyd, 1995: 3.4). Its history is rooted in an ideology of gender inequality which discriminates against women:

Sexual harassment is the result of the general belief that men are superior to women and may impose their will on women. It is also the outcome of patterned ways of behaving that are based on this belief and that serve to reinforce it. (Boyd, 1995: 3.5) 139 Unfortunately, there are more men in our society in positions of power and control than women.

Finding themselves in subordinate positions, women in many instances do not have the power to counteract this imbalance of authority.

As singers of country music, women were sometimes expected to do more than they bargained for in order to gain access to the industry. Termed "the old couch theory" by

Laurence (Middle Group), she explains:

...y ou go to meet the record people and you were sometimes expected to do more or, you know, to go along with it just to get anywhere. And I think that happened a lot, too, and that a lot of women just kind of said, 'I don't need that,'

Choosing not to have to deal with such distasteful situations, perhaps many women decided not to pursue singing. However, there were those who persevered in their pursuit of a country music career in spite of experiences with sexual harassment which affected their careers in a negative way.

Stone (Pioneer) was one such person. She relates a disturbing event which happened to her several years ago when trying to establish herself as a young singer in the business. Not mentioning any names, she describes an experience which she believed had a negative impact and severely affected the direction her career took at a crucial point in her musical life. Time may have passed since the incident occurred, but the resentment and unfairness of what happened could still be heard in her voice as she told her story.

When Stone was 17, she was asked to sing on a country music television show. Having been educated in a convent, she describes herself as quite naive and "unknown to the ways of the world." In preparation for the show, she relates what happened:

... I went to quite a few rehearsals... thinking I was going to go on the show, really excited-thrilled, of course. And then at the 11th hour... l was told that-this was really at the 11 th hour4 was told that I would have to come across sexually to go on the show .... And, of course, I was absolutely shattered, you can imagine! So I said, 'No, I'm going to-there's no way.' I said, 'I'll make it on my singing.' And he said, 'Oh, well, you'll be lucky,'-that sort of thing, a real downput. So that was very, very shattering because I often feel that if that had not happened to me and I had been on the show, my whole future could have been different. It could have been a lot easier. I'd have had Re exposure and the financial assistance that I needed. So that was horrendous when that happened. 140 Stone also mentions incidents of clubowners "coming on to you." Back then, she believed that as a woman, you had to accept the harassment as part of what you were trying to do. Although acknowledging that there is still sexual harassment, Stone now knows steps can be taken to counteract this type of behaviour:

... those things happened and unfortunately, I guess, they're still happening. But today, you do something about it. But in those days, you just thought, 'Well, that's life,' you know, like having a backache. But you're brought up kind of stupid and naive. And I don't think anyone could have been more naive than I was then. But I've changed. Boy, have I changed! (laughs)

As Hale comments, "...these experiences remained amorphous and unnamed, felt but not seen for what they were, and women were silenced (Hale, 1995: 185). It was not until the

1960s that the term "sexual harassmenP came into existence. Since there was no name for the encounter, it was assumed either not to be important or simply not to exist.

According to Laurence, the experience of a woman singer in a family group is very different from that of a solo female artist:

...when you're with a family group, I think you're a lot more protected than you are if you're just a female singer. I mean, I've heard horror stories of women playing bars where they go to get their pay cheques and somebody's coming on to them or they're yelled up rude comments from the crowd. I've never really had to deal with a lot of that. I was always protected. My dad was always there or my big brother or my big sister or my husband.

While many of those in society have become more aware of the harassment of women as unacceptable behaviour and are no longer tolerating something that was once deemed permissible, being a single female performer can still be difficult.

The Social Construction of the Country Music Female Throughout his book Creating Country Music, Peterson describes the way in which country music has been created by those who produce and consume it. From the music described by Peterson as "old-timer" (1997: 55), to hillbilly, to country and western, to folk, and, finally, to "country," this genre has continued to recreate itself over and over again. Most often the image and the music were not indicative of the character or background of those who performed it. As an example, Peterson cites the cowboy image which came into vogue due to 141 the popularity of the cowboy movies made in Hollywood (Ib~d.: 81). Many of the country singers who dressed as cowgirls and cowboys never had any prior connection to this way of life. It was merely part of an act designed to promote themselves as performers, and to cash in on what the audiences wanted to see.

Over the years, the perceived images of women in country music have not necessarily reflected reality. Many artists were "packaged" to exude a persona thought to appeal to the audiences for whom they sang. Malone gives two examples of this phenomenon:

Millie and Dolly Good... were farm girls from Illinois who sang and yodeled in sweet, close harmony. Their agent advised them to dress like cowgirls, gave them the romantic title Girls of the Golden West and then, after scanning the map of western Texas, attached to their promotional literature the statement that they were born in Muleshoe, Texas. The Girls very carefully preserved this fiction to the end of their performing career. (Malone, 1991 : 145)

In 1935, Patsy Montana was the first woman in country music to have a major hit with her song "I Want to Be a Cowboy's Sweetheart." Her persona was also created:

Patsy Montana's career was similarly shaped by romantic conceptions of the West. She was a singer and fiddler from Arkansas named Rubye Blevins, but on the West Coast in the early thirties Stuart Hamblen renamed her Patsy Montana. and she thereafter cultivated carefully the performing image of the cowgirl. (Malone, 1991: 145)

These women portrayed images that did not always coincide with their backgrounds but rather were established to engage the audience.

Patsy Cline was an important figure in the continually increasing independence of women in the country music industry. Within the business, she was well-known as someone who spoke her mind. Yet Cline was promoted to the public using a more "acceptablen image for the times. In reality, she was much different than her magazine write-ups might lead readers to suppose:

Patsy's reputation within music circles as a bawdy iconoclast aside, she continued to be promoted as a sweet, pert, even demure country girl singer-the only kind of girl singer that could find acceptance in the country music establishment of the fifties. (Jones, 1994: 186)

Cline was a talented singer who, according to her mother, was obsessed with country music from the age of ten and wanted to be a star on the Grand Old Opry more than anything 142 else. Although Patsy was told how difficult it would be as a woman entering this field, "Knowing her, it probably made her all the more determined" and she went after it (Hensley, quoted in

Bufwack and Oermann, 1993: 251).

... what Patsy wanted, Patsy fought for. She was aggressive and ambitious and self-assertive. ...in her day they called her 'brassy,' 'cocky,' 'brash,' 'hard,' and 'rough.' ...She was salty and sentimental, tough and tender. And she knocked conservative Nashville on its ear. (Bufwack and Oermann, 1993: 251)

Cline's dream came true when she was inducted into the Opry in 1960,and "...transformed what it meant to be a female country star" (Ibid.). Singers Loretta Lynn and Dottie West attribute

Cline with making it possible for women to be successful in "the world of country music." West states:

...In the era of country music we came up through, women didn't have the clout they have today. There was Kitty Wells and Jean Shepard-they were big in country-but Patsy crossed over and had massive pop appeal when this was virtually unheard of .... More than anyone, Patsy opened the door for us... . Before that, we'd only been used as window dressing. (West, quoted in Bufwack and Oermann, 1993: 243)

Cline was tragically killed in a plane crash in 1963 at the height of her career. An example of the influence she has continued to have in country music was the sale in 1992 of over four million of her Greatest Hits album, which earned further distinction as being "the only album from the 1960s still on the charts* (Bufwack and Oermann, 1993: 243). Thirty years after her death, Cline was still popular among listeners.

As early as the 1%Os, Canadian country music performer Lucille Star was challenging the behaviour expected for women in this genre:

... She [Lucille Starr] and Bob Frederickson (Regan) met and married as country performers in Vancouver, British Columbia; but by the mid-fifties they'd adopted a snappy, youth-oriented style. She came from a strict French Catholic upbringing, but says that never bothered her as a rocker. 'I was doing what came naturally,' says Lucille. 'I didn't know what I was not supposed to do, so I always danced around; 1 was doing what was later called the twist. It was just a natural thing; I always loved to move around a lot, and I still do. One of my records was very risque for the time. My mother said, 'I can't possibly play this for the parish priest!' It was called 'Demon Lover.' That was a no-no.' (Bufwack and Oermann, 1993: 229) 143 Starts comments reveal her awareness of the ground she was breaking. Just because there were certain societal expectations in place during this era did not mean the individual women themselves adhered to them. As Starr explains, "I was doing what came naturally."

According to Shepherd, including the whole body in the enjoyment of music is part of what music is about. In discussing music's role as a social symbol, he states:

The articulation of social and cultural realities involves all the senses, and we are continually reminded, in our quintessentially symbolic existence, of the way in which the world rubs up against us and continually stimulates us to active participation. (Shepherd, 1991: 90)

Yet the study of music rarely deals with this aspect. In the example cited above, Starr was not following what society expected from her as a woman singer of country music but instead was

''just being herself" and dancing the way in which the music moved her. This was just one way in which women artists began to change society's perception of how they should behave.

Women country singers' images continue to evolve, being pushed to the limits by the women themselves.

Questioning Just the Way Things Are Particular communities define appropriate behaviours for women and men and these come to be regarded as "reality." Yet, some sociologists question the perceived "way things aren and attempt to study how particular behaviours become ingrained within certain societies.

Hale states:

The social constructionist perspective challenges much of what we generally take for granted as factual characteristics of people and society. All aspects of social life are regarded as processes that people accomplish rather than entities that can be described. Sex and gender are no exceptions. (Hale, 1995: 100)

Social constructionist theory causes us to examine our preconceived notions of what constitutes women and men and their relative characteristics. It makes us look at how society constructs these "taken for granted" assumptions and turns them into what is taken as ''fact."

Deconstructing some of this so-called knowledge may bring us to a better understanding of the social realities in which we live. Negative Stermtypes The social construction of the country music woman has been usually less than complimentary. The image that has been fabricated over time does not necessarily reflect reality. In the early 1960s, Bailey (Pioneer) describes her first encounter with a country music band in a major Canadian city. Bailey had done some singing in her small town but had never sung professionally. One particular night, due to some friends, she found herself in a country bar although she confesses not liking country music at the time. The following account reveals her own negative perception of women singers:

... I always thought that nightclub singers were vulgar, dripping with makeup and boobs hanging out all over-and tight ... and I was a skinny little kid, about 85 pounds soaking wet. Oh, I could never, ever go in to a nightclub to sing. You have to be really bad to do these things. (laughs) ...They had a girl on the stage. And she was dressed in a very nice little dress and she didn't have to look like a tramp or anything. She just got up and sang these country songs and I thought, 'Hmmm, I can do that, you know.'

Even though Bailey liked to sing, she had not considered the idea of performing seriously since she was under the impression that "good girls" would not do something like that!

After witnessing the woman singer in the country band that night and viewing her as a somewhat "normal" type of person, her attitude changed and she began to realize that she, too,

could do that. Bailey went on to actually replace the woman singer in the band and began a

professional career as a country music singer, signing with a major label, recording in Nashville,

and performing on a television show. What she had been led to believe constituted a nightclub

singer had affected her attitude about becoming a singer herself. The experience that night in

the country music bar enabled her to dispense with her nightclub singer stereotype. As a

consequence, she could begin to view singing as a socially acceptable occupation that women

could aspire to achieve.

The stereotypes associated with women who perform country music may have come, in

part, from the effect of Tammy Wynette's popular song "Stand by Your Mannwhich was

criticized by some for implying that women should "stand by their men" no matter what. When 145 examined more closely, it becomes clear that there is more than one possible interpretation of the song's lyrics.

According to Roy Shuker, "The popularity of 'Stand By Your Man' was matched by the controversy and critical response it created. This focused on the song's apparently sexist message:" (1994: 138). However, two things mili?ateagainst this reading. Firstly, the lyrics of the entire song, rather than just the words of the chorushook ("Stand by your man"), seem to paint a picture, not of the subjugation of women but rather of their sympathetic and somewhat resigned tolerance for men as the weaker gender who could not function as well if it were not for women. "Stand by your man" then becomes a statement of independence and strength for women. Secondly, the change in the character of Tammy Wynette's voice between verse and chorus-softer and more sympathetic and open in the verse in discussing the difficulties of relationships with men, harder and more assertive in the chorus in discussing the necessity of supporting them-is consistent with this reading.

Wynnette was a divorced mother of three children when she first went to Nashville in hope of becoming a singer. Subsequently, she married five times in the belief that love should be part of marriage and when the love is gone, the marriage ends. Interpreting the lyrics of

"Stand by Your Mann to only mean that women should be subservient to men is superficial. In her autobiography Wynette explains what the song meant to her as its co-writer:

Feminists had condemned the song, saying it was typical of the kind of thinking that had kept women down all these years. ... I don't see anything in that song that implies a woman is supposed to sit home and raise babies while a man goes out and raises hell. But that's what women's lib members thought it said. To me it means: be supportive of your man; show him you love him and you're proud of him; and be willing to forgive him if he doesn't always live up to your image of what he should be. (Wynette, 1979: 193-1 94)

Tammy Wynette and "Stand by Your Mann are often referred to by those wishing to dismiss the genre as anti-feminist. Even Hillary Clinton, the Presidential First Lady, commented publicly on the kind of woman Clinton felt was represented in Wynette's song in an attempt to distance herself from its perceived downtrodden, victim image. After learning that Wynette was upset by the remark, Clinton apologized. As recently as 1998, the association between Clinton 146 and Wynette's "Stand by Your Mann was alluded to in an article on the front page of a major

Canadian daily newspaper. Entitled "Infidelity, abuse cited for divorces," the first line reads

"Hillary Clinton may stand by her straying man but Canadians won't tolerate their partners'

philandering" (Carey, 1998: Al). Hillary Clinton did indeed continue to "stand by her man" but

it is the enduring reference to a song that was a hit over thirty years ago that is even more

remarkable!

Bufwack and Oermann find the simplistic assumptions attributed to Wynette and country

music both bothersome and downright annoying. Oerrnann responds to the attacks by saying:

Tammy has gotten a bad rap .... Unfortunately, 'Stand By Your Man' is a quick grab for anyone trying to prove country women as pathetically obsequious and unable to stand up for their rights.... The stereotypes are not true now, and never were true. (Oermann, quoted in Starr, 1994: 163)

Bufwack feels the criticism in singling out Wynette is overtly unjustified. As pointed out in her article entitled "Girls with Guitars-and Fringe and Sequins and Rhinestones, Silk, Lace, and

Leather," Bufwack states that the same people who latched onto Wynette's "Stand by Your

Mann did not condemn Janis Joplin for her hit "Piece of My Heart" in the same year, 1968,

"telling her man to break her heart if it made him feel goodn (Bufwack, 1995: 196).

For women performers of country music in the 1990s, the outdated ideology mistakenly

assumed by some who interpret Wynette's "Stand by Your Man" as a kind of anti-woman

anthem which promotes subservience could not be further from the truth. In their lives as woman country music singers, these artists do not simply stand by and watch what happens.

They actively pursue and continue to strive for careers in a field where it is still difficult to

establish and sustain oneself as a performer.

Positive Images Throughout the history of country music there are numerous examples of outstanding

women performers presenting strong images for other women through songs dealing with

issues that concern them. In Paul Kingsbury's article entitled "Cowgirls Are Doing It For

Themselves," several examples are given of songs performed by women that present "poetry 147 for the common woman." Released in 1927, The Carter Family sang "Single Girl, Married Girl":

"Single girl, single girl, Goes to the store and buys, Married girl, married girl, Rocks the cradle and criesn (Kingsbury, 1992: 34-35). According to Bufwack, "Dolly Parton's 'Dumb Blond'

(1967) was an angry song about how she was treated by men, and her 1968 hit, 'Just Because

I'm a Woman,' argued against the double standard for men and womenn (Bufwack, 1995: 196).

"The Pill," written by Lorene Allen, Don McHan, and T.D. Bayless, and performed by Loretta

Lynn, was released in 1975: 'There's a-gonna be some changes made, Right here on Nursery

Hill, You've set this chicken your last time, 'Cause now I've got the Pill" (Kingsbury, 1992: 34-

35). K.T. Oslin's "80s Ladies" was written and performed by the artist and met with huge success:

'We've been educated, we got liberated,' Kay sang as she summed up the experiences of 'girls of the fifties' who lived through rock In' roll, children, divorces, and consciousness-raising. 'We burned our bras and we burned our dinners.' Sung with throbbing conviction and backed with a pounding rhythm track, '80's Ladies' became the anthem of a generation. It sold a million copies and won a Grammy. (Bufwack and Oermann, 1993: 524)

These are just a few examples of the many assertive songs sung by the women of country music throughout its history which have dealt with subjects with which women could connect.

Dolly Parton is perhaps one of the best known women in country music. She has consciously taken her gender and used it to develop a persona that resonates sexuality combined with "down-home" personable qualities:

Parton openly discusses the strategies she employs for the construction of her image in almost every interview, and she makes no secret of the fact that the Dolly image is a fagade she has created to market herself. (Wilson, 1995: 1 12)

Although her outward appearance signifies one image, her personality exudes another. And all the time, Parton appears to be totally in charge. While some may criticize her for objectifying her body, Wilson argues that since it is Parton who is in control, she cannot be labelled a

"victim." It is Parton who has the power to use her own image in the way she sees fit:

Dolly Parton, by managing and manipulating her sexual image in such a way as to attain the maximum response from the male gaze while maintaining her own dignity and self-esteem, is making patriarchal discourse work to her own advantage. She is keeping the upper hand and stage-managing her own 'exploitation.' (Wikon, 1995: 116)

In her self-deprecating way, Parton has created an image for herself that cannot be denied. From her blonde wigs to her six inch heels, her outward appearance could be described as "over the edge," an over-exaggeration of 'Vvomanliness," yet her internal persona is that of an "ordinary" country woman with "common" values. Parton is someone who knows what she wants and how to get it. The public loves her. She has achieved success as a singer/songwriter, actress, television performer, entrepreneur, and businesswoman.

Bufwack and Oermann published their substantial volume entitled Finding Her Voice:

The Saga of Women in Country Music in order to explore the unheard voices of working class women who throughout history had been virtually anonymous. They attempted to "place music in its social context," uncover the contributions of women to the field of country music, and reveal the importance of studying the genre as a means of learning, initially, about working women's lives, and, eventually, about the lives of many women from other classes. Of the information gathered for their book, they state:

The story of women in country music is a window into the world of the majority of American women. it describes poverty, hardship, economic exploitation, sexual subjugation, and limited opportunities. Sometimes it is self-defeating and reactionary, painful and despairing. But it also contains outspoken protest and joyful rebellion, shouts of exaltation and bugle calls of freedom. There is humor as well as sadness here, victory as well as heartache. The history of women's country music reveals a rich vein of positive images, self-assertive lyrics, and strong female performers. (Bufwack and Oermann, 1993: x)

The women of country music have a history that is unique and varied. They represent a broad spectrum of individuals with musical styles and characteristics as different as the backgrounds from which they come. 8y reviewing their many contributions to the genre, one becomes more aware of the limiting nature of the stereotypes which try to draw one cast for all.

Exclusion In the past, many women have been excluded from the chance to obtain qualifications and experience which would provide them with the authority to make decisions and to be taken seriously in the public sphere: 'In seeking to understand gender inequalities, researchers point 149 out that, historically, women have been excluded from certain types of activities that create opportunities for acquiring power, prestige, and wealthn (Boyd, 1995: 3.5). Although this has changed somewhat, gender still accounts for unequal treatment within Canadian society.

Canadian women are not accorded the same consideration as Canadian men:

Women are subordinated to men in Canadian society on just about every measure of social status-the average incomes they earn, ownership of property, control over capital, participation in politics, representation in managerial, administrative, and decision-making bodies. Women's contributions to society in general and to the world of work in particukr, are not accorded the same value or recognition as those associated with men. (Hale, 1995: 379)

The women interviewed for this study were asked if they felt they had ever been excluded from any activities because of their gender. Of those who responded to this question, the majority (18 or 60%) stated they believed they had not been excluded from anything because they were women. There were only four or 13% who mentioned individual incidents at some point in their careers when they had been left out because they were women. Eight participants' answers were unknown.

Table 6.1 Exclusion of Female Country Performers Exclusion of Female Country Performers Pioneers Middle Group Newcomers Total (1 920s-1940s) (1 950s) (1960s-1970s) N % N % N % N % Yes 2 29 2 14 0 0 4 13 No 4 57 6 43 8 89 18 60 Unknown 1 14 6 43 1 11 8 27 Total 7 100 14 100 9 100 30 100

The general trend revealed in this table shows that as the age of the participant decreased, the likelihood of responding "No" increased. This appears to indicate that as time has progressed, those women born in later years have experienced less exclusion because of their gender. No Newcomers stated they had ever been left out because they were women. Incidents of Exclusion Brant (Pioneer) experienced exclusion as a member of a singing duo with a male partner. Although it did not happen often, she cites two examples when she was treated differently because she was a woman:

I certainly have been excluded from some things. Not a lot. When [my male partner] and I played Expo '70 in Japan, I found that there were a lot of things that [he] was invited to that I wasn't but that's Japanese culture.

Although disturbed by the fact that she had been excluded from certain events. Brant realized it was a reflection of Japanese beliefs and values. But she also states that if she had been a solo performer instead of a femalelmale duo, the situation would have been quite different. She would have either been invited to particular events or not but she would not have been excluded from functions her male partner was invited to attend just because he happened to be a man.

Brant related another incident where gender played a role. When negotiating her pay in a television situation, the people involved were shocked when she asked to be considered separately from her male partner. They figured she was part of the package-a "two-for-the- price-of-one" deal. She recounts:

I think they thought they got a Ywo-fer' and when I told them in the company of my manager what money I wanted for this specific thing that we were doing, we were informed that they had never paid that amount of money to a female Canadian artist-double whammy [laughs]. And fortunately, I was in a position to say, 'Okay, fine, go and find another [me]'[laughs]. So, yes it has and no it hasn't been a problem.

Although Brant has had to contend with some situations where exclusion has arisen, she concludes with the advice, "Once you learn to stand up for yourself. I don't think it continues to be a problem."

Stone (Pioneer) feels she has been excluded in the sense of being a woman and having to deal with the "old boys' network," which Morton Weinfeld describes as "...the informal ties or

'connections' on which mates of the white establishment once relied (and to some extent still rely) to place family members or friends in promising or lucrative positions" (Weinfeld, 1995:

4.1 5). Stone explains the dilemma: "Ithink you get excluded from being asked to join in and 151 go for lunch to discuss business and things like that ...." When people involved in the music business meet casually for lunch at a bar, Stone feels that because she is a woman, she is not invited. She does not believe this to be too different from other business situations in which most women find themselves. Women are not included often in these kinds of meetings where

"deals" are made and business associates get to know each other better in an informal setting-a different kind of atmosphere more conducive to developing positive business relationships. Stone thinks that if you are a woman in a bar, you are assumed to be there for a different reason.

Early in her career, Clifford (Middle Group) witnessed the exclusion of women in the fact that only so many female acts were allowed on any given show. The singers were mainly men, women were looked upon as an addition to the main event: "...it was predominated by men and they might have a 'girl' on the show. 'We better have a "girl act' on the show, you know, because you have to balance it." In retrospect, she now regards that as a problem but at the time she did not. Perhaps it was viewed as merely a part of being a woman entertainer during that era. Clifford no longer thinks being excluded due to gender is an obstacle and that the situation has improved immensely. As an example to illustrate this point, she cites some shows that have been women only such as a television special entitled "Women of Country Music" which aired on The Nashville Network (TNN) in 1993. While this evidence of equality for women may be an improvement over what has happened in the past, it is still questionable as to whether women are being treated equally in every aspect of the country music business.

Never Excluded For the majority of respondents (18 or 60%), exclusion due to gender had never knowingly been experienced. For these women, it was not perceived as an issue with which they had to deal. When asked if they had ever been excluded from anything because they were female, some replied:

...I've had no one ever say to me that they didn't play me because I was a female or anything about my gender. I think right now there's just as many women artists out there as there are guys and they're very successful. [LavaCPioneer] I don't think so. I'm pretty assertive. If there was somewhere where I felt I needed to go, Iwould do it. Throughout my career-no I don't ever feel excluded. [McPherson-Middle Group] No. No. I don't feel that there is that feeling here. I think the women are probably as powerful as-in this industry-as anyone .... [Wilson-Newcomer] No, I've never experienced anything like that. I've always had a goal in mind and just went after it and never really had any problems with that. [Baker-Newcomer]

These women spoke as if they felt in control and were confident in dealing with their careers.

They believed being a woman had not excluded them from anything.

It is interesting to note that the affirmative responses discussed above differ from those of Kathleen Kelley Reardon who studied the exclusion of women in a number of different types of organizations. She states that being left out can take many forms, both physical as well as verbal, but that "Much of it is neither purposeful nor vengeful on the part of men." Women are simply not given the same worth as men when it comes to decision making. Those women who do "make it" are extraordinary at what they do. Reardon states:

...Men have learned to tune out the words of women because women are usually considered peripheral to the 'dominating activity' at hand. What women have to say is assumed to be of less value because wamen have historically been excluded from important nondomestic decisions. In many companies, women who reach the top are ones whose competence is beyond question. They are women who leave no doubt that they can make it in a man's league. (Reardon, 1997: 178)

Yet, while "Superwoman" may be achieving success, women in general may not. This

feeling of not being taken seriously as a woman making decisions is affirmed by Clifford (Middle

Group) who differentiates between her personal belief about herself and the way others have

viewed her in the past. She has always felt strongly about herself and her abilities yet

describes situations in which she was not always treated as if her opinion should be the final

one. However, she does believe that this has "changed considerably."

The women interviewed for this study who replied that they had never been excluded

because of their gender may be the women Reardon describes as those %ho leave no doubt

that they can make it in a man's leaguen because of their superior talents. Or, they may be

coping with the subtleties of discrimination in their own individual ways without acknowledging 153 that the exclusion even exists. In Women in Management: Power and Powerlessness," Non

L. Colwill describes one possible explanation:

Women learn to cope with discrimination in a variety of ways. One of these methods, which researchers are only beginning to address, has come to be known as Yhe denial of personal discrimination.' ...Denial of personal discrimination may make it possible for women to get on with the day-to-day business of effective and competent work behaviour. Perhaps, by refusing to accept the possibility that they are the objects of discrimination, individual women are creating a new reality for themselves, and, by association, for women in general. (Colwill, 1997: 192-1 93)

By not being aware of or acknowledging that discrimination exists, perhaps the majority of the participants in this study have learned to deal with it in the most effective manner available to them. Also, comparatively speaking, there is probably far less exclusion experienced today than in the early days of the country music industry.

Female Artists Don't Sell: Fact or Myth? While success can be defined on many different levels such as number of concert performances, amount of radio airplay, number of music awards, and/or general popularity, whether or not a singer sells product is closely tied to her ability to be able to continue to perform professionally. If a country singer does not have a following of those who like her music and are willing to pay for it, the chances of continuing in the industry for any length of time are severely limited. Her ability to make CDs, videos, and all the publicity-generating required to keep the momentum going is significantly constrained unless she is able to acquire the funds necessary to "fuel the machine." Huge commercial success is not necessarily what most artists achieve, but being able to prove that what they do results in a viable commodity is mandatory. While looking at the artistic side of the business and viewing themselves as creative artists is part of who they are and what they do, earning enough money to sustain themselves is a fact of life in order to continue a singing career past the first album. The ability to sell product is a necessity for those pursuing a full-time, professional career in country music.

Women have not always been accepted as performen within the country music industry and, even after Kitty Wells proved that a female artist could sell records, many women artists 154 experienced prejudice for decades. Unfortunately, the city of Nashville, which became the hub of country music, was never knoJn for its liberal viewpoint. Bufwack and Oerrnann state:

It is a cruel irony for women that this industry settled in Nashville, for no southern city is so hidebound by conservative religion, and no radio barn dance was as resistant to female perforflers as its Opry. (Bufwack and Oermann, 1993: 180)

Finding acceptance within the coontry music business was difficult for women performers. In the early years, the opinion was tnat women singers could not sell records, could not sell tickets to their shows, and should not be headliners. For example, even though Kitty Wells had a hit with "It Wasn't God Who Made Honky-Tonk Angels," Roy Acuff, patriarch of the Grand Ole

Opry, advised Wells' husband, Johnny Wright, not to have Kitty headline the show. "It won't ever work, because people just don't go for women." As well, investment in female entertainers was viewed as a 'baste" since they would only end up leaving their careen to get married or to have children (Bufwack and Oerflanfl, 1993: 180).

Seemingly ingrained in the psyche of the country music industry was the notion that women were the major consurnefs and, as females, would want to see and hear male performers:

It was assumed that women bought the show tickets and records of the rhinestone-studded men who were fantasy lovers or country dream dates. Loretta [Lynn] poked a big hole in this assumption by appealing directly to women. Audience response was volcanic. (Bufwack and Oerrnann, 1993: 31 0)

When singer/songwriter Loretta Lynn "spoken to women through her songs about female situations from a female point of view, her resulting popularity proved that women wanted to hear what she had to say. Her songs sold very well. Yet, it is interesting to note, remnants of these negative beliefs concerning female artists and their ability to sell can still be seen.

As a female artist, it may be more difficult to secure a contract with a major label since there are fewer positions on a record company's roster for women due to the "fact" that less product is sold by female artists. Barry (Middle Group) questions the message she has heard circulating in the music industry: that women buy the records and, therefore, record companies sign more men. She ponders the rationale behind this kind of thinking: ...what I have heard is that in Canada and in the States, women are the buyers of records and therefore airplay, to a certain extent, and record company decisions about who they're going to sign to their label and whatnot, are determined by who's going to be buying the records. And if it's women who are buying the records, the assumption gets made they'll buy male artists. So as a woman in Canada or in the States, it's harder to get taken seriously as an artist because the figures show that women artists don't sell as well as men artists.

The key word here is "assumption." It is assumed that women buy the records and it is also assumed that these women will buy mainly male artists. Barry cannot understand why this is thought to be the case. She asks how they know whether a female or male is buying the music and how these statistics are calculated at the retail level. Soundscan, which uses a bar code and computer technology to keep track of the number of units sold, does not indicate whether a woman or man is buying a particular CD.

If male artists outsell female artists, perhaps it is in part due to the fact that there are more male artists whose product is available and being promoted more aggressively with the backing of greater amounts of money. Limiting the number of women on a label's roster based on the assumption that women do not sell as well as men does not seem equitable. In addition, while women consumers are credited with buying the majority of country music sold, they still have a lower buying capacity than male purchasers due to women's lower salaries which are on average 67% of men's pay (Lowe, 1995: 10.1 5). Thus, if more women had pay equity and, as a result, greater amounts of "disposable income," they might purchase more female artists' products. In the latter part of the twentieth century, as female country performers have continued to become more popular, this appears to be more the case.

Stevens (Middle Group) reports a Nashville producer as saying "....that it was tougher for the women because they had to get the women on their side." Stevens admits that she was

"not quite sure what that means." Why would women be against her? Stevens was surprised by this statement: "...I was actually kind of shocked." Unfortunately, some of those making the decisions within major record companies seem to be affected by this attitude and the result can be signing more male acts than female. Stevens enjoys being a woman and feels she is able to portray a female viewpoint in her music: "...1 happen to be a woman and I feel the music that 156 I play reflects very much that I am a woman, [it] has a woman's perspective." Being a woman can thus have its advantages in that one can relate more closely to the reality of over half of the population and perhaps address feelings and issues previously left unsung.

On a personal level, Barry (Middle Group) enjoys listening to female artists: "I like listening to women. All my favourite collection of tapes in the car-most of them are women.

And it's not like I have this thing against male singers." Perhaps the belief that consumers are not as interested in buying female artists' material as much as males' product is outdated and needs to be reexamined.

Using this men-sell-better-than-women argument, Stone (Pioneer) describes the difficult struggle women in the past experienced receiving airplay. Reminiscent of what Barry had heard, Stone recounts some of the same so-called logic for the preference given to male artists. With regard to radio, she explains:

...they didn't even want to play women on the radio ...for one thing, they said women were the ones who bought the records and they want to listen to the men. So, it was a hard grind-a hard grind. Until Loretta Lynn and Kitty Wells started to come out with stuff. And then Patsy Ciine, of course. But we're there now. But it's still a struggle though. But they are taking us more seriously as writers now. So that's good.

Both Barry and Stone mentioned the problem of being taken seriously as female artists.

American country performer, Kathy Mattea, describes how the prejudice against female artists at the radio level stitl exists when she states:

There are a lot of radio stations that say, 'I'll play four women's records at a time. I can't add another woman to my playlist until I drop one.' I don't know how much of that is based on research or phone calls or what the public tells them. But I tell you, I know women can sell records.... The Judds are doing it right now. So is Ernmylou Harris. (Mattea, quoted in Bufwack and Oermann, 1993: 485)

Placing limitations on the playing of female artists only diminishes their chances of being heard and becoming more popular. It can thus become a self-fulfilling prophecy when female artists are not given the same opportunities and exposure as male artists.

In a questionnaire I sent to eight Canadian radio stations in 1997, one question read, uAre records [meaning statistics] kept on the number of Canadian woman, Canadian men, 157 American women, and American men who receive airplay?" One reply stated: "...genders are are [sic] relatively inconsequential, although we would rarely run more than 2 females back-to- back." According to this response, playing more than two female artists' songs one after the other is uncommon. With statements like this being made by someone in charge of choosing songs that receive airplay, evidence remains that an artist's gender can affect airplay.

Although the situation is continuing to improve, it is still a significant challenge for many women in the country music industry to attain a high level of accomplishment. The following quote from American country singer, Trisha Yearwood, reveals the attitude towards female artists that remains prevalent and the astonishment expressed when a woman is successful:

In the midst of country's hot-hunks marketing fever, Trisha's remarkable sales success made headlines everywhere. 'I heard all the time when I was starting out that women don't sell records,' Trisha told writer Michael Bane. She said to Thomas Goldsmith, 'I've heard for six years, "Don't expect to sell as many records as George Strait, because women just don't do that."' To interviewer Noel Davis she complained, 'There is a mentality in Nashville that women don't sell as well as men'; and, 'if you don't think it is going to happen, it is surely not going to happen.' (Bufwack and Oermann, 1993: 550-551 )

Luckily, Yearwood believed it could happen and proved it many times, most recently by winning two Grammies in 1998.

In 1992, a female publicist for a Nashville record company decided to investigate whether or not the myth that had plagued women in country music for years could be substantiated. Did female artists sell as well as male artists?

Arista Records publicist Merissa lde had a gut feeling that even though they were in the vast minority, country's women were selling proportionally as well as the men. So she tallied all the gold and platinum sellers then active. At the time, only 36 women were recording artists on major labels, but 15 of them had won these sales awards (42 percent). Men and male groups, on the other hand, represented 117 album-making acts of whom 44 had sold in the millions (38 percent). (Bufwack and Oerrnann, 1993: 551)

Ide was not surprised. As a female listener, she knew she enjoyed the female artists and could

understand how other women could feel the same. Perhaps if more female artists were

included on label rosters and given the same support as the male artists, there would be an even higher number of successful women in the country music business. 158 The myth that women do not sell, upheld for numerous years by many in the music business, is finally being laid to rest. It is evident that female artists can sell and sell well. in the latter part of the 1990s, some Canadian women have been cited as "leading the way" in this

march toward equality. In Women on Top: The Quiet Revolution That's Rocking the American

Music Indusfry, James Dickerson compiled the Top 20 Chart Hits from 1954 to 1997, lists which are based on "a national sample of retail store and rack sales, and are representative of what the public is buying." In the following quote, Dickerson emphasizes the importance of being aware of the difference between Top 20 Chart Hits compared with the Top 100 Singers and

Top 40 airplay charts which are composed of "individual songs that program directors decide to air":

Since the vast majority of program directors in the United States are male, the songs they select for airplay are indicative of their individual interests and have very little correlation to what the public is actually purchasing in retail outlets. ...Airplay charts, then, reflect what male program directors are playing, and sales charts reflect what people are buying. (Dickerson, 1998: 17)

By studying what is sold at the retail level, a more accurate picture is taken of which artists, in fact, are popular with the people who listen to the music. As Dickenon reveals from an

American perspective, the songs that make up the airplay charts and are heard on the radio are more heresult of the bias of radio program directors (who are usually male) than indicative of what is preferred by the general listening population or representative of the record buying trends of the public.

Dickerson identifies 1996 as the turning point for women in music by using the Top 20

Solo Albums lists based on number of units sold. "1996 was a landmark year. It was the year

female solo artists out-charted their male counterparts on the Top 20 charts for the first time in

history" (Dickerson, 1998: 17). Citing the number of female artists compared with male artists whose albums reached the top 20 in a given year and working out the percentages of gender in

relation to the total number, Dickerson showed that, since 1996, women were now in the

unprecedented position of dominating the charts. From 29% female in the 1954-1 959 time

period to 61% female in 1996 and 60% female 1997, the latter stages of the nineties have 159 finally seen more female artists being recognized on the sales charts. Dickerson credits this success in part due to Canadian female artists such as Celine Dion, Sarah McLachlan, Alanis

Morissette, and Shania Twain who have sold millions of CDs worldwide.

At the initial stages of this dissertation in 1993, there were only three female country acts listed on the Top 20 Albums chart: Dolly Parton, Reba McEntire, and Wynonna Judd. k.d. lang, not considering herself to be a country artist, was the only Canadian on the list. Of the 14 female singers listed, Dolly, Reba, and Wynonna accounted for three or 21% of the women on the Top 20 Album Chart for 1993. Without counting k.d. lang as country, there were no

Canadian female country singers. Comparing this 1993 list to the lists from 1996 and 1997, when female artists began to dominate the charts, female country artists still only accounted for three out of 14 female positions (21%) in 1996 and five out of 25 women listed (20%) in 1997.

While the overall number of female singers on the charts improved from a total of 14 female artists in 1993 up to 25 women for 1997, the actual percentage of female country singers remained relatively the same (21%, 21 %, and 20% respectively).

Canadian female country singers were represented by lone artist Shania Twain in both

1996 and 1997. Canadian female singers, in general, fared better. In 1993, k.d. lang was the only Canadian female singer charted, accounting for one out of 14 or 7% of the total number of women. In 1996, the number of Canadian female singers rose to two out of 14 (14%) and in

1997 up to four out of 25 (16%). The percentage of Canadian female artists doubled from 7% in 1993 to 14% in 1996 and increased again in 1997 to 16% (Dickerson, 1998: 242-248).

According to Dickerson's charts, the 1960s and 1970s were extremely unfavorable for female recording artists. The overall summary of the placement of female artists on these charts was not much better, as Dickerson concludes: "An analysis of the chart positions from

1954 to 1989, based on gender, leads to only one possible interpretation: American popular music was the sole preserve of male recording artistsn (Dickerson, 1998: 17). Advantages andor Disadvantages The respondents were asked if they considered being a woman in the country music business to be an advantage or a disadvantage. The responses were divided into five categories. There were those who felt being female was only an advantage and those who believed it to be a distinct disadvantage. Some of the respondents could see both sides of the

issue while there were others who considered being a woman of no consequence in the country

music business and, therefore, neither an advantage nor a disadvantage. The smallest grouping at three or 10% thought being a woman was an advantage while the largest grouping

at 10 or 33% felt it was a disadvantage. Those categorized as "Unknownn were participants for

whom no response was given.

Table 6.2 Being a Woman in the Country Music Industry Being a Woman in the Country Music Industry Pioneers Middle Group Newcomers Total (1 920s-1940s) (1950s) (1 960s-1970s) N Yo N % N % N Yo Advantage 2 29 1 7 0 0 3 10 Disadvantage 2 29 6 43 2 22 10 33 Both 0 0 3 21 3 33 6 20 Neither 1 14 1 7 3 33 5 17 Unknown 2 29 3 21 1 11 6 20 Total 1 7 101 I4 99 9 99 30 100

Breaking down the answers into the three major groupings did not reveal any major

trends. Since the sample was so small, it is difficult to make generalizations based on the

information given. Yet, one interesting fact was that the Middle Group had the highest number

of respondents claim that it was definitely a disadvantage to be female in the country music

business. There were six or 43% of this group who believed gender played a negative role in

their profession. Perhaps this is due to the fact that most of the women in the Middle Group

had been involved in the business for a number of years and had experienced more of the

"downsn of the business than those just starting out as Newcomers. This was further illustrated

by the fact that the highest number of women who believed it was neither an advantage nor a

disadvantage being female came from the Newcomers, where a third of the group felt this way. 161 This could also be indicative of the improved attitudes toward women who choose country music as a career. It must be noted that 20% percentage of respondents did not answer this question either because they were not asked the question during the intatview or they did not fill in the answer for this particular question on the questionnaire.

Makes No Difference Some of the participants felt that being a woman had nothing to do with their careers in country music and that gender played no part. It was reminiscent of "the cream rises to the top" or "the merit principlen: if you were good, you would be successful:

...I can't say that I've had any disadvantages by being female. And the venues that are hiring us, the concerts, I mean they're bringing in females just as well as males and we're filling the places so that's a good plus. We can draw crowds just as well as the men can. [LavaCPioneer]

No [disadvantage]. You can expect to reap what you as a human being sow. Talent knows no gender. [Burgess-Middle Group]

...I haven't noticed any disadvantages or advantages being a female and being in this industry at all. Whether I'm just blind to it or whether I just don't think about that. There hasn't been any for me. ...so far I've been looked at as a performer and a singer who's doing her own thing. The fact that I'm female, I don't know that it has [made] that much of a difference-a different effect on anything yet. I haven't noticed it if4rbeen aware of it if it's happened. [Beattie-Newcomer]

These women believed that being female was of little consequence in the larger scheme of things. Neither Reid nor Clark, both Newcomers, reported having experienced any disadvantages either. These artists believed that a woman could "hold her ownn and was not at

any disadvantage in the country music industry.

A Definite Advantage: An Exciting Time for Female Artists Women in country music have made unprecedented gains since the 1950s. The

following account by Bufwack and Oermann outlines this increased popularity in more specific

terms by tracing the number of songs by female country artists that made the top of the charts

throughout the decades:

Women sang on eighty Number I country records during the 1970s' up dramatically from twelve during the 1960s and up astronomically from just five Number 1 records in the 1950s. Prior to the 1970s female country music never accounted for more than 5 to 10 percent of the marketplace. But thanks to breakthrough women such as Loretta [Lynn], Dolly [Parton], and Tammy wynette], during the 1970s women doubled their share of the country music marketplace from roughly 10 percent to approximately 20 percent. In the early 1980s their share of the charts rose to nearly a third. (Bufwack and Oermann, 1993: 390)

Over time, women country music performers have come to represent more of the top selling records.

There were several respondents who thought the present (1993) was the best time to be a woman performer of country music. They believed it was an advantage even if the phenomenon could not be explained nor its duration known. Many observed that people seem to be paying more attention to female performers of country music and they are perceived to be doing well on the charts, especially in Canada:

I think women are doing very well in country right now. There's a lot of interest in women performers in country-just at this time. Whether that will continue or not, I don't know. [Brant-Pioneer]

It seems to be an OK thing to be right now. ...there seems to be a lot of women in the top ten in Canada right now. And, like I say, I don't know why that is. But I certainly don't see any disadvantages at the moment. [Edwards-Middle Group]

I feel that the women are very strong and very much accepted. And it's evident in the artists. It's evident in our track record of artists, female artists in Canada. [Wilson-Newcomer]

Edwards recalled a conversation among performing artists at Country Music Week in 1993:

We were talking about this last night-about how in Canada there are way more women singers, women Canadian singers in country music than in the States, for some reason. I don't know why, but most of whom I really like4 like their statements.

Laurence (Middle Group) agrees with the notion that women seem to be more popular in the

Canadian country music scene:

...I think it's an exciting time for women to be in music. ...I think it's more of an advantage now just because the whole industry's hot on female artists. I think in Canada, ...it's the strongest category. I think we have more stronger females than we have in any other category.

Baker (Newcomer) describes now as "probably the greatest time" to pursue a career in country

music, "for women especially." 163 As a Canadian. Clifford (Middle Group) credits performers such as Anne Murray and,

later, k.d. lang with changing the attitude towards female artists. She thinks women have become "quite a force in music," not only as performers but behind the scenes as well:

"...women are taking more of an active role in power positions of companies and making decisions in the music business rather than just being the secretary in the off ice or whatever."

Women are far more recognized than they have ever been. Clifford sees women becoming the

leaders of bands and making their opinions heard.

Celine Dion, Amanda Marshall, Sarah McLachlan, Alanis Morissette, and Shania Twain

are some Canadian female artists who have made a significant contribution to women in

popular music generally. Shania Twain's brand of country music has become popular

throughout the world. Perhaps being a Canadian, Twain's definition of what comprises country

music is more open and less restricted than the Nashville model. This may, in part, have

resulted in more positive interpretations from a number of different cultures globally who like her

unique approach to the genre.

Some Barriers to Progress While there were those who felt being female was not a disadvantage, those who did

spoke of a variety of experiences which had made being a woman country music performer

more difficult. Below is a discussion of some of the hurdles the respondents described.

White Men Over Fifty: A Male-Dominated Industry The country music business is an industry in which the most of the major decisions are

still being made by older white men. Seemingly apologizing for her insight, one female

singer/songwriter in Nashville states:

'I hate to sound like a feminist,' says Nashville-based singerlsongwriter Janis Ian with complete sincerity, resorting to a rhetoric whose efficacy she questions. 'But the music industry, in the upper, upper echelons, is basically controlled by white men who are over fifty.' (Starr, 1994: 115)

Whether reluctant to sound like a "feminist" or not, the fact remains that the country music

industry is indeed a white male domain. Most of the major decisions are made by men who 164 hold powerful positions within the industry. Yet, this "fact" is not limited only to the music business. Even though there are more women entering some formerly male sanctums, men in power are found in all areas of employment:

Male power over women is evident in the labour market and in public arenas such as law, politics, the military, and the media. We have seen that substantial occupational segregation exists, and that it hints at greater male power, in that men are more likely than women to be managers. (Boyd, 1995: 3.1 0-3.1 1)

The sexual division of labour is evident in the country music business. The following quotes reveal that some jobs within the industry are more likely to be done by men and others by women:

...the A & R men-and they are men, there never are any A 8 R women, ya, women are publicists... my impression is that publicity is handled by women. Record contracts are given out by men. Those decisions are made by men. [Richmond-Middle Group]

... it's still a business run by men for the most part. Definitely. I don't know any A 8 R women, you know-they're all men. All the clubowners-most of them- they're all men... [Riley-Middle Group]

Baker (Newcomer) states, "...the way it is now, it's still probably [a] male-dominated indust ry...." Men occupy more key positions. Women are usually found doing jobs which have less autonomy and thus, less control. Riley (Middle Group) believes there is an abundance of female talent in Canada that is not being heard. A support system through management and the record companies is needed in order for these women to be able to meet their potential.

"The possibilities are endless. ...we just don't have the means right now."

Just the Singer: Attitude Towards Women in Leadership Roles While singing in clubs, Riley (Middle Group) explained the difficulty some people had with perceiving her as the leader of the band. The attitude was that, as a woman, Riley could not possibly be in chargeshe was "just the singer." A woman being in control was viewed by some as inconceivable. In her experience, Riley still sees this less-than-acceptable attitude towards women in music:

I think women still are-and women in music are still-thought of, 'Oh, she's just the singer.' or 'She's flighty,' or 'She's a die.' or 'She's the chick in the band.' ... I used to get people coming up to me all the time and saying--like people who didn't know who I was-they would say, 'Who-what's your band's name?' or 'Who's the leader?' And it's like, 'Well, it's me, it's my band.' 'Well what's he name of your band?' 'Well, it's just [Riley].' It's like, 'These people work for me, I'm the leader.' You almost had to spell it out. They don't expect the woman to be the leader. It's just sort of-they still see you as a 'girl' singer, the 'chick' up there. t found that.

Riley chooses not to perform in clubs anymore in part due to the negative attitude towards women with which she was confronted. At times, it was an uncomfortable environment.

Riley enjoys travelling with her own band. After spending so much time together, a speciai bond is formed and they become friends. However, when working with an unfamiliar back-up band, Riley has experienced some difficulty. In these situations, "...it might take a while for the guys to get used to-this 'girl' is your boss. And some of them would have a problem with that." Although most would accept her authority, dealing with particular aspects of a band's behaviour can be challenging. The following excerpt reveals Riley's sense of frustration in her repetition of the word "hard" meaning "difficult":

It was hard sometimes to throw around your authority or to take a stand on things. It was hard. It's hard because you're a woman and you've got these four men-boys. So it wasn't always easy. Sometimes it took extra courage to get up the nerve to stand up and say ...' l don't like the way you're doing that,' or 'I don't want you to drink on stage.' It's hard. And Wen, of course, if you're too aggressive, then you get called a bitch, you know. Well, any woman in any business, that's the way it is, you know.

If a man were the bandleader, perhaps saying what Riley said would be interpreted as being

"strong." Yet, the same assertive behaviour exhibited by a woman can result in being called a

"bitch." Emmons (Middle Group) concurs that being a woman in country music is like being a woman in any other kind of business, "...you have to work harder than a man would to get the same amount of respect."

Reardon concludes, "The stuff women can't see, feel, or touch are interactions that leave them feeling ignored, excluded, patronized, insulted, or undermined" (Reardon, 1997:

166). By oper;ly discussing the problems faced by women aspiring to or already in leadership positions, Reardon insists that women "must take control" over these situations and learn effective ways of dealing with them instead of just "letting them go." Recognizing "the subtle 166 stuff and responding effectively are important to both women and men in order to open up the lines of communication and improve working conditions.

Yet, exactly what might be considered to be "effective ways" is difficult to know.

Acknowledging that these attitudes toward women exist is important to make people aware, but knowing how to deal with these subtle and sometimes not-so-subtle behaviours within the country music industry requires more study.

That I Will Not Divulge-It'd Be Bad Business: Ageism Many participants were aware of the potential for discrimination based on age. This fact became clear when the women were asked for their date of birth during the demographic section of the data collecting. Although most respondents provided the date and year immediately with little or no hesitation, there were those less willing to divulge this information.

Several artists' replies revealed a reticence indicative of an underlying uncomfortable feeling discussing age. It became evident that this was an issue with which they had had to deal as women entertainers.

Taking into account society's negative attitude towards aging, it is not surprising to find respondents who were somewhat hesitant or unwilling to reveal the year of their births. Upon being asked this question with the reassurance that it would be completely anonymous, and was important only in order to place them within a historical framework, some respondents replied:

That I will not divulge. [Craig-Pioneer]

When? No, I don't want to say that. It'd be bad business. (laughs) [Stone- Pioneer]

Oh, you don't want to know. This century. [Richmond-Middle Group]

... So I'm old, very old. (laughs) [ClifforbMiddle Group] ...and I'm not going to tell you the year. (laughs) (Wilson-Newcomer] ...and I'm not going to give you my age, as far as 'when.' The 'when' part goes years and years and years ago-eons ago. (laughs) [Beattie-Newcomer] 167 These responses revealed a reluctance to discuss age across all three historical groupings. In fact, it is interesting to note that there were more Newcomers who would not disclose their years of birth than the other two groups. A few simply chose to ignore the question of age and gave only the information they wished to reveal such as the day and month of birth, but not the year. Others neglected to reply at all and quickly changed the subject.

According to Laurence (Middle Group), being an older female can be a disadvantage when it comes to receiving awards of recognition from the industry. She observes more of the older male artists being acknowledged at award shows than older female artists. This she views as a definite disadvantage of being a woman in country music:

...the disadvantages, you look at the male category and like for the last three or four years, there's been-four out of the five [contenders] have been over 50 years old, these men. That would never happen in the female category. That would never4 mean you would never even see one female over 50 years old!

At first, Stevens (Middle Group) was reluctant to reveal her age. While initially replying,

"Agewise-confidential," she later proceeded to state her age but added, "...this I may not want to go on record." When asked, "Do you think age is important as part of your ...," before the question was finished, she quickly clarified her concern:

To me, actually, I change about it from year to year. But one thing I do find interesting is that I find that the radio guys want to know-that's one of the first questions-they ask you how old you are. And I find that really interesting so that's why I back away from the age thing because I don't know why they want to know that, you know. That can be interpreted different ways from my perspective... l wonder if they ask the men that? When being interviewed by radio personnel, Stevens wonders if age is "going to be some sort of criteria."

Stevens also related an experience with a male clubowner while attempting to secure a job performing. During a telephone conversation, the clubowner actually asked her age and

then added, 'Well, you could be some babe that's 45 years old or something." Well aware of

the sexism and ageism inherent in this statement, Stevens feels there is definitely "pressure on

womenn due to "the youth culture that we live in." 168 Age is an issue with which our society as a whole grapples. Betty Friedan, author of

The Feminine Mystqu8, written over thirty years ago, more recently published another book

entitled Fountain of Age (1993). It deals with aging-a subject Friedan also describes as a

"mystique of sorts." She sees our society as having "an increasing obsession with the problem of age and how to avoid it personally, through diet, exercise, chemical formulas, plastic surgery,

moisturizing creams, psychological defenses, and outright denial-as early and as long as

possiblen(F riedan, 1993: 35). For many, growing older is not seen as a natural progression of

one's life but as something that must be stopped. A multimillion dollar business has resulted.

In Western culture, youth is glorified and growing older is viewed negatively.

The Beauty Myth by Naomi Wolf exposes this preoccupation with youth and so-called

beauty for what it is. She alleges that the beauty myth or the search for eternal youth for

women is what the economy has used to replace the myth of domesticity. Many women are no

longer content to stay at home and fulfill their role of domesticity, first contrived in the Industrial

Revolution when men went outside the home to earn money and women were relegated to the

private sphere to find contentment. Feminism has helped to make women aware of this. But,

according to Wolf, something else had to keep women down, making them feel less than

worthy. And that is the beauty myth-the eternal search for youthful beauty. Society dictates

its standards and women flock by the thousands to buy creams, lotions, diets, and cosmetic

surgery in order to fulfill its prophecy. Allowing women to age gracefully with their own aging

beauty is not revered in our society. If women are made to feel inferior and perceive

themselves as not 'measuring up" to this beauty myth, then they will spend their money trying

to make themselves look like the images with which they are presented in the glossy

magazines to which they subscribe. Not falling into the trap set by those who wish to make

money from women's deliberately planted insecurities is a challenge. Unfortunately, as a

woman performing country music in a public forum, it is extremely difficult, if not impossible, to

ignore the overwhelmingly strong presence of the beauty myth in our society and its pressure to

conform. 169 Ironically, one of the things that attracted Stevens (Middle Group) to country music was its apparent acceptance of older female artists. As Bufwack and Oermann state, "Unlike their counterparts in pop music, dozens of country women have remained stars into middle age"

(Bufwack and Oermann, 1993: 522). Kitty Wells (born in 1919), Loretta Lynn (1935), and Dolly

Parton (1946) are major female artists who remain involved in the country music industry into the latter half of the 1990s and are still admired. Wilma Lee Cooper (1921), Skeeter Davis

(1931), Jan Howard (1930),Jeanne Pruett (1937), Jeannie Seely (1940), and Jean Shepard

(1 933) continue to perform on the Grand Ole Opry.

K.T. Oslin is a unique example of a woman who did not begin her country music career until middle age but was embraced by country music fans:

...K.T. [Oslin] is the only one who began her hit-rnaking career at age forty-five. She became the inspiration for every middle-aged woman who felt vibrant yet overlooked; who believed she had wisdom, sex appeal, and something to offer; who yearned for recognition of her experience. (Bufwack and Oermann, 1993: 522)

Stevens (Middle Group) states, "When K.T. Oslin broke on the scene and I found out how old she was, I thought, 'Now we're moving. Now we're getting there.'" Although aware "there can be stigma in some people's mind about age," Stevens also believes K.T. Oslin has been a great influence to the women of country music and that progress is being made and barriers are being broken down.

People Can Get Out of Hand: Concerns About Physical Safety Stevens (Middle Group) lists concern about physical safety as being one of the disadvantages women in the entertainment business face. For women performing in the club scene, "...you're in environments where there's a lot of drinking going on, and people can get out of hand...." Going home after a show which usually ends late at night is a reality with which women who perform country music have to contend. Personal safety is of utmost importance and must be dealt with in an intelligent and knowledgeable manner. Stevens makes sure she has someone to walk with her to her car and she does not take any chances. Yet, she also declares that "...being a woman on streets that aren't safen is a problem that all women face in 170 our society-it is not just an issue reserved for female entertainers. Ethnic minority women and lesbians are even more vulnerable to becoming victims of physical and emotional abuse.

Stevens wonders if men have the same problem but does not know.

The combination of late night activity plus consumption of alcohol can increase the chances of encountering violence. In Canadian Social Trends, Vincent Sacco and Holly

Johnson state:

Lifestyle appears to expose certain groups to increased risk of victimization. People who engaged in many evening activities outside the home had particularly high rates of violent victimization. (Sacco and Johnson, 1994: 417)

Drinking alcohol merely exacerbates the incidence of violent crime.

Violent victimization was also associated with alcohol consumption. The victimization rate was 220 incidents per 1,000 people who consumed 14 or more drinks a week. On the other hand. the rate was 48 violent incidents per 1,000 non-drinkers. (Ibid.)

It is interesting to note that young people from ages 15-24, especially men, were the most likely to be assaulted or robbed. Yet, for the next age grouping, it was women who experienced more victimization. 'While men were generally more likely than women to be victims of violence, this was not the case at ages 25-44. The victimization rates were 97 incidents per 1,000 women in this age group and 88 per 1,000 menn (Sacco and Johnson. 1994: 41 6). Older Canadians, ages 45-64, had a lower incidence of violent crime while for those 65 and over, the number

'Was too small to produce reliable estimates."

The majority of country music singers for this study were women in the 25-44 age range at the time the data were collected-the age group most likely to be victimized. While, as

Stevens states. Canadian women in general have to be careful and concerned for their safety, the kind of work in which women country performers engage is one in which the need for

precaution is highly warranted especially if the venue is one where there is drinking and the

event takes place at night. 171 Should a Woman Talk About Those Kind of Things? Sexism Sometimes radio disc jockeys have refused to play particular songs by female artists when they do not condone the lyrics. Perhaps the best known example of this phenomenon is

Kitty Wells who, when she released "It Wasn't God Who Made Honky-Tonk Angels," at first had difficulty obtaining airplay because of the lyrical content. In addition, she was not allowed to perform this song on the Grand Ole Opry, the "mother church of country music." They "forbade her to play 'It Wasn't God Who Made Honky-Tonk Angels' on the show because it was too outspoken" (Bufwack and Oermann, 1993: 176). However, public pressure was so great that these restrictions were eventually lifted and it became "the first song by a woman to attain the top position since Billboard had begun compiling such listings in 1948 (Malone, 1991: 224).

During Clifford's (Middle Group) interview, she spoke of a controversy concerning the topic of a particular song sung by a well-known Canadian country music artist in the early nineties. Apparently, although the song had become quite popular, Clifford relates, "...some people, especially males, in certain parts of the country ...don't accept the fact that a woman should be ...talking about those kinds of subjects." Some radio DJs refused to play the song.

Clifford found this difficult to believe.

K.T. Oslin also met with some hostility by radio personnel. Stevens (Middle Group) recalls Oslin's song about an older woman being attracted to younger men and states Oslin

"...has been quoted as saying ...that a lot of radio men wouldn't play it. And yet they'll play,

'Don't the women all get better lookin' at closin' time,' stuff like that. So, I mean, I go on record as saying there is still sexism for sure." Phillips (Newcomer) agrees that sexism is alive and well in the music industry and believes whatever kind of music with which you are involved, being a woman "puts you at a disadvantage."

The significance of one's gender in society is acknowledged by Naiman who states:

While humans hold many statuses at any given moment, gender constitutes such an elemental status, its recognition begins so early, its socialization is so intense, and its imposition on all other components of human development and status achievement is so total that we could term gender a key status. (Naiman, 1997: 259) Men have been granted the higher status in our society even though there is no *naturaln reason for this bestowal. Most often, as the self-acclaimed arbiters of so-called acceptable societal norms, those with the power and control determine what they deem to be admissible.

In some instances, 'radio menn may be making choices that reflect sexism. Examples include refusing to play particular songs sung by female artists due to "unacceptable" lyrical content, or rarely playing female singers' records backto-back, while male artists are played one after the other without hesitation. Homophobia may also play a part as in the case of k.d. lang who, although an exceptional singer with an album produced by Nashville's renowned Owen Bradley, was not embraced by country radio.

Stevens (Middle Group) cites an example of what she describes as "outright sexism" by a clubowner in a major Canadian city:

...at that time I was still booking myself at certain gigs and I talked to this man on the phone and he said, 'Well, we don't really like women as performers here.' And he came right out and said that.

Stevens thought it such a strange comment that it stands out in her mind. However, "...he was the only person I've ever run into that I can recall that actually came right out and said something totally sexist." From Stevens viewpoint, it is not something that happens often but it does happen. And, as if justice was served, she adds, "...He was out of business shortly after that...."

Conclusion Gender has an effect on the life of a country music singer. The stereotypical way in which female country music singers have been portrayed in the past has not always been favourable. The respondents found being a woman artist to have both its advantages and disadvantages. In a few instances, some found themselves excluded because they were women. Yet, most of the participants did not feel they were treated differently because they were female and, in fact, some viewed being a woman as an advantage in the present market 173 with so many female artists doing so well. However, the day-to-day realities of being a woman country music singer can be challenging. Chapter 7: WORKING LIVES ln troduction The realities of the working lives of performers are central to a thesis on Canadian women in country music. Exploring how the respondents deal with their everyday lives while at the same time pursuing a singing career is a relevant area to examine because of the impact the women's lives outside the realm of singing have on their careers. The home situation plays a fundamental role in many of the basic and, therefore, very important contradictions these women experience. Gender is significant when discussing childcare and homecare since for many, the female performer's experience differs greatly from that of the male artist when dealing with these issues. The importance of maintaining good health is also addressed.

Discussing the performance of country music reveals the evolution over time of women's presentation of themselves.

Difficult Choices

Balancing Career and Personal Responsibilities Many of the participants with children discussed experiences in both childrearing and homecare and the problems they encountered or continue to deal with while pursuing a career singing professionally. Like most women in any career, those in country music have some difficult decisions to make. In order to be successful, many may find themselves having to

select one lifestyle over another when a combination of the two is, for them, impossible to achieve. Choices have to be made. But in the final analysis, these so-called "choicesn are not

really choices at all. In some cases, they can affect the decision of whether or not to attempt a

professional singing career.

Childcare and Homecare The issue of how to take care of children and household duties is in large part

determined by the social class, race, ethnicity, and sexuality of the individual woman. For 175 example, women of the upper classes usually deal with childcare and homecare differently than those from the working class. Those of particular race and ethnicity are prevalent among those hired to take over these roles. Hale notes:

It is black women who have commonly acted as domestics and caregivers to children in rich, white family homes, often at the expense of caring for their own children. Feminist literature has given little attention to the class relations between professional white women and the often nonwhite women who provide domestic labour. (Hale, 1995: 440)

The diversity inherent in the term "women" must once again be acknowledged. Dealing with the care of children and the home depends on many sociological factors.

Trying to be successful in one's occupation while at the same time raising children and maintaining a home is a daunting task for many women. The number of women having to deal with this situation is ever increasing:

There has been [a] particularly sharp growth in the employment rate of women with children in the last decade. Between 1981 and 1994, for example, the employment rate of women with children less than age 16 living at home rose from 50% to 63%. In comparison, the proportion of women with no children less than age 16 living at home with jobs only rose from 46% to 50% in the same period. (Almey, 19956: 64)

Yet, even though there are more women with younger children working outside the home, both childcare and homecare are still being relegated mainly to them:

Even when employed, women are still largely responsible for looking after their homes and families. In 1992, employed women with a spouse and at least one child under age 5 spent 5.3 hours per day on household activities, including domestic work, primary child care, and shopping. At the same time, employed women with a spouse and youngest child aged 5 and over devoted 4.4 hours per day to these activities, while the figure for those with no children was 3.7 hours per day. In all cases, employed women devoted around two hours more per day than employed men to these activities. (Almey, 1995b: 70)

Childcare is a very relevant issue for women country music entertainers with dependent children. Since singing usually requires several hours of work at night, in addition to preparation time for performances and, in many instances, extensive travelling time, childrearing is a concern. Being responsible for caregiving in an occupation such as performing

is challenging. 176 An example of the popular image advocated for woman country music artists with children is revealed in an article which describes American country music singer Martina

McBride as follows:

Wife, mom, country music star ...Martina McBride juggles all three roles as easily as she hits her high notes. '1 really believe you can have it all,' Martina says during a break in rehearsals for her fall tour ... 'You can have a career and be a good wife and mother,' she declares over lunch... 'I don't really know how I do it, though. I think if I really stopped and thought about the roles I play and what I am to all these different people, I would probably crawl in a corner and hide.' (Newcomer, 1997: 34)

It is interesting to note the order of roles McBride is described as fulfilling: someone's wife, then someone's mother, and lastly, a country music star. Even though this article is found in a popular country music magazine and is written because McBride is a well-known and successful country music singer, it is her status of "wife" and "rnothef which are noted before her role of performer. This representation adheres to the culture created by the country music industry for female artists and the importance of the "traditional family" (i.e., women fulfilling the role of wife and mother) in that construction.

While a few of the more successful female artists such as Americans Martina McBride,

Wynonna Judd, and Tanya Tucker take their children with them on the road, most performers do not. For country superstars in the latter part of the twentieth century, customized buses can make this possible for those able to afford it. However, lack of financial resources is still a drawback for the "average" performer and many woman singers with children may not have the choice of having their families travel with them.

Taking Care of Children The number of participants with and without children was equal at 14 each or 47% of the total. There were two respondents for whom this information was unknown. The following table shows the breakdown of those with and without children according to historical groupings. Table 7.1 Respondents With and Without Children Respondents With and Without Children I Pioneers Middle Group Newcomers Total N % N 70 N yo N % Children 6 86 7 50 1 71 14 47 I No Children 1 14 5 36 8 89 14 47 I . Unknown 0 0 , r42 I 14 0 0 2 7 . Total 7 rloo 30 101 1

This table reveals the downward trend in the number of respondents with children as the age of the women decreased. In other words, the Pioneers, who comprised the oldest group of women, had the highest percentage of those with children (86%) while the Newcomers, being the youngest group, had the lowest (1 1%). The Middle Group fell in between: half with children

(50%) and 36% without children.

The general pattern was the younger the respondent, the less likely she was to have children. Only one of the Newcomers had a baby and one was expecting. This may confirm the fact that Canadian women are having fewer children. According to Almey in "Family

One of the most dramatic trends in family life has been the decline in the birth rate among Canadian women. In 1991, there were 56 births for every 1,000 woman [sic] aged 15-49, down from 116 in 1959. (Almey, 1995a: 19)

Or, the low birth rate among the Newcomers could simply be directly attributed to their younger age and the decision not to have children at this time in their lives.

In keeping with the trend towards a lower birth rate over time, only one respondent in the Pioneers did not have children while half of those in the Middle Group were childless. This finding points to further research in order to determine the cause of the significant increase in those without children in the Middle Group. Whether they experienced less societal pressure to become "mothers," or had greater access and/or more reliable methods of birth control is not known. On the other hand, it may merely indicate delayed childbearing since some of the women were still of an age where they could give birth.

The following table shows each participant's number of children. The "Number

Unknownncategory indicates that although it was known that the participant did have children, 178 the actual number of children was unknown. The "Unknown" category indicates the question

was not answered.

Table 7.2 Number of Children I Number of Children 1 Pioneers Middle Group Newcomers Total

N % N -- % None 1 14 5 36 89 14 47 One 3 43 3 21 23 Two 1 14 1 7 More Than Two 1 14 3 21 Number Unknown 1 14 0 0 Unknown 0 0 2 14 14 Total 7 , 99 99

The largest single grouping of those with children consisted of seven women (23%) who

had one child. Of the women who did have children, the number of children in each family was

small. Most had only one child (7) or two children (2) for a total of nine (30%) as compared with

those with more than two children at four (13%).

The incidence of smaller families in this study is indicative of the gradual trend towards

fewer children per family in Canada:

While the majority of Canadian families have children living at home, the number of children per family has decreased during the past two decades. Specifically, the proportion of husband-wife families with three or more children has declined sharply, while there have been relative increases in the shares of families with one or two children, and of couples with no children at home. This trend toward smaller families is not a recent development. In fact, the long- term downturn in family size started early in the century, although it was temporarily reversed during the baby boom of the 1950s and 1960s. (Devereaux, 1994: 201)

Although there were more children per family in the Middle Group, the trend towards smaller

families can be seen in the table. Only four women (1 3%) had more than two children in their

families. The remainder were families with only one or two children (30%) or those with no

children (47%).

Those with Grown Children The participants whose children were older and no longer living at home had some

interesting stories to tell about when their children were young and childcare was an issue with 179 which they had to deal on a daily basis. From relying on live-in housekeepers to quitting the business, the problem of arranging care for young dependents greatly influenced the direction of more than one career. In some cases, partners were more supportive than in others. In other instances, single mothers managed to raise a child or children while maintaining singing careers which still remain active. The following accounts are from three Pioneers who dealt with childcare issues several years ago.

Craig reminisces and expresses the guilt she stili feels about being "on the road" and leaving her young child behind. Although her son is now an adult, she reflects upon the time when he was young and she was not there to watch him grow up:

Well, when [my son] was very little, I didn't bring him on the road. I was gone most of the time and my mom and dad looked after him. And then, I had my aunt and uncle who looked after him... after that I had the housekeeper. And by then, he had grown up quite a bit so it wasn't-but I always had relatives around and everything, but it's nothing like mother and dad. I missed so many, many things. The sacrifices-to this day, I still feel guilty ....

Brant was also involved in childcare several years ago. She describes how she dealt with being "on the road," having a young child, and then experiencing the end of a marriage.

Having a live-in housekeeper made travelling possible but after the break-up of her marriage, decisions were made which directly affected her singing career. Well past the era of having to be concerned about childcare issues, Brant explains:

Well, I'm kind of past that age now. [My son] is [in his 2091. But when he was younger, well, my housekeeper, [she], has been with me since [my son] was [a few] months old-so [she's] kind of like family. And when I had to be away on the road, she was sort of the constant in [my son's] life. But, as I say, at a certain point, when [my partner] and I split up, I wanted to be a lot closer to home and so that's when I started working in radio and television and from the time [my son] was [a young adolescent], I was a single parent. His dad was in the ...area but after that moved.... And [my son] certainly spent time with him, but the major responsibility was mine.

Other artists also made career decisions which were affected by relationships involving childcare responsibilities. Bailey describes her experience being a performer by night while trying to take care of two children by day. Trying to 'do it all* was exhausting. Fatigue became the "enemy." Bailey recalls both the good and the not-so-good aspects of performing: ...it was fun getting dressed up and being elegant, in a way. Well, at the time, oh god, you're so tired! Well, the kids have been screaming all day, you're tired, or you got a sore throat, or you're feeling sick and you've got to go out and everybody else is cuddled in for the night and I'm tireMike this-that was hard. There were nights when I don't know how I made it either. 'Cause then you work till one in the morning and by the time you get home, it's two. And then you've got to get up for two kids in the morning. You don't get any rest, so you're really exhausted. Many a night I could have just cried. I used to come home and cry- I was so tiredjust sit downstairs and cry. I thought, 'I can't keep this up.' It got to the point that Ijust had so much of it that I couldn't take it anymore and that's when I said, 'I'm finished, I'm quitting. I can't handle it anymore.'

Although Bailey had some support from her family she still found it difficult to cope. Her girlfriends, neighbours, husband's mother, as well as her mother, all helped out when she "had to go on the road and things." She describes her husband as "good," implying that he tried to help as much as he could but it still was "hard." She found herself constantly "juggling" her career with childcare responsibilities.

At the request of a major label to which she was signed, Bailey was given the opportunity of going to Nashville, Tennessee, the Mecca of country music, but she was reluctant to take the chance because of her husband and their two small children:

...I was married, had my two little kids, and I just didn't want to pull up stakes to go there, thinking, 'Well, I'II never make it, I'II flop, and ruin my husband's livelihood, and take [the] kids,' and I just wasn't about to leave Canada. I thought, 'If I don't do anything here, I'm not doing it.' So that's ...basically, after that, I stayed with the clubs until I decided that was enough.

Staying in the clubs finally took its toll and Bailey eventually quit the music business because it

"...got to the point where I was so fed up with clubs I just didn't want any part, and that's when I quit." She found it difficult to find work-enough to keep a band going-and with her two children, having to get babysitters "night after night after nighr and "always on the road living out of suitcases," she finally had enough. She felt that clubs were a "no-win situation" where there was no way out. Could she have "made it" in Nashville if she had taken the chance?

Bailey contemplates:

...I didn't ever try to [make it in Nashville]-as I said before, I think I had too much of an inferior [sic] complex, plus I had my children, my husband, and they meant more to me than music ever did-always meant more. That's why I wouldn't go to the States or do any of the things that they wanted me to. Now I don't know what would have happened if I had of, but I wasn't about to give up my kids and family and do that, Iwas basically a home person.

Having to make a decision between career and family is a troublesome choice. To feel that one cannot do both is a difficult issue with which to deal especially when you love your family as well as your chosen occupation.

Presently Dealing with Childcare Some of the women were dealing with raising children at the time of the data collection.

The following are five examples from the Middle Group of the creative ways in which these women adapt their lives to deal with the various childcare situations in which they find themselves.

Stevens chronicles the story of being female and having children as not so much a

"disadvantage" of being a woman in country music but rather as the reality of having to Ywork a little bit harder." She laughingly concurs with Bailey's description of the "balancing and fatigue" of childcare while trying to maintain a singing career and explains a decision she came to make as a result of the childcare demands on her time:

The fact that I was the one that had to be home with the child in the morning to take all the responsibilities involved in childrearing and then trying to maintain a career that involves travelling, and all these other things, I had to pull back totally from my career for at least three or four years, which was fine, but I don't know if as many men-unless they were involved in being the major caregiver, which is still, you know ...

Leaving her music career for a few years in order to care for her child was something Stevens felt she had to do. Yet, as a female artist, she is aware of the inequity involved when male artists do not have to take time away from their careers to be the major caregivers for their children. Stevens' personal circumstances have now changed and she is back pursuing a singing career. Her child is older and since her husband has his own business and works out of the home, he has been able to assume more of the childcare responsibilities, freeing her to travel and devote more time and energy to her singing career.

To Stevens, having children is a commitment and proper childcare is a necessity:

"...when you have children, someone has to be there to take care of these kids and give them 182 what they need." She believes that for a woman with a career in country music, childcare is an extremely important aspect of the job which needs to be taken into account when considering an occupation such as singing. The average performer usually cannot afford daycare or full- time babysitters, so making arrangements for the care of children is a significant factor with which a woman in country music must deal. Since there are apparently few male performers who are the major childcare-givers in their families, she definitely feels that female entertainers' careers are more adversely affected by childcare concerns than their male counterparts'.

As another artist with school-age children, Laurence is in a somewhat unique situation.

She has a recording studio in her own home to which she has access at any time. Yet, even though these circumstances present a distinct advantage, there are still many other factors to consider when trying to raise children and maintain a performing career. Laurence explains:

...when we go away and travel [performing, recording, etc.], we have a lady that comes in and stays with the kids. She doesn't live with us all the time. ...when I'm at home, I cook probably 99% of the time .... I find now we've gotten so busy-and a lot of phone business and everything else-that I've decided to kind of delegate some stuff tdike getting a housekeeper so I have more time with the kids when I'm at home and just so I can have more time to write. ...I fall into bed every night at like 10 o'clock and I'm exhausted. But I still carry most of the weight around the house. And I think, you know, probably that's still the case for most working women, unfortunately. So it is very tiring.

The word "unfortunately" summarizes Laurence's feelings well. Although she would like the situation to be different and believes, in fact, that it should be, she realizes it is not and copes with it in the best possible way. Like Bailey, Laurence finds trying to "do it alln difficult.

Delegating more responsibility to others is just one way in which to contend with the circumstances in which she finds herself but, ultimately, childcare remains a problem that is not easily resolved.

Gates deals with her children's care in another way. She is a single parent who has chosen to teach her children at home, which is acceptable under Ontario's home schooling regulations. Since she does not have to work her schedule around that of a regular school day, her hours are more flexible. Her children travel with her to all their performances since they are part of the show. 183 As a single parent, Gates is one of a growing number of women who find themselves taking care of children on their own. The number of women who are "lone parentsn has increased in the last few decades: "In 1991,7% of women aged 15 and over were lone parents, up from 5% in 1971" (Almey, 1995a: 18). And most of these lone parents are women:

"In 1991, over 80% of all one-parent families were headed by women, a figure that has remained relatively constant since the 1960s" (Almey, 1995a: 18).

McPherson observes that there are fewer women in the business who have children than men and provides the following explanation:

I feel that the women in country music, fewer of us that I know of, have families-than of men. Mainly because they [the male performers] leave the woman in charge at home and they're able to go and tour and pursue their careers and there's still someone 'holding the fort' at home. There's not too many women with families like myself who can just sally forth and leave somebody nurturing the children-not just meeting their physical needs but actually involved in their lives.

McPherson feels her situation is unique in that her husband is at present not working outside the home, and is able to provide their children with what they need. This affords her the opportunity to travel without worrying about proper childcare. However, she also states that if this were not the case and she did not have the support at home, she would not leave her children but, instead, wculd work in and around her own community: "...I'd write and I'd record and I'd play locally."

In two other instances, the respondents were just beginning to deal with the challenge of pursuing a career while caring for a child, dealing with a new situation and not knowing what to expect. At the time of the interview, having a small baby for whom to care, Riley examines her latest role as "mother"-one that she is still not used to doing. She has always provided for herself, and finds her present situation supporting a child quite different from that to which she had previously been accustomed. She describes her setup:

...the household duties are shared and the childcare is too but, I mean, I'm the biggest caregiver. ...I've taken specific time off, this is my main priority right now. My husband has had to ...support his family. So, I'm doing most of the work but he's doing his share too. 184 Thompson (Newcomer) was pregnant at the time of the interview, and had yet to begin

to deal with some of these issues. It would be interesting to speak with these same women in

five to ten years time to see if their experiences reflect those who have gone before.

No Children Almost half of the respondents did not have children (47%). The dilemma of deciding

whether or not to have children is discussed in a study of women from a four-year university

alumnae list and those attending a community college. The women in the study were described as "reluctant" mothers since they were having difficulty trying to determine how to combine both

parenthood and career without losing one to the other:

Unlike domestically oriented women, these women were committed workers who viewed children as potentially costly to their work careen. Unlike permanently childless women, however, they decided over time that childlessness held greater costs than motherhood. These women thus neither wholeheartedly embraced motherhood nor rejected it completely. (Gerson, 1997: 132)

Many Canadian women who perform country music are faced with deciding whether or

not to have children. Trying to raise children while at the same time pursuing a singing career

which involves time away from home can be demanding. Difficult choices have to be made in

the face of these realities.

Homecare Responsibilities Women's lives evolve differently from men's, a major aspect of this difference being the

biological ability to give birth. However, just because women are the sex that is able to have

babies, it does not necessarily follow that women are better qualified to perform household

tasks. The assumption that women should carry most of the responsibility for household care

needs to be examined more closely.

Although women's participation in the labour force is greater than it has ever been, in

most cases their work at home has remained unchanged. In the so-called "traditional family,"

assigned roles are based neither on biology nor innate ability, but rather on society's

expectations of women's and men's traditional gender roles. Even though economies have 185 changed and families have had to function differently, certain beliefs still exist as to what women and men are supposed to do: "Despite having assumed part of the responsibility for breadwinning, women remain largely responsible for the full range of tasks known as

'housework'" (Fox, 1995: 9.1 7).

The roles assigned to women within the household are to some extent determined by social class, ethnicity, race, and sexuality. Not all women are part of a nuclear family in which there is one man who is the main breadwinner while the woman stays at home. For example, same sex couples deal with housecare issues in different ways.

For this dissertation, the respondents were asked who was in charge of household duties. The following table summarizes the results. fable 7.3

Many of the respondents (43%) shared household responsibilities equally or to some degree. There were only two participants who resided by themselves. All others lived either with partners or with their families (i.e., parents or children).

Shared to Some Degree with Pattner Of those with partners andlor children for whom they were partially or completely responsible, many described the concept of "sharedn household duties with their partners.

However, in several instances "qualliersn were added revealing the underlying inequality of the actual amount of work done by partners as compared with the women, themselves:

In a way both, but at the same time I do most of it because I don't like the way he does it. (laughs) ...But it works OK ...I like it my way so I do it without complaint. [Edwards-Middle Group] I'm doing most of the work but he's doing his share too. [Riley-Middle Group]

I would say I still have the major share of the household. But it is shared. I would say my husband pitches in fairly-l would give him anywhere from a 35 to a 50 ratio at best. (laughs) [Stevens-Middle Group]

I do more than he does but we both are responsible for it really. [Barry-Middle Group]

From these comments, it appears as if the respondents described household duties as "shared" if the partner contributed in any way. The question might need to be rephrased to include the word "equally" in order to see who takes the major responsibility for care of the home. Is the woman in the household usually viewed as the one "better suited for the job because she can

Being a country music performer as well as maintaining the major responsibility for a household is an added pressure many women in the business experience. It is not an atypical situation:

Women still do most of the housework, and hours spent on housework have not decreased in spite of the vast array of technology that has been introduced into households and which has drastically reformed the character of the work that is being performed within households. (Eichler, 1988: 51)

Stone (Pioneer) talks about her experience with what she terms the "double shift":

...working the nightclubs, the bars, all the smoke and stuff. It gets pretty bad sometimes. But I'd say it has taken its toll... it's working the night life plus trying to do the day scene. You know, "double shift." It takes its toll. Still having to get up in the morning when you haven't gone to bed till four, maybe, at least fallen asleep till that time because you're so geared up. You don't just go home and go to sleep, like the opposite sex.

In many instances women strive to combine work outside the home with work within the home.

At the end of their employment day, they begin what has also been referred to as the "second shift" at home. Janet Saltzman Chafetz stares:

Domestic and familial obligations are work, and hard work at that. The tasks required of those who run a household and raise children are time, attention and energy-consuming. Full-time jobs also consume substantial time, attention, and energy some more so than others. Conflicts arise in the family largely because domestic work is not shared equitably by women and men. On the job, conflicts arise because family needs often do not neatly confine themselves to non-work hours, because some employers are greedy of their employees' time and energy, and because family-generated stresses and problems cannot easily be forgotten while on the job. (Chafetz, 1997: 122-1 23)

Yet, Chafetz also points out that even though women who work outside the home have much more than their fair share of problems with which to contend, these same women are healthier mentally than those who are full-time homemakers:

Regardless of the strains produced by the second shift, research has indicated that employed married women generally enjoy better mental health than full-time homemakers. A busy life that includes diverse roles, the opportunity to interact with other adults on a daily basis, a paycheck of one's own, and other, intrinsic rewards from work roles, apparently more than compensates psychologically for whatever strains may result from a very long work day and week. The problem remains, however, that relative to their husbands, employed married women confront a serious deficit of leisure. (Chafetz, 1997: 117)

It is this leisure or down time that women need and deserve. However, daily duties are still viewed by many as being a woman's responsibility and little has been done to rectify this unfair assumption. Wilson acknowledges that "...we are a long way from a situation where shared family and domestic responsibilities are the norm. Nor has the organization of housework changed substantially" (Wilson, 1986: 27). Although attitudes towards the traditional roles of women and housework are changing, "...certain ideas about women's domesticity remain entrenched in the public mind (Wilson, 1986: 16).

More Than Just Singlng

The Wost" of a Career in Music In 1998, it's a Country Music Life ..., written by Richard Flohil, was published as a guide for those wanting to build careers in the country music business. In its Foreword, Tom

Tompkins, President of the Canadian Country Music Association, acknowledges both the attraction and the difficulty inherent in seeking an occupation performing country music:

The lure of a career in music has always fascinated singers, musicians, and songwriters. It seems like a perfect opportunity to share a God-given talent and live a different and more exciting lifestyle. The reality, however, is that a career in music not only demands talent and endless hard work, but a degree of commitment that can sweep away almost everything else in your life. (Tompkins, 1998) 188 Establishing a successful career in country music is not easy and takes time. There are no set rules but rather suggestions based on past experiences. In addition to talent, a willingness to learn and limitless perseverance are essential. "And be warned: Lasting success comes only when talent, skill, knowledge and judgment combine together (Ibid.).

Since she was a young girl, Clifford (Middle Group) has been involved in the country music business as a singer. Past its initial successes, she describes her disappointment at the lack of momentum her career later experienced: And then ...a lot of things didn't happen, my luck sort of left ...the strong foundation wasn't there ...when you're an artist ...y ou just want to go out there and sing and do your thing and hone your craft. Now all of a sudden these other things start happening.

Clifford simply wanted to sing but she found that there was much more involved in becoming a country singer. She was easily hurt by others' opinions and discouraged by them.

Eventually, she was advised to perform music on a part-time basis since it can be

"frighteningnto spend so many years pursuing a singing career only to find yourself "...playing at Joe's Bar and Grill...": no success, no recognition, not even owning a home. She describes those as the "downef kind of things that can happen-the reality of the music business described by a woman who has experienced it.

Like Clifford, Canadian singerisongwriter Shirley Eikhard has been hurt by what people have said. "I've had managers over the years who said very hurtful things to me about my image or the way I looked. I ended up becoming a caricature of whatever they wanted me to be. And the audience always knew it was fake" (Eikhard, quoted in Jones, 1998: 15). As a woman of 42, Eikhard no longer allows herself to be concerned about image. To her the music should come first, not the artist's appearance. She states:

Society has been brainwashed into this crazy consumerism just so somebody can make a buck selling youth, selling cosmetics and fashion.

I'm not going to play that game. And being self-managed I can take that stand. (Ibid.) 189 Learning to separate the "product" or the selling of one's talent from the "personal' or the artist, herself, as a person, is essential. Wilson (Newcomer) states: "The music industry or the music profession, my profession, is very personal and sometimes I take it too personally."

At times, she finds it difficult to separate the "producr side from the "personal" side and, like

Clifford and Eikhard, is hurt by what some people say. "SO sometimes I get very discouraged within myself and have to talk myself back to reality."

in order to maintain self-confidence and belief in one's ability to keep pursuing this kind of career, Beattie (Newcomer) describes the need to be "propped up" occasionally by family and friends. Although there has never been any doubt of her personal desire to be a solo performer, she believes that it is only with the help of a support system that she has been able achieve as much as she has. She openly acknowledges the challenge inherent in the profession when she states:

...it's a really tough career to follow through with. There's a price to pay. You sort of sacrifice your personal life and it's a very demanding career that takes a lot of time. You really do have to give it a 110% most of the time and believe that you can do it or else it won't happen.

McPherson (Middle Group), like Beattie, knows that a career singing country music comes with a cost to one's private life and terms these costs "sacrifices." The question "How much?" can only be determined by the individual artist, her personal circumstances, and what she is willing to devote to her chosen profession. Below is McPherson's excellent account of what can comprise the amount of commitment required. When speaking of female artists' experiences, she explains:

They sacrifice. You make choices that involve-'I will do this, I will spend my money on this and not that. I won't have a home. I will have a good press kit and stage clothes that are expensive, and good equipment. I won't have a family in the form of children. I will have quite a bit of profile in radio because I'm out working my singles and touring and talking to all the radio stations as I go. I won't have time with my boyfriend or husband on a regular and predictable basis because I'm out of town three months coming now and I love him very much but this is what I have to do for my career.' So everybody makes sacrifices and it just very much is a matter of how much you feel comfortable giving to this industry and what's appropriate for you. 190 Having a family that includes children presents an added dimension and a whole new set of challenges. If an artist decides to tour constantly, whether female or male, she or he spends less consistent time with a partner and children. Being a country music performer can affect every aspect of a singer's life, professionally as well as personally.

For women entering the country music business, achieving success can be challenging.

Kivi speaks of the women interviewed for her book, and their endeavours to pursue careers in the field of music:

Many of these women spoke of the costs of the constant struggle to be accepted. They had to be twice as good as a man. They had to be doubly determined. And they had to learn the fine art of balancing their personal commitments and their musical lives. Even today, the burdens of women's roles as wives and mothers have made for difficult choices; the time and energy needed by single and non-single mothers alike is a drain on the creative output of women. (Kivi, 1992: 8)

The necessity to be "doubly determinedn is a definite prerequisite to maintaining a career in country music. Systemic discrimination, in addition to limited financial resources, and lack of childcare and homecare support are all issues with which women in music must deal on an individual basis.

Changing Circumstances: Changing Attitudes Different life circumstances can change attitudes concerning a woman entertainer's presentation. Whether or not a performer has children can affect the amount of effort she puts

into an image and the attitude with which she approaches a stage persona. McPherson (Middle

Group) explains how limited time to pursue such activities may procure a different mind set

towards one's performing image:

... I'm not as 'dandy' as I once was simply because I don't have time. I've got four kids and they're on three soccer teams and they're in piano lessons. I just don't have time for spending too long in grooming. So it's more or less who I am as a day-today penon-cleaner, fancier, and maybe with some sparkles on it but I don't really have a stage persona that I dress to be-not an image on the stage that I'm not also when I'm talking to you.

Riley (Middle Group) altered her attitude towards performing after the birth of her baby.

When beginning to sing country music in the early eighties, she developed a different persona 191 for the stage, wore short skirts, and tried to "shake upn the Canadian country music scene by her approach to the music, her appearance, and how she moved on the stage:

...when I first came on the scene, I had really short hair and I don't think anybody in Canadian country music had ever worn a short skirt before. And people were like, 'Whoa!' ...then I would see other girls doing the same things and starting to move more on stage and maybe have more fun with their hair or their look. I think for sure that some of them definitely looked at me and said, 'Well, you know, why not?' There didn't seem to be a lot of creativity in the Canadian country stars' image. It was all pretty boring.

Riley created a unique act for the stage and almost "became" the characters whom she portrayed for the audience. NOW'at 35 years of age, she views things differently and expresses her desire to "strip away" all the "gimmicks." At this point in her life, other priorities have evolved. For example, she is not concerned if people know her age. Her philosophy is more in keeping with the "honestJ'or "real" kind of attitude held by many country performers towards the end of the twentieth century. "I've got a family now and that's-that's what I've been writing about, things that are real and honest. And that's the way I want to portray myself on stage."

Presentarion of Self A country music artist's presentation, introduced in the previous section, has a historical dimension that will now be explored. The image of Canadian women in country music needs to be placed within a broader context if the changes in the Canadian situation are to be

understood properly. The following discussion begins with a brief history of the evolution of clothing worn by female country performers in the United States.

The way in which a woman country music singer presents herself to an audience is an

interesting area to examine. Bufwack states:

Women's changing styles is a particularly rich area for analysis because of the consistent attention historically given to establishing norms for women's self- presentation. We are fortunate that photography has preserved many images of female performers, images that can still speak to us even though we may never again hear these women's voices (or, in many cases, even know their names. (Bufwack, 1995: 173)

Although many of the women who performed in the early days of country music remain

anonymous, pictures from the past help to inform us how women's clothing styles have 192 continued to change. From gingham dresses to bare midriffs, fashion for women in country music has evolved over time reflecting less conservative societal norms.

Evolving Images Although there are no simplistic explanations as to what women who sing country music wear and why, studying the general trends of dress reveal changing attitudes towards female country performers. The "sweetheart image" was popular for many years. "Indeed, the gingham dress was practically a uniform for female country soloists until the 1960s" (Bufwack and Oermann, 1993: 85). The cowgirl image was also embraced. In 1935, the first woman to sell a million copies of her record "I Want to Be a Cowboy's Sweetheart" was Patsy Montana.

"Montana's cowgirl guise rolled the sweetheart and tomboy into one, giving traditional values an updated imagen (Bufwack and Oermann. 1993: 85). In 1952, when Kitty Wells recorded "It

Wasn't God Who Made Honky-Tonk Angels," the song became a major phenomenon.

Although the conservative era of the times frowned upon the subject matter of the song, audiences loved it. Yet, Wells' own image was quite different from the song's topic:

Kitty sang of 'honky-tonk angels,' but no one would have ever mistaken her for one. She was always proper, always dignified. She dressed in prewar gingham instead of pantsuits, flamboyant western garb, or satin costumes. (Bufwack and Oermann, 1993: 176)

Wells adhered to a more traditional image in outward appearance while the song she sang did not. She became immensely popular because of this hit, demonstrating that the listening audience was ready for a song sung by a woman who stood up for herself and other women, blaming the men in the honky-tonk for their own demise.

At times, women were pressured to conform to particular images and styles of clothing.

One particularly disturbing incident involving Jeannie C. Riley, singer of the popular "Harper

Valley PTA," reveals the image control to which some performers were subjected:

Her handlers insisted she maintain the sexpot image, despite her increasing objections to their manipulation. The conflict reached a crescendo the night Jeannie won the Single of the Year award at the nationally televised 'CME Awards' in 1968. She had planned to wear a dress with tiers of organza down to the floor; but when record executive Shelby Singleton learned of this, he had the skirt cut off to mini length. (Bufwack and Oermann, 1993: 324-325) At what should have been one of the most joyful events of her career, Jeannie C. Riley was totally humiliated. What she had wanted to wear to the Awards show was not considered suitable by those wishing to control her image.

Revealing the diversity of styles worn by women country performers, rockabilly star

Wanda Jackson "kicked off her country cowgirl boots to slither in gold lame or shimmer in sequins." Her mother, a seamstress, made all her clothes for the stag,e. She claims to have worn "tight-fitting sheaths with rhinestone spaghetti straps and a little short silk fringe" well before any "go-go girls" (Bufwack and Oermann, 1993: 234-235). While some might not view this type of attire as a step forward for women in that it appeared to use sexuality and women's bodies to help sell their music, on the other hand, it expressed a certain freedom that was a breaking point. A slinky gold lame dress could be viewed as advancement for women in the sense that it expanded the number of images they could explore, as long as the woman wearing the dress felt comfortable.

In some venues, women found limitations on what they were allowed to wear. Margaret

Jones, in her autobiography of country crooner icon Patsy Cline, cites the strict dress code in place for women singers who performed at the Grand Ole Opry in the early sixties. While often appearing in dresses and high heels, one night Cline had the audacity to come to the Ryman donning "a pair of tight lam6 pants, which she wore western-style with all the appropriate rodeo accessories." The rather conservative Opry was not impressed and blatantly displayed its double standard for female and male performers:

...it was the pants that caused the flap that ensued that night. It was another one of the house rules that girl singers weren't allowed to wear pants on the Opry (though Ferlin Husky got away with a nearly identical pair of pants). Officials told Patsy she would have to change her costume before she went on. She did. But she was none too happy about it, and let everyone within earshot know. (Jones, 1994: 183)

Apparently, although Cline knew that she was not supposed to wear slacks on the Opry, this was just one example of her many acts of resistance. 194 Coming from the hills of Kentucky, country legend Loretta Lynn was forbidden to wear makeup by her husband, who insisted she also wear her hair long. Making her break into the music business with the self-penned "I'm a Honky-Tonk Girl" in the summer of 1960 resulted in a move to Nashville. Having her image controlled by some of the men in her life, Lynn exposes her feisty exuberance in the following story:

On one of her early tours, a booking agent updated her image by buying a sheath, hiding Loretta's cowboy boots, and making her practice walking in her first pair of high heels. '1'11 bet you I fell fifty times ...it embarrassed me to death.' Frustrated by her balance problems during the concert, Loretta kicked off the heels and broke into a Kentucky buck dance in her stockings. The spontaneous hillbilly gesture remained in her show for years afterward. (Bufwack and Oermann, 1993: 308)

As Lynn's career continued to grow, so did her confidence. Her ability to write songs which

were, at the time, unique and ground-breaking revealed her strong desire to maintain her own

views and be true to herself amid pressures to the contrary.

With image decidedly in mind, Dolly Parton has skillfully developed a persona where

physical appearance highlights everything else. Her "over-the-edge" presentation resonates

with the audience. Using clothing to emphasize her body, she appears to be that which she is

not:

Dolly Parton has fashioned her star image visually to accentuate her ample, voluptuously overflowing body, particularly her large breasts, a body image that she has embellished with showy, garish costumes and an exaggeratedly sculptured blond wig. The person is a caricature that juxtaposes the outlandish style of the country singer (in a predominantly male tradition of gaudy costuming) with the stereotypic self-display of the 'painted women,' or prostitute, whose sexuality is her style. (Wilson, 1995: 110)

An intelligent and articulate businesswoman, Parton is able to "pull it off." Freely admitting that

she has deliberately created her image, she is able to unselfconsciously expose her motives,

laugh at herself, and reveal the excitement and pleasure she derives from dressing the way she

does. The audience revels in her appeal and enjoys her clever wit.

Stage Attire There are many factors which effect what a performer wean on stage and decisions

regarding appropriate stage clothing can be very complex: How the individual country music artist makes 'choices' and handles the dilemma of what to wear in her musical performance is greatly influenced by issues of group and class identity as well as by the forces of commercial entertainment. (Bufwack, 1995: 175)

Singers wish to please the audience as co~~ntrymusic performers but, at the same time, want to be viewed as acceptable to those outside the genre. While trying to be attractive as well as true to their own individual tastes, they are, in addition, well aware of their reviews. "With the media and critics ever ready to pass judgement on their 'good' or 'bad' taste, female country performers have had an additional problem when trying to decide what to wear" (Bufwack,

Speaking with the respondents disclosed changing attitudes towards fashion over time.

From a more strict dress code and expectations of what a woman country artist should wear to a more lenient "anything goes" attitude, the women revealed the important role stage clothing has played in the presentation of themselves. Some of the respondents have "changed with the times" but others seemed to long for the past when "being dressed was viewed as part of the performance.

During the early sixties, most women country entertainers not only acted but "dressed the part." In order to perform on the stage, one was expected to prepare by wearing the appropriate attire. Craig (Pioneer) describes the elaborate costumes which were made for her by the famous tailor Nudie. Nudie Cohen, originally from Brooklyn, was at one time a boxer but later became well-known for his rhinestone-coveredclothing. Many country stars came to him to buy their stage clothes. "By the late 1950s, the rhinestone Nudie suit had become synonymous with steel guitars" (Carr, 1988: 495).

With the advent of what became termed the Nashville Sound, which was perceived as an attempt by some producers of country music to gain popularity and compete with pop music, many country performers began to present themselves in a different way. In keeping with this new image of country music, clothing styles changed: uas country labored to acquire a 196 sophisticated look to go with its smooth Nashville Sound, country costumes toned down; dinner jackets and formals replaced the rhinestonesn (Carr, 1988: 495).

Bailey (Pioneer) describes her beautiful outfits designed to exude an aura of elegance.

During this era, for many, "dressing downn was not acceptable. Bailey recounts:

I never wore blue jeans or things like that. I always had nice gowns and dresses, always evening dresses-now they don't know what they are, of course, ...in those days, thatk what you did if you were an entertainer. You dressed in beautiful gowns on stage. And you went out there and you looked like you had some class and that you were a lady...y ou had to look like you were a star ...all matching outfits and things like that, which they don't do now.

To Bailey, "dressing upn for the performance was an integral part of her show. Mentioning

"class" indicates her motivation as an entertainer to distinguish herself from the audience as a

"somebody." By wearing what she described as "beautiful gowns" she also believed that she was showing her respect by "dressing upn for the audience who had paid to come and see her.

Clifford is a member of the Middle Group but, having entered the profession at such a young age, her attitude towards dress is more in keeping with that of Bailey. Clifford, too, remembers the era of the "dressed" country entertainer, a time when those who performed prepared for their appearance by wearing glamorous costumes which were just as much a part of their act as singing. She continues to uphold this attitude towards stage clothing:

I like to wear what I'm comfy in, although Icome from the school of-maybe the era of-being 'dressed.' I think stage performers should look like they've prepared for their performance-they haven't just come in from doing the gardening or working on their car. ...Country music people... had fancy costumes and you went in and, boy, their costume was just as much a big part of their routine. Nowadays, old T-shirt and a pair of jeans and dirty runners...-that's not me. Like I don't understand that .... When I go on stage, I want to look a certain way, feel comfortable,

Clifford prefers the attitude towards dress to which she was exposed when growing up.

Presenting herself in what she considers to be proper attire for the stage is an important part of her performance. She regrets the demise of the "dressedn country entertainer and feels the change in attitude towards country performers' apparel to be directly related to the "infiltrationn of pop and rock into country music, and the acceptance of it by ''young people." As Carr has observed, "During the 1970s, the country image changed yet again as Waylon [Jennings], 197 Willie [Nelson], and the Outlaws donned T-shirts and blues jeans, just like rock stars of the day"

(Carr, 1988: 495). Yet, Clifford still believes that most of the country music fans she knows prefer to see entertainers who have taken the time to present themselves well, that is, are

"dressedn for the occasion.

Richmond (Middle Group) agrees and thinks the audience is looking for the performer to be different and to stand out from the crowd. For her, dressing differently helps her enter the state of mind needed when performing and also fulfills the audience's expectation of an entertainer:

It's all part of what's called 'presentation' rather than 'image.' You are, after all. this one person. You do want to get their attention. You do want their attention focused on you. You do not want to be taken for granted. So to do that, it's good to sort of look the part, to some extent. Presentation is really important. ... If they stick you in a corner or something and they don't even have a stage or something, they don't have any kind of lighting, however modest, it all detracts. People think it's something that's second class. It's not. But that's how you're perceived. So as self-defense, it's important to have that.

Barry (Middle Group) also thinks that it is important for the artist to show the audience something different on the stage in the way of clothing:

I like statements. I mean I don't directly translate ... bright earrings means this about me or anything like that, it's just ... l think that for an audience... they want to see something different than what they're wearing. And for me, ...I don't dress down in terms of ...wearing ...a cool T-shirt or something. I still think we have to dress up a bit to be on stage but it will be something different...

Setting oneself apart from the audience in the sense of wearing something special is part of what some performers do. Being different in appearance from those who sit and watch was important for several respondents. While this might at first appear to be a contradiction with the desire of most country music singers to connect with ordinary people's lives, wearing clothing that is distinct from those to whom one is singing does not necessarily mean a separation of common ideals. These artists simply wish to give the audience something unique to watch due to their respect for those for whom they are performing, not to imply they feel superior to them. 198 Reid (Middle Group) discusses the importance of being able to choose her own clothing and the way in which she wishes to be presented. Beginning her performing career in the late

1970s at 17 years of age, Reid's management wanted her to be 'ladylike and glamorous," and she was not "allowed" to dress casually. She describes her transition from being "dressed" to what she wears now as going from having someone eke decide what her image should be to feeling comfortable with the way she perceives herself:

I wasn't really allowed then to wear jeans or anything on stage. And now I do. I wear jeans and jackets and those kinds of things. I feel more comfortable dressed a bit more casually. ... I used to always dress in very chiffony-type things and high heels. And I realized when I kind of got off on my own that I didn't really feel good like that.

Reid found that dresses and high heels limited her movement on the stage. She now prefers to wear pants, pant outfits, or jeans and jackets, so if she feels like kicking, she can do so without having to worry about what it looks like. Dressing more casually helps her to relax and feel more comfortable while performing. As she explains, it is easier to "get into the music" and it makes her "feel good."

Many female performers of country music in the 1990s not only consider aesthetic sensibility in their clothing but also practicality. Brant (Pioneer) describes the change in clothing she has experienced during her more than thirty years in the music industry. She compares what she wears now to what she used to wear:

In terms of what I wear, I pretty well wear what I feel like. I don't, at this point in my career, wear a lot of rhinestones and Spandex and glitter. I did at one point because I was doing a lot of television and television, being a flat medium, if you don't wear those things, then you're simply flat, you have no sides (laughs). ...And I wear everything on stage now from my jeans and jackets and western boots to dresses with western boots. I do wear a lot of western boots. ...I like colour and movement and freedom. I stopped wearing high heels on stage because I simply can't move around in them the way I like to.

Several women mentioned no longer feeling comfortable wearing high heels on the stage and, in some cases, even included dresses and skirts in their assessment of what no longer fulfills their needs, explaining how these clothing items restricted their movements and made them feel ill-at-ease. Expressing themselves as individuals, being comfortable and 199 functional, relaxed, free-to-move, as well as looking "goodn were significant factors in the selection of stage clothing. Practicality and degree of comfort overrode tradition for many. The respondent's perception of being free to choose to wear whatever she likes was the most prevalent sentiment. Yet, societal expectations maintain a role in the type of clothing worn by women country artists since stage attire still has to be accepted by the general audience for whom they are performing.

Relationship with the Audience Bailey (Pioneer) describes that in accordance with her formal evening attire, she was also expected to act the part of the "star." She explains how, in keeping with the image of a performer, one upheld the "stat' persona in relationship with others:

...y ou always had to have that little air of being4 don't know-you had to put on a bit of a 'star' air of some type, whether you felt that way or not. You looked the way and you were up there [on the stage] so people looked at you as a 'star.' So you had to go along with that in your ways of talking with people. Everything you did had to coincide with the image you were on stage.

However, in contrast to this attitude of the "staf image and setting oneself apart from those in the audience through stage attire and behaviour, many of the performers interviewed spoke quite differently of the way in which they presented themselves to their audiences. Some said they wished to be the same person both on and off the stage. They did not intentionally create a persona different from who they were as individuals in their private lives. Their presentation on the stage was simply an extension of themselves.

Laurence (Middle Group) tries to be the same person on or off the stage:

I think that you can only be what you are unless you want to pick up another personality, which some people do, when they're on stage. I mean, they're one thing when they're on stage and they're not [that person off the stage]. I'm not like that as much. I like for people to feel comfortable with us and feel ... they could be sitting in our living room or whatever, with our show, and I think people feel that with us right away, I hope anyway.

This attitude seems to be more that of being "one with the audiencen and showing them that the singer is really no different than the audience except that she happens to be the one on the 200 stage. The performer is just an ordinary person who happens to sing country music for a living.

Wilson and Baker concur with this attitude:

... I don't want to portray that image of not being... someone that could be your friend, someone that you can talk to, ...someone that [you] can ...come up to and feel very comfortable approaching. [Wilson-Newcomer]

I always want to portray a positive image. I'm hoping to get out to the younger people, or to anyone, that I'm just a regular person but at the same time, I've been successful and I've done it so anyone else could probably do it, too, because I'm just a regular person. [Baker-Newcomer]

Baker feels that sometimes people look at well-known artists almost as objects rather than people. She believes that it is important to show the audience that artists are people, too.

Laughingly she states that artists are normal but "just happen to do things a little differently in life." But then, she acknowledges, so does everyone else. Entertainers just "happen to be in the spotlight where people can see us doing it."

Health Issues While doing what one loves to do can enhance one's health, given some of the working conditions and stresses involved in being a country music singer, health can also be adversely affected. Learning how to deal with this aspect of the profession is important in order to maintain a career as a performer.

The Importance of Maintaining a Healthy Lifestyle Many of the respondents viewed the occupation of country music singer as one that

required good physical as well as emotional health. The motivation to feel well and to maintain

good health appeared to outweigh merely staying thin to 'look good." Being in good condition

was viewed as important in a job where one could spend long hours singing or travelling, at

times under somewhat less-than-ideal conditions. Most felt that they had to take good care of

their health in order to maintain the stamina needed to do the job.

Josde Norrnand confirms the importance of physical fitness in women's lives and its

effect on health: Women who are physically active are less likely to report chronic health problems, while they may also be less susceptible to certain diseases such as osteoporosis and colorectal cancer. (Normand, 1995a: 40)

Yet Canadian women are not as physically active as men:

Most women in Canada are physically active to some degree during their leisure time. In l991,26% of women were very active and 46% were moderately active, while 25% were sedentary. However, women tend to be less active than men. In 1991, 39% of men reported that they were very active during their leisure time, while 19% were sedentary. (Ibid.)

Perhaps women's more limited amount of leisure time compared with men's is partially responsible for the fact that women are generally less active than their male colinterparts.

Women may simply have less time and energy to be physically active after fulfilling other obligations such as childcare, homecare, and/or work outside the home.

Craig (Pioneer) keeps physically fit by walking a few miles every day and lifting weights.

"If you've got to run through airports and you've got a carry-on, you have to keep yourself in good shape." Brant (Pioneer) believes a career in singing has kept her young since being in the public eye brings with it the necessity of staying in shape. One advantage of performing is that "...you get to be an adolescent long past the point when you should have grown up," she laughingly admits, even though age is not a topic with which she concerns herself.

A couple of respondents described performing like being in training for an athletic pursuit:

I find being a performer, if you're really serious about it and want to do a great job, there's a very athletic kind of pursuit. So if you don't take care of your body and you don't take care of nutrition... then you're going to be in trouble. So it does affect our body. [Stevens-Middle Group]

You have to be in good shape. You have to be in top form. My personal view is you keep fit, you know, keep in shape. Sort of like being in training. If I have a gig that's important-like the sense of being in training. [Richmond-Middle Group]

A few women felt that they were actually in better condition due to the fact that they were singers because they knew they had to be. When asked about the state of their health in relation to being a country music performer, they replied:

... healthier because I know I have to be. [Baker-Newcomer] ...my health has improved since I started doing my music full time. When I was doing something I hated I was not as healthy as I am now. rhompson- Newcomer]

...y ou're more in tune with your health because your work is very physical. [Wilson-Newcomer]

Without working out on a daily basis, Wilson feels it would be difficult to maintain "the rigorous schedule that sometimes you're on." MacDonald (Newcomer) responds that she has never felt better than now that she is a country music performer, "...image plays such a big part of our sucess [sic], I work out (weight train) four times a week and eat very carefully." Healthy stage presentation, feeling well, and having the energy and stamina needed to endure up to three or four hour shows, six nights a week, are significant components of a singing career.

Stevens (Middle Group) advises people starting out in the business the importance of maintaining good health:

...y our personal health always affects you. The healthier you are, the better you'll be as a performer.... So I think people that are in this business would be best to start working out at a gym (laughs) and have a very good diet and not drink.

Singing and performing are physical feats which require endurance. A healthy lifestyle is a positive step towards the conditioning needed to be a successful country music singer.

Health Hazards Being in barrooms with people who want to have a "good time" can have a negative effect on the health of singers exposed to this type of lifestyle on a consistent basis. Some respondents described situations early in their careers in which they found themselves drinking too much or getting involved with drugs. Being older now, they realize the devastating effect these types of activities had on their health. Craig (Pioneer) relates, "There were years for a while when I did drink too much, way too much." Fortunately, she was eventually able "to get out of a bad situation and turn herself around." 203 Drugs, including alcohol, have been around country music for a long time. While used to enhance creativity or just to get through another night of travelling and performing, drug use peaked in the 1960s and 1970s but began to dissipate as the 1980s came to a close:

While alcohol was generally the drug of choice, Nashville stars were particularly drawn to prescription amphetamines. These kept them awake during the long overnight drives from town to town in those pre-interstate days. They made all- night recording and songwriting sessions lively with ideas. They chased away the blues when you just didn't feel like smiling for yet another audience on the endless round of one-night stands. The country crowd's pill-popping heyday was the 1960s. The cocaine craze of the late 1970s coincided with the 'outiaw' movement and lasted until the 'new sobriety' trend of the late 1980s replaced it with 'twelve-step' programs. (Bufwack and Oermann, 1993: 506)

Earlier in her career, McPherson (Middle Group) had "an enormous breakdown as a result of just overwork and drug abuse." Now she has learned to pay attention to her own energy levels and refuses to push herself. When she is feeling strong, she works harder and longer. At other times, she simply "backs off and spends energy on her family. Through her experience, McPherson has come to know that "I'm not a superwoman so I have to pace myself" so she can accomplish the various things for which she has chosen to be responsible.

Being aware and taking control of her life is of utmost importance so that other people or things do not control and derail her in the pursuit of what she wants to do.

Burgess (Middle Group) describes her change in attitude after realizing her career was negatively affecting her health: "...I got a grip on schedules and diet and refused to remain on the treadmill. I now work out regularly, cook and bake all my own food...." Now retired, Bailey emphatically states the detrimental effect being a performer was having on her health. If she had stayed in the business of singing country music: ...in that kind of atmosphere, yes, it would have killed me ...smoky barrooms, late hours, and the whole night life scene is detrimental to your health if you have to go through that kind of thing night after night, which I did for years, and that's why I say, I just could not take it anymore. I knew it was either going to do something to my health or kill me...

Dealing with the balancing of professional and personal commitments, Laurence (Middle

Group) describes her exhaustion: "...being a mother, too, at the same time that you're a singer ...I'll never catch up on the sleep that I've lost (laughs) over the last five, ten years. It 204 sometimes wean you down." From sitting so much while travelling and being "scrunched up" in uncomfortable positions, trying to sleep in vehicles or on planes, at times not eating the right kinds of food and drinking too much all begin to have an impact. Yet, things are changing.

Now some agreements made with artists to perform in particular venues include the provision of vegetable trays and mineral water instead of what used to be the standard "pop and sandwiches." Health is becoming more of an issue than in the earlier years of the country music industry.

Smoke was the most common complaint associated with a singer's health. Having to sing in smoke-filled venues was believed to have caused many health problems such as sore throats, bronchitis, emphysema, asthma, and allergies. Several respondents expressed concern for the unhealthy environment in which they often perform:

I try to follow a healthy diet & lifestyle to counteract the effects of smoke-filled clubs. [Emmons-Middle Group]

I was getting sick more frequently from the smoke in the bars, getting bronchitis which makes it impossible to sing. [Richmond-Middle Group]

Richmond also described a good musician friend who never smoked but worked in clubs where there was smoke-which he hated. Eventually, he died of lung cancer at the age of 43.

"What's that tell ya?" she emphatically asked.

Riley (Middle Group) described her allergy to smoke, which she believes was induced by singing in many clubs earlier in her career. She hates smoke and now refuses to perform in bars anymore. Yet, there were also a couple of singers who were smokers themselves and did not describe any adverse effects from others smoking while they were performing.

Being a country music singer is an occupation that depends on the ability of the artist to perfon when requested. Staying healthy becomes of utmost importance when there are no sick leave benefits:

... in this business, if you're from the old school, or even this school, if you're self- employed, you don't work, you don't have a pay cheque... we don't get ... two weeks holidays with pay, you know, or so many days sick leave. If you don't work, you don't get paid. [Clifford-Middle Group] 205 In addition, Clifford relates the worry of having a band that depends on the singer for their pay cheques which increases the pressure and feeling of obligation to perform even when one is ill.

Some of the stressful aspects of a career in country music are the insecurities of the job: the financial realities and concern about the future.

It is a very stressful thing to be on this roller coaster ride. I fear the financial aspects and it takes its toll. [Phillips-Newcomer]

I don't know whether being a country music singer has done it, but certainly this industry has, the stress involved, certainly has taken its toll with me at certain times and I have to really be careful with that. [Beattie-Newcomer]

Beattie worries about her survival in the future. She describes how difficult it is to get away for a holiday and to relax for any length of time. When the momentum is there, if your record is climbing up the charts, you have to be there. She is trying to become more health conscious because she is aware of the importance of maintaining good health.

Conclusion The working lives of Canadian women in country music involve a number of contradictions which cause the pursuit of a professional singing career to be difficult. The respondents spoke of the amount of energy required to realize a career performing, while at the same time being held responsible for the majority of homecare andlor childcare. Women who choose this occupation make sacrifices in order to do what they love to do. It is a profession that requires not only talent, but knowledge of the country music business and inordinate amounts of perseverance.

Over time, the image of women in country music has continued to evolve. Stage attire has become more diversified in the nineties and audiences seem more accepting of a variety of images from women country music singers. The respondents expressed the importance of individuality in the type of clothing worn on the stage and the role it played in their portrayal of who they were as performers.

Although the pleasure inherent in singing the music one loves is the major reason for choosing to be a country music singer, due to the stresses involved in dealing with adverse 206 working conditions, health can be negatively affected and requires attention. Most of the respondents were well aware of the effects singing country music professionally could have on their health, and had developed strategies to adopt a healthy lifestyle so they could be proficient at their chosen occupation. Chapter 8: The Role of Radio ln troduction It is important to discuss the role of radio since it plays such an important part in the career of a country artist. Having a song played on the radio can become a major component of a singer's success, because airplay augments significantly the number of people who hear an artist's music. Radio airplay is required to aid in the dissemination of an artist's music to a broader audience. The following discussion outlines the relationship between radio and country music plus addresses the continued importance of this association in the lives of Canadian women country music singers.

Radio and Country Music Radio has historically been very important to the development of country music. During the 1920s, radio became extremely popular and had a major effect on rural existence. It was a

''communications revolution" that "narrowed the distance between city and farm." Radio became a relatively inexpensive pastime that transformed rural life for many. Radio provided a conduit for many country music performers:

Rural musicians saw in radio the first real opportunity ever to build a broad and ever-widening audience outside their home locales. Radio promoters, on the other hand, quickly recognized the utility of this cheap and abundant source of entertainment. (Malone, 1991 : 32)

From the beginning, country music entertainers had the opportunity to perform "live" on radio programs. A large rural, working class audience listened. What were called "radio barn dances" became popular.

Some women in country music had success on the airwaves in radio's early years.

Patsy Montana, Linda Parker, and Lulu Belle became headliners and national stars during the

Depression when radio served as an "escape and inspiration for its listeners, as well as employment for its performersn(Bufwack and Oenann, 1993: 76). Radio was an inexpensive form of entertainment for many during financially difficult times. "In the years following 1920, 208 radio remained the most important means of country music dissemination, eventually in the form of disc-jockey programsn(Malone, 1991 : 32-33).

Radio has acted and continues to act as the primary medium through which artists are

"broken" and their recordings advertised to potential record buyers. Country singers and songwriters realize the power of radio. Having a song played on the radio provides the kind of national exposure difficult to achieve elsewhere. While music videos have played a similar role since the early 1980s the evidence is that their function has never become as generally important as that of radio (Shuker, 1994: 173).

While country music radio has evolved from the barn dance format to that of preprogrammed charts, it has developed into a powerful but conservative force. Edward Morris states:

Country radio has become an army in straitjackets-powerful in its total impact on the listening public and the recording industry, but limited by caution, tradition, and market conditions in the kind and amount of music it can expose. As a commercial vehicle, country music is thriving, but as an artistic one, it is almost uniformly bland and predictable. (Morris, 1994: 77)

Strict formatting rules at the radio level have diminished the number of artists who are being promoted. Those who do not receive radio recognition have to find alternative ways to reach their audiences.

In Canada, radio has been an extremely important form of communication. The development of an effective communications system was a political necessity when Canada became a nation in 1867. In a country where the majority of its population extends along a narrow border running from the Pacific Ocean to the Atlantic Ocean, it was essential that a means of connecting people with one another was established in order to maintain any sort of cohesion. The sheer 'vastness of the countgf in conjunction with the "small size of Canada's populatiud' meant "that Canada has had to invest in expensive per-capita transmission systems to enable the country to stay in touch with itself. This investment has kept Canada at the forefront of telecommunications development and implementationn (Lorimer and McNulty, 1996: 71). Dealing with Canada's geographical realities had a tremendous impact on the development of radio.

Canadian audiences first heard country music via U.S. radio in the early to mid-twenties.

Canadian broadcasts began in the later part of the decade (Green and Miller, 1992: 320).

During the thirties and forties due to "the small and unfocused nature of the domestic market... for many years personal appearances and radio work sustained Canadian country performers." Radio continued to provide a place for country artists to perform until the middle of the 1950s when records, mainly of U.S. origin, became popular (Ibid.).

Canadian Content Regu/atlons (Cancon) In 1971, Cancon (Canadian Content) was established by the Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission (CRTC) in order to give Canadian musicians more opportunities to be heard in Canada. Cancon was introduced to aid in the promotion of

Canadian talent by regulating Canadian radio stations to play music "made in Canada":

Canadian content regulations stem from the CRTC's obligation under the Broadcasting Act to ensure that each licensee makes 'maximum use ...of Canadian creative and other resources in the creation and presentation of programming.' (Lorimer and McNulty, 1996: 188)

The CRTC created a system whereby musical selections were rated according to the input which Canadians had in their creation. The following excerpt outlines the guidelines used to determine classification:

Currently, a musical selection must generally meet at least two of the five criteria set out below in order to qualify as a Canadian selection. This is commonly referred to as the MAPL system.

M (music) -the music is composed entirely by a Canadian.

A (artist) - the music is, or the lyrics are, performed principally by a Canadian.

P (production) - the musical selection consists of a live performance that is recorded wholly in Canada, or performed wholly in Canada and broadcast live in Canada.

L (lyrics) - The lyrics are entirely written by a Canadian. The musical selection was performed live or recorded after 1 September 1991, and a Canadian who has collaborated with a non-Canadian receives at least half of the credit as a composer and lyricist. (CRTC, Public Notice 1998-41: 38-39)

On December Ist, 1997, the CRTC began public hearings "to review its policy framework for commercial radio." It subsequently published a revised policy for conventional commercial radio stations which stated as one of its major goals "to ensure pride of place for

Canadian artists." To work towards the achievement of this objective, it stated:

The Commission will therefore issue a proposed amendment to the Radio Regulations, 1986 (the regulations) increasing the required level of Canadian content for popular music selections (category 2) broadcast each week to 35% [from 30%]. This will expand the exposure given to Canadian artists and works, and provide increased support to the Canadian music industry as a whole. (CRTC, Public Notice 1998-41: 4)

Cancon regulations have met with mixed reviews especially by those in private broadcasting. Yet, according to Rowland Lorimer and Jean McNulty, the effect of Cancon's original implementation on the Canadian music industry has been very positive:

The most important government action taken in Canada to support the domestic recording industry and Canadian musicians was the CRTC's 1971 establishment of Canadian content quotas for all radio stations. Over two decades later, it could be argued that the benefits of this requirement are only now being fully realized at least in the popular music category.... (Lorimer and McNulty, 1996: 198)

In agreement is Heritage Minister Sheila Copps who is also convinced of the role Cancon has played in promoting Canadian talent and states:

...if it hadn't been for strict Canadian content regulations instituted 30 years ago. this country would not have produced four female recording artists who sold 250 million CDs worldwide last year. (Copps, quoted in Harper, 1998: A7)

Referring to Canadian superstars Cdline Dion, Sarah McLachlan, Alanis Morissette, and

country music singer Shania Twain, Copps believes their success is a direct result of people

saying many years ago that "we have to nurture Canadian content on the radio."

An Analysis of Radio Airplay Sample playlists from eight radio stations from across Canada were analyzed with

regard to the percentage of Canadian artists played and the daypart in which they received 21 1 airplay. The discussion refers to Cancon regulations of 30% which were in place at the time the data were collected in 1992-1 993.

Listening Trends in Canadian Radio The following table, taken from the Bureau of Broadcast Measurement (BBM) Fall 1994 survey, shows the listening trends for those 12 years of age and older from Monday to Friday.

The listening day is divided into four dayparts, revealing the relative popularity of the different time periods.

Table 8.1 Fall Listening Level Trends for Canada, Ratings by Daypart* Average 114 Hour Ratings (%) I Mondav to Fridav. 1994 1 Breakfast Day Afternoon Evening 6 a.m. - 10 a.m. 10 a.m. to 3 p.m. 3 p.m. to 7 p.m. 7 p.m. to mdnt. Women 18+ 28 25.1 18.7 7.1 Men 18+ 26.9 22.8 20.4 8.2

Teens 12 -1 7 ,. 12.7 3.2 10.6 9.5 Total 67.6 51.1 49.7 24.8 'BBM Survey, 1994: 12

The "Breakfasr daypart was the preferred listening time for ail three groups while

"Eveningn was the least popular. The general pattern for adults began with heavy listening in the morning when many might be driving to work or working around the house. As the day progressed, fewer and fewer tuned in. The exception to this trend was the "Teens" whose mandatory school attendance affected when they were able to listen to the radio. During the

"Day" from 10:OO a.m. to 3:00 p.m., the percentage for teens was very low (only 3.2%).

However, during the evening hours when they might be working on homework, relaxing, or driving, etc., the percentage increased to 9.5%, the highest of any of the groups for this period of the day.

The CRTC provided some samples of playlists from eight radio stations in major cities across Canada. These playlists contained information such as number of songs played per hour, artists' names, song titles, Cancon designation, and "hit" status. Although containing much of the same information, each was slightly different in its appearance or computer format. 21 2 The playlists ranged in years from 1994 to 1996 and were helpful in analyzing the times of the day and week in which Canadian material was being played on the radio, the number of foreign country artists receiving airplay, and the artists' gender. This information was used to explore the concern voiced by several participants that Canadian radio does not give sufficient support to Canadian artists by playing their songs during popular listening times.

The following is a list of the radio stations, cities, and provinces for which playlists were obtained:

Table 8.2 List of Eight Canadian Country Music Radio Stations Radio Station City Province CJJR Vancouver British Columbia CISN-FM Edmonton Alberta CKRY-FM Calgary Alberta CKRM Regina Saskatchewan CFQX-FM Winnipeg (Selkirk) Manitoba CISS-FM Toronto Ontario CKBY Ottawa Ontario

CHFX-FM Halifax I Nova Scotia b

For purposes of the following analysis, it should be noted that if a Canadian female or a

Canadian male was a solo artist or the lead singer of a duo or group, she or he was included in the Canadian Country Female Leadn or "Canadian Country Male Leadn category only if the song was classified as Cancon and the artist was a country music performer. Although some

Cancon-designated songs are not sung by Canadians but qualify under the regulations, only

Cancon songs sung by Canadian country artists were listed in the tables. This fact accounts for the discrepancy in some instances between the total of Canadian female leads and Canadian male leads, and the total number of Cancon songs played.

In the following tables, the "Cancon Songsn column includes songs listed under

"Canadian Female Lead," "Canadian Male Lead," and "Canadian Hits," if Cancon regulations applied. The term "American* refers to artists from the United States. Under "American Hits," only songs sung by American artists and designated as "hitsn on the radio stations' playlists were included. Non-hit American songs were not noted in a separate column. "Total Songsn was the total number of songs receiving airplay during that particular hour.

When are Canadian Country Artists Receiving Airplay?

Weekends The first playlist analyzed was from radio station CJJR in Vancouver, British Columbia, for Sunday, September 25, 1994. Since "On weekends, radio is listened to most during the daytime" (BBM, 1994: 7), the daypart break from 10:OO a.m. to 3:00 p.m. is in bold print to highlight the prime listening times for a Sunday.

Table 8.3 Radio Airplay by the Hour for Radio Station CJJR, Vancouver, British Columbia

8pm 10 62.5 4 25 5 31.3 0 0 1 6.3 16

6.3 7 43.8 . 0 1 6.3 16 9pm , 9 56.3 . 1 0 ., 10pm 10 62.5 4 25 6 37.5 0 0 1 6.3 16 Ilpm 10 62.5 3 18.8 7 43.8 0 0 0.0 16 Total 98' - 39 - 49 - 7 - 116 - 267 Ave. - 34.12 - 13.98- - 18.19 - 2.69 - 45.96 'the total number of Cancon songs played does not equal the total number of Canadian Female Lead and Canadian Male Lead "the total number of songs played per hour

On this station, a total of 267 songs was played throughout Sunday, September 25,

1994, from 6:00 a.m. to midnight. Of the total number of songs played that particular day, 98 21 4 out of 267 or 36.7% were Cancon. (The 34.12% average shown on the table under "Cancon

Songsn represents an average of hourly percentages which were rounded off individually, accounting for the difference between the two percentages.) This number is above the Cancon requirement of 30%. However, it is of interest to note when these songs were played. It was found that the highest percentage of Cancon songs was played either early Sunday morning from 6:00 a.m. to 8:00 a.m. or in the evening from 6:00 p.m. to midnight. Before 8:00 a.m., there were 20 Cancon songs played or 20.4% of the total number of Cancon songs throughout the day. There was a high number of Cancon songs played in the evening from 6:00 p.m. to midnight-a total of 49 or 50% of Cancon material for the entire day. In other words, most of the Cancon songs received airplay early in the morning or in the evening, the most unlikely times of the day for other Canadians to hear them.

Looking at the numbers in bold print, which represent prime listening times on a weekend, only 13 or 13.3% of the total Cancon songs were played. In comparison, there were

65 out of 116 or 56% of the total of American hits for the day receiving airplay in this much- coveted time slot. Only seven songs or 2.6% of the material played that day were classified as

Canadian hits while 116 or 43.4% were American hits. Between 10:OO a.m. and 12:OO p.m., every song played for two hours was an American "hit" (13 out of 13 or 100%). 01 the Cancon material played, Canadian female lead singers sang 10 songs less throughout the day than

Canadian male lead singers: 39 songs performed by Canadian country females (39.8%) as compared with 49 songs (50%) by Canadian country males.

Weekdays In order to compare a weekend with a weekday, a playlist for Wednesday, September

28h, 1994, from the same radio station, CJJR-FM, was analyzed. Since "Radio is most listened to on weekday morningsn(BBM, 1994: 7),the morning or Breakfast daypart from 6:00 a.m. to 10:OO a.m. is in bold print, indicating the most popular listening time for a weekday. Table 8.4 Radio Airplay by the Hour tor Radio Station CJJR, Vancouver, British Columbia Wednesday, September 28,1994 Country Radio Station CJJR, Vancouver, British Columbia , Wednesday, September 28,1994 Time Cancon Canadian Canadian Canadian American Total Songs Female Lead Male Lead Hits Hits Songs N' % N % N % N ?4* N % N**

6am 2 22.2 1 11.1 1 11.1 1 11.1 , 7 77.8 9

tam 0 0 . 0 0 0 0 0 0 8 100 8 8am 1 14.3 0 0 1 14.3 1 14.3 7 71.4 7 9am 4 1 26.7 3 20 1 6.7 1 6.7 9 60 15 loam 4 28.6 2 14.3 2 14.3 1 7.1 8 57.1 14 Ilam 5 -29.4 2 11.8 3 17.6 1 5.9 10 58.8 17

I Ave. 1 - 1 29.131 - 111.221 - 116.771 - 1 4.131 - 149.271 - 'The total number of Cancon songs played does not equal the total number of Canadian Female Lead and Canadian Male Lead. "the total number of songs played per hour

01 the 241 songs played on CJJR, Wednesday, September 28th, 1994, the number of

Cancon songs was 75 or 31.1 % which satisfied the Cancan requirement. (The 29.1 3% average shown on the table under "Cancon Songsn represents the average of hourly percentages which were rounded off individually, accounting for the difference between the two percentages.) In direct contrast to the Sunday morning example in which the number of Canadian performers receiving airplay between the hours of 6:00 a.m. and 8:00 a.m. was high, on a weekday, the opposite was found. When this same period constituted prime listening time, it was filled with

American hits and the number of Cancon songs played was low.

Every song played from 7:00 a.m. to 8:W a.m. was an American "hit." There were no

Canadian artists, either female or male. The number of Cancon songs receiving airplay from 21 6 6:00 a.m. to 11 :00 a.m. was low at 11 or 14.7% of the total number of Cancon songs, while the number of American hits played during this same time period was considerably higher at 39 or

35.1% of the total number of American hits. Only at 6:00 p.m. were Canadian artists beginning to be played in any significant number.

There were 29 songs performed by Canadian female lead singers, which accounted for

38.7% of Cancon songs played. Once again, Canadian male lead singers fared better, with a total of 43 Cancon songs or 57.3% receiving airplay. The number of Canadian hits was a mere nine songs for the entire day (3.7%) as compared with 11 1 American hits or 46% of songs aired.

From 6:00 a.m. to 7:00 p.m., a period of 13 hours, there were 39 Cancon songs played accounting for only 16.2% of the total number of songs (241) receiving airplay on that particular day. During the evening, a period of five hours, 36 or 14.9% of the songs played were Cancon.

The data presented reveal that this radio station aired Cancon songs (a total of 75) approximately half during the day from 6:00 a.m. to 7:00 p.m. (39 or 52%) and the other half

(36 or 48%) during the evening from 7:00 p.m. to midnight. The lower average of Cancon songs throughout the day was compensated by playing significantly more Cancon songs during the less popular evening hours.

Concerning when Cancon material should be played, on February 14, 1991, the CRTC stated:

To ensure an even distribution of Canadian selections throughout the broadcast day and week, the Commission will expect that at least 25% of popular music selections broadcast by AM and FM stations between 6 a.m. and 7 p.m. Monday through Friday be Canadian. Furthermore, the Commission will expect reasonably even distribution of Canadian selections throughout these day parts and through the broadcast week. The Commission will further expect a significant presence of Canadian music in high audience periods-these traditionally being the morning and afternoon drive periods. (Public Notice CRTC 1991-19: 13)

Updated on April 30, 1998, the Commercial Radio Policy 1998 increased the Commission's expectations: As a further means to ensure that Canadian music is exposed during periods of high listening, the Commission will issue a proposed amendment to the regulations requiring that a minimum of 35% of popular music selections broadcast between 6:00 a.m. and 6:00 p.m., Monday through Friday, be Canadian. Only Canadian selections played in their entirety may be included in calculating the percentage of Canadian category 2 [popular] musical selections broadcast by a station. (Public Notice CRTC 1998-41: 4)

How Cancon fared at this radio station during peak listening hours is an example of the problem identified by some of the respondents: the lack of support given to Canadian country music artists during prime listening times. The 30% Cancon ruling set down by the CRTC was upheld but expectations with regard to when Canadian material was to be played Monday to

Friday were not followed.

Another Sunday To witness this trend in another part of the country, playlists from CISS-FM Toronto were analyzed in the same way to reveal patterns of Cancon airplay. The following tables show the songs receiving airplay on Sunday, March 24, 1996, and on Wednesday, March 27, 1996, respectively. The bold print indicates prime listening times for a Sunday and a Wednesday. Table 8.5 Radio Airplay by the Hour for Radio Station CISfFM, Toronto, Ontario

'The total number of Cancon songs played does not equal the total number of Canadian Female Lead and Canadian Male Lead. "the total number of songs played per hour

There were 96 Cancon songs played on Sunday, March 24th, 1996, at CISS-FM in

Toronto. The total number of songs played that day was 238, making Cancon songs equal to

40.3% of the total number of songs, which is well over the minimum 30% requirement. A questionnaire sent to this radio station asked if it played more Canadian artists than the mandatory 30% Cancon. The response explained that as part of the application for a broadcast licence, it was to "achieve 40% Canadian content" by its fifth year. "We play a minimum of 41 % to ensure compliance with the CRTC."

Although the amount of airplay Cancan songs received at CISS-FM was above 30%, once again, when Cancon material received airplay is interesting. From 7:00 p.m. to midnight,

51 of the 96 Cancon songs or 53.1% received airplay. This means that over half d the songs 21 9 petfor~iedby Canadians were played during Sunday evening, not a prime listening time according to the BBM 1994 survey. As with the Vancouver station, the Toronto station played most of its Cancon selections Sunday evening, from 7:00 p.m. to midnight.

On this particular day, a live radio show from 7:00 a.m. to 8:00 a.m. accounted for the lack of Canadian female artists played during this hour, since the artist interviewed was an

American female. Yet, in the hour following the live show, from 8:00 a.m. to 9:00 a.m., there were also no Canadian female artists piayed but no specific reason for this phenomenon was apparent.

At CISS-FM Toronto, the number of Cancon songs played was more evenly distributed between Canadian female lead singers and Canadian male lead singers. There were only three more Canadian male lead singers (46) than Canadian female lead singers (43) at CISS-

FM Toronto compared with 10 more males (49) than females (39) played at CJJR Vancouver.

CISS-FM Toronto played a total of four more Canadian female lead singers (43) than did CJJR

Vancouver (39).

There were some artists played on CISS-FM whose "designation" as country musicians was questionable. Yet, these artists were included in the tally for Canadian lead singers, both female and male, since they were being played on a country music radio station. While one could debate that music should not be limited by definition or "boxed in." it is doubtful that these performers would identify themselves as "country" artists. Although fine entertainers in their own right, unfortunately, when they are listed as Cancon on a country music radio station, they take the place of Canadian artists whose status as "country musiciansnis less dubious, and who desperately need the airplay exposure.

Throughout the entire day, 106 American hits were played accounting for 44.5% of the airplay compared with only eight Canadian hits or 3.4% of the total number of songs (238).

From 6:00 a.m. to 7:W p.m., there were only five Canadian hits played compared with 103

American hits. As with the Vancouver station, many Canadian artists were played during

Sunday evening, the less popular listening time. Mid- Week The following table shows an analysis of a playlist from CISS-FM, Toronto, for

Wednesday, March 27th, 1996. rable 8.6 Sadio Airplay by the Hour for Radio Station CISS-FM, Toronto, Ontario Nednesday, March 27,1996 Country Radio Station CISS-FM, Toronto, Ontario

'The total number of Cancon songs played does not equal the total number of Canadian Female Lead and Canadian Male Lead. "the total number of songs played per hour

At CISS-FM Toronto, on Wednesday, March 271h, 1996, there were 210 songs played.

Of those songs, 86 or 41 % were classified as Cancon, again complying with the regulations.

Similar to the pattern revealed by this radio station on the Sunday, Cancon selections were almost evenly divided between Canadian female lead singers (38 or 44.2%) and Canadian male lead singers (37 or 17.26%), yet, in this case, the females outnumbered the males by one.

Upon being asked when most Canadian artists were played, CISS-FM responded that

CRTC guidelines state that a minimum of 25% Canadian music must be played between the hours of 6:00 a.m. and 7:00 p.m. daily. On Wednesday, March 27th, 1996, there were 41

Cancon songs played between 6:00 a.m. and 7:00 p.m. This accounted for 19.5% of the 210 songs played that particular day. Like the station in Vancouver, the majority of Cancon material aired at this Toronto station was played in the evening. Of the total number of Cancon songs receiving airplay during the entire day. 45 or 52.3% were heard during this less popular time slot.

Cancon, Gender, Foreign or Domestic To compare a different perspective, playlists from CHFX-FM, Halifax, Nova Scotia, were studied with reference to Cancon, gender, and country of origin using an example of both a weekday and a weekend. This station did not break down the number of songs played hour-by- hour but listed only the Cancon and "hir status of the songs receiving airplay on any given day.

Therefore, an analysis of when Cancon was being played was not possible. The number of

Cancon songs and the femalelmale, CanadiadAmerican breakdown were analyzed.

Table 8.7 Playlists for CHFX-FM - Halifax, Nova Scotia Cancon and Non-Cancon Songs Monday, February 26,1996, and Saturday, March 2,1996 CHFX-FM - Halifax, Nova Scotia Cancon and Non-Cancon Songs Monday, February 26, 1996 Saturday, March 2, 1996 Number of % of Total Number of % of Total Songs Number of Songs Number of Songs Songs Number of Cancon Songs 81 31.5 73 27.2 Non-Cancon Songs 176 68.5 194 72.7 Total 257 100.0 267 99.9

One weekday (Monday, February 26th. 1996) and one weekend day (Saturday, March

2nd, 1996) were chosen for examination. On Wednesday, the percentage of Cancon material played was slightly above the required 30% at 31.5%. However, on Saturday the percentage fell to 27.2%. Non-Cancon songs constituted an overwhelming 68.5% and 72.7%, respectively, of the total songs played on both days. 222 It is interesting to note that on Sunday, February 25th, 1996, The Richard Pelley Hour" played all Canadian music. It was described as a "Syndicated Radio Network Featuring Atlantic

Canadian, Traditional 8 Irish Music." The term ''countqt' was not used.

The following table examines songs receiving airplay with respect to gender and country of origin.

Table 8.8 Playlists for CHFX-FM - Halifax, Nova Scotia Canadian and American Female and Male Performers Monday, February 26,1996, and Saturday, March 2,1996 CHFX-FM - Halifax, Nova Scotia I Canadian and American Female and Male Performers I Mondav. Februaw 26.1996 Saturday, March 2, 1996 umber of *% of Total Number of Oh of Total Songs Number of Songs Number of I Songs Songs

Canadian Country Females 42 16.3 35 1 13.1 Canadian Country Males 39 15.2 38 I 14.2 American Country Females 42 16.3 51 19.1 American Country Males 134 52.1 143 53.6 Total Number of Sonas 257 99.9

On Monday, February 26th, 1996, the percentages of airplay for Canadian country females. Canadian country males, and American country females were all around the 15*/0 to

16% mark, making these three groups surprisingly similar on this particular day. In fact, both

the Canadian country females and the American country females were tied exactly at 42 songs

each or 16.3%. The most disturbing fact was the overwhelming majority of music by American

country males-1 34 songs or 52.1 %. Over half the airplay was given to one group of singers,

leaving less than half of the remaining airplay to be divided among the other three groups.

Comparing Monday, February 26, 1996, to Saturday, March 2, 1996, the number of

songs sung by both female and male Canadian singers fell from 16.3% to 13.15% for females

and from 15.2% to 14.2% for males. Yet, interestingly, the American country females improved

their percentage from Monday (16.3%) to Saturday (1 9.1 %). The American country males

continued to maintain their overwhelming lead, and even increased it on Saturday for a total of 53.6% as compared with 52.1% on Monday. This one group accounted for over half of the songs played on both Monday and Saturday.

The following table calculates the percentage of Canadian and American songs designated as "hitsn by the radio station, comparing a weekday (Monday, February 26, 1996) with a weekend day (Saturday, March 2,1996).

Table 8.9 CHFX-FM - Halifax, Nova Scotia Canadian and American Hits Monday, February 26,1996, and Saturday, March 2,1996 CHFX-FM - Halifax, Nova Scotia I Canadian and American Hits Monday, February 26, 1996 Saturday, March 2, 1996 Number of [ % of Total Number of I % of Total Hit Songs Number of Hit Songs Number of Songs (257) Songs (267) Canadian Hits 8 3.1 8 3 American Hits 70 27.2 131 48.9 Total Hits 78 30.3 139 51.9 ------

Of the 267 songs played on Monday, February 26, 1996, there were eight Canadian hits

(3.1%) and 70 American hits (27.2%). Comparing Monday with Saturday, the number of

American hits almost doubled from 70 to 131. Monday, there were 70 or 27.2% American hits played while on Saturday it increased to 131 or 48.9% American hits-almost halfthe music played during the entire day. Meanwhile, the number of Canadian hits stayed the same but decreased in percentage from 3.1% to 3%, since there were more hits played in total on

Saturday than on Monday.

Comparing Cancon and Gender Among Five Radio Stations Exploring the playlist data gathered with respect to gender, the following table examines five different Canadian radio stations to compare the amount of Cancon played on one given weekday (Friday). The percentage of Cancon material is then broken down into percentages of

Canadian country females and males in order to reveal the relative number of Canadian women

and men receiving airplay compared with the total number of Cancon songs on that day. Table 8.10 Canadian Country Artists Played on Five Major Canadian Radio Stations on Fridays from 6:00 a.m. to Midnight Canadian Country Mists Played on Five Major Canadian Radio Stations on Fridays from 6:00 a.m. to Midnight Radio Station I Friday I Total Number I Cancon I Canadian I Canadian I c ate I of Songs 1 Songs I Country ( Country Females Males N % N % N % CKRY-FM Sept. 1,1995 252 76 30.2 34 44.7 38 50.0 Calgary, A6 CISN-FM July 14,1995 231 76 32.9 35 46.0 34 44.7 Edmonton, AB CKRM July 29,1994 205 63 30.7 22 34.9 38 60.3 Regina, SK CFQX-FM June 3,1994 246 74 30.1 29 39.2 38 51.4 Winnipeg, MB CKBY March 29, 237 74 31.2 26 35.1 39 52.7 Ottawa, ON 1996 Average 234.2 72.6 31.02 29.2 39.98 37.4 51.82 'The total percentage of Canadian Country Females and Canadian Country Males does not add up to the total percentage of Cancon Songs. Either the lead singer of a song classified as Cancon was not Canadian and, therefore, not included, or the gender of the lead singer of the group was unknown.

At each of the five stations, the amount of Cancon played throughout the entire day adhered to Cancon regulations. Each station was just over the required 30%-the range being from .l%to 2.9%. The number of Canadian country males receiving airplay outnumbered the

Canadian country females in all but one case with the average percentage of total Cancon songs played being 39.98% for the women and 51.82% for the men. It is interesting to note that there were 16 more Canadian country males than Canadian country females who received airplay at CKRM, Regina, Saskatchewan. Only one radio station (CISN-FM, Edmonton,

Alberta) played more females than males (35 women compared with 34 men).

In keeping with the pattern previously revealed in Vancouver and Toronto, these five radio stations also appeared to favour playing Canadian country artists in the evening time slot from 7:00 p.m. to midnight, as opposed to the more popular listening times during weekday mornings. The following table compares prime listening time (from 6:00 a.m. to 10:OO a.m. on a weekday) with a non-prime listening time (from 7:00 p.m. to midnight on a weekday). Table 8.1 1 Percentage of Cancon Songs Played on Fridays for Five Major Canadian Radio Stations Prime Listening Time Venus Non-Prime Ustening Time Percentage of Cancon Songs Played on Fridays for Five Major Canadian Radio Stations Prime Listening ~imeVersus Non-PI me Listening Time Radio Station I Friday Date 1 Total Number of Cancon Played Cancon Played Cancon Songs During During Played During Prime Listening Non-Prime the Entire Day Time Listening Time 6 am. to 10 a.m. 7 p.m. to Mdnt. N % N % CKRY-FM ISept.l,1995 1 76 11 14.5 32 42.1 Calgary, AB I I CISN-FM IJuly14,1995 1 76 Edmonton, AB CKRM July 29, 1994 63 ' Regina, SK CFQX-FM June 3,1994 74

I Winnipeg, MB 1 CKBY March 29, 1996 74 ! Ottawa, ON Average 72.6

An average of 72.6 Cancon songs was played by these five radio stations on the Fridays sampled. The most noticeable revelation was that of the Cancon songs played, on average only 13.36% were played during the prime listening time from 6:00 a.m. to 10:OO a.m., while

42.36% were played in the non-prime listening time from 7:00 p.m. to midnight. Once again,

Cancon material was shown to be played mainly during the evening hours.

Radio's Perception of Itsel In 1996, Gary Slaight, president of Standard Broadcasting, stated that he did not believe there was "enough good product" for Canadian radio stations to be able to fulfill Cancon requirements. For Slaight, Cancon was more than enough Canadian material to be mandated for airplay. In "Blasted Commercial Radio!" Slaight states:

Three-outof-ten records is a lot of product, as it is. Remember, too, that a lot of stations are competing with American stations which can beam into Toronto, or Vancouver or Kingston. We're not stupid. We're just not in the recording business. They think we're in the recording business, but we're not. (Slaight, quoted in Goddard, 1996a: 04) 226 In direct contrast to this view, in "Recording industry set to battle broadcasters," Peter

Goddard writes of the Canadian Independent Record Production Association (CIRPA) and its concern with radio: "the basic complaint was that radio isn't supporting Canadian musicians because it doesn't feature them in prime slots-the morning and evening 'drive' showsn (1996b:

J5). CIRPA is taking its complaint to the CRTC. Yet, radio people feel the complaint is

"unwarranted." They claim that the music industry is making money while the radio industry is losing money. According to Goddard, this is just the beginning of the battle.

A two page questionnaire was sent out to the eight radio stations listed below for which radio playlists had been obtained from the CRTC to explore how they perceive themselves with respect to Canadian artists and airplay.

Table 8.1 2 Radio Stations to Which Questionnaires were Sent Radio Stations to Which Questionnaires were Sent

CJJR I Vancouver , British Columbia

CISN-FM Edmonton ,. Alberta CKRY-FM Calgary Alberta CKRM Regina Saskatchewan CFQX-FM Winnipeg (Selkirk) Manitoba CISS-FM Toronto Ontario CKBY Ottawa Ontario CHFX-FM Halifax I Nova Scotia h

The radio stations receiving the questionnaires were very cooperative. Of the eight sent, seven were returned completed. Only one sent to CISN-FM, Edmonton, Alberta, was not mailed back, and it is not known whether it, in fact, arrived at its intended destination. Based on the seven that were returned, an analysis of the answers was conducted. A couple of stations even included covering letters offering further assistance, if needed.

The following table outlines the variety of ways in which the radio stations surveyed choose the songs they play. 227 Table 8.13 How Does Your Radio Station Choose the Songs It Plays? How Does Your Radio Station Choose the Songs It Plays? a particular individual's choice, the consensus of a group, or a decision made outside the station by someone else CJJR, Vancouver, BC all three CKRY-FM, Calgary, AB consensus of a group CKRM, Regina, SK Music Director CFQX-FM, Winnipeg, MB weekly music meetings: Program Director, Music Director CISS-FM, Toronto, ON weekly music meetings: company's Director of Programming, Music Director, Program Managers CKBY, Ottawa, ON Request Tracking, Sales Tracking with Record Stores. Chart Action, Music Testing/Research, Market Taste-Format CHFX-FM, Halifax, NS Operations Manager (final veto power), Music Director

Of the seven stations, all but one stated that the decision of what to play was determined by those within the radio station, usually the consensus of a group which involved the music director. Only one station appeared to rely on an individual to make the decision.

The following table reveals the lack of any system to track the gender of the artists chosen to be played in six of the seven radio stations. rable 8.1 4 Monitoring Canadian and American Females and Males Monitoring Canadian and American Females and Males Are records kept on the number of Canadian women, Canadian men, American women, and American men who receive airplay? CJJR, Vancouver, BC Yes CKRY-FM, Calgary, AB No CKRM, Regina, SK No CFQX-FM, Winnipeg, MB No CISS-FM, Toronto, ON No CKBY, Ottawa, ON No CHFX-FM. Halifax. NS No

Only CJJR in Vancouver, B.C., stated that it monitored Canadian + American men + women played." While not airing these four groups within any specific time period, the station stated that it did attempt to achieve a balance among them. Most of the other stations simply replied "No." Others qualified their negative responses by adding such comments as 'Weplay the best available music... Does not matter if it is male or Female [sicr (CKRY-FM, Calgary,

Alberta), and "...genders are are [sic] relatively inconsequential, although we would rarely run more than 2 females back-to-back" (CHFX, Halifax, Nova Scotia). According to Bufwack and 228 Oermann, "Up to the 1980s there was an unwritten law at country radio stations that you never played two female records in a row' (Bufwack and Oermann, 1993: 180). Are some Canadian radio stations still less likely to play more than two female country artists in a row?

The following table shows if the amount of Cancon played exceeds the CRTC requirements.

Table 8.15 Does Amount of Cancon Played Exceed Requirements? Does Amount of Cancon Played Exceed Requirements? Do you play more Canadian artists than the mandatory 30% Cancon? I Response % (if given) CJJR, Vancouver, BC Yes CKRY-FM, Calgary, AB Yes 30.5-32 CKRM, Regina, SK Yes CFQX-FM, Winnipeg, MB Yes 31-34 CISS-FM, Toronto, ON Yes 41 CKBY, Ottawa, ON Yes 35 CHFX-FM. Halifax. NS Yes

All the radio stations who participated declared that they played more than 30% Cancon.

In two cases (CISS-FM, Toronto, ON, and CKBY, Ottawa. ON), the higher percentage was a requirement by the CRTC in order to acquire a broadcasting licence:

Yes. ClSS FM plays 41% Canadian Content. When ClSS Applied [sic] for it's [sic] broadcast license, it promised to achieve 40% Canadian Content by it's [sic] fifth year. We play a minimum of 41 % to ensure compliance with the CRTC. [CISS-FM, Toronto, ON]

Yes-357b-CKBY-FM as a condition of license must meet or exceed 35% Canadian content [CKBY-FM, Ottawa, ON]

Another couple of stations revealed that they played slightly over the 30% requirement so they were assured of not falling short in cases where certain Cancon songs might have to be omitted due to unforeseen time restrictions:

Yes! This is done so that we're are [sic] never below the 30% requirement. [CJJR, Vancouver, BC]

Yes. This allows for a buffer if we are required to drop a song or two (due to time), and ensures we exceed the minimum 30% requirement, as well as supporting songdartists from inside our borders. [CHFX, Halifax, NSI One station was somewhat hesitant in its appraisal of Canadian talent when it replied:

"At times we do[.] It all depends on the auality of Canadian music we recieve[sicJn

[CKRM, Regina, SKI.

The seven radio stations were asked what they considered to be their prime listening times and when they played Canadian artists.

Table 8.1 6 Prime Listening Times and When Canadian Artists are Played Prime Listening Times and 1 When Canadian Mists are Played

I What are the mime listeninaY times? When are most Canadian artists played? Prime Listening Times When Most Canadians Played CJJR, Vancouver, BC "Morningsn "Evenings" CKRY-FM, Calgary, A6 5:30 a.m. - 9:00 a.m. "Due to strict CRTC Regulations... spaced evenly through the Day." CKRM, Regina, SK 6:00 a.m. - 10:OO a.m. "anytime ...spread out through the 3:00 p.m. - 7:00 p.m. day for variety" CFQX-FM, Winnipeg, ME 6:00 a.m. - 10:OO a.m. "...in all dayparts." CISS-FM, Toronto, ON 6:00 a.m. - 7:00 p.m. "...spread throughout the 6 am to Mid period according to CRTC guidelines, which call for a minimum of 25% Canadian 6 am - 7 pm daily." CKBY, Ottawa, ON "Throughout the day. 25% of our music on a daily basis must be I Canadian from 6 am - 7 pm." CHFX-FM, Halifax, NS morning and afternoon "...are heard 24 hours a day - "driven to and from work there is no time period totally times exempt from Canadian material" 7:00 a.m. - 9:00 a.m. 3:30 D.m. - 530 p.m.

All the radio stations agreed that the morning daypart was a prime listening time.

In addition, two also included the drive home period. One station stated the entire day from 6:00 a.m. to 7:00 p.m. The general response for when Canadian artists were played was "throughout the day" except for one that replied "Evenings."

According to the analyses of sample playlists from the preceding section, although the amount of Cancon played adhered to the minimum requirements, the expectations with respect to the time of the day when Cancon was supposed to be played (a minimum of 25% Canadian 230 material between 6:00 a.m. and 7:00 p.m.) were not always followed (refer to Tables 8.4 and

8.6). Most of the airplay Canadian artists received was not during prime listening times but rather during the less popular evening hours. Nor was the playing of Cancon songs spread evenly throughout the day as some of the replies suggested. Yet, it is interesting to note, those who completed the radio questionnaires seemed to perceive themselves as following the guidelines with respect to the playing of Canadian material.

Cancon: Necessity or Detriment? The opinions of the women interviewed concerning Cancon ranged from considering it a necessity to seeing it as a detriment. While many described the regulation as a benefit, there were others who wished it did not exist. Below is a table indicating the responses by age category.

Table 8.17 Respondents' Attitudes Towards Cancan Regulations Respondents' Attitudes Towards Cancon Regulations Pioneers Middle Group Newcomers Total N % N % N Oh N Yo Positive 6 86 8 57 3 33 17 57

, Negative 1 14 2 14 2 22 5 17 Neutral 0 0 2 14 2 22 4 13 Unknown 0 0 2 14 2 22 4 13 Total 7 100 14 99 9 99 30 100

Pioneers

A Necessity By far the most positive response towards Cancon came from the members of the

Pioneers-most of whom had been in the music business the longest of all the singers

interviewed. Out of a possible seven, there were six (86%) who believed that its

implementation was necessary in order to aid the Canadian country music industry in its

survival. Although several wished Canadian artists could succeed without it, their experiences

had led them to the conclusion that it was difficult to establish oneself in the Canadian music 231 business without some kind of protection against the onslaught of American cultural products.

They believed that it was only due to Cancon that Canadians received any airplay:

It was through Juneau who insisted on it-that it had to be Canadian. That's the only reason that Canadians got played is through that coming in. Otherwise they still would be playing all American. [Bailey]

Most assuredly, a lot of Canadians would not be getting their records played [if it were not for Cancon]. Because, you know, the big labels dictate. It's always been like that, and irll always be like that. That's just the way it is. That's why artists try to be on big labels. Money talks, doesn't it. (Craig]

...we would never have gotten airplay in the first place to create the industry we have without them [Cancon regulations]. [Murray]

Allen responded, "I think it's [Cancon] negative, because we should be hearing more Canadian music on radio stations, T.V. etc." What she would like to see is an increase in the amount of

Canadian music in the media, implying that Cancon should exceed its present mandate.

Brant can see both sides of the issue but believes Cancon regulations are essential: "It is a necessity because, unfortunately, unless they were made to do so, Canadian broadcasters would not play as much as 30°h." When asked why, she responded:

Because they fall back on the old thing which was true twenty years ago-that there wasn't enough good Canadian material. Further to that, we're on the border with the United States. We are constantly bombarded with American programming. That's where our charts come from. But whether we like it or not, it's a fact of life. And we do need to protect our own industry. There's no two ways about it.

In fact, Brant feels that the CRTC should be even more strict when it comes to protecting the rights of Canadian artists.

Like Brant, Stone considers the situation to be unfortunate and wishes Canadian radio would play Canadian music of its own volition, but she is also aware that this is just not the case. She views it as a disparagement of talented Canadian singers that radio has to be forced to play their material but acknowledges that, if Cancon did not exist, Canadian artists might not receive any airplay. "So in one way, it's a put-down that they have to do it-not that they're willing to do it." While Stone thinks radio should want to help promote Canadians and support their own-they do not. Her exasperation can be heard in the following statement: I just don't know. It's pathetic really because it would help Canada-it would help Canadians. You shouldn't have to feel that you have to leave Canada and make it somewhere else to prove that you're a success or that you're good at your trade. But that's the way it is.

Stone gives a personal example of the lack of support she experienced in Canada with a

song she had recently written which was recorded by a well-known American country music

singer. It received airplay in the United States, Sweden, and England but not in Canada.

When she asked some Canadian radio stations why they were not playing her song, they

replied that they only play "hits." But Stone questions how songs ever become "hitsn if they do

not get played on the radio and the listeners never hear them. She believes that the more you

hear something, the more you grow to like it:

The public out there would probably love to hear it. ...this other thing [songs from the American hit list] is being forced on them [the general public]. They don't have their own free will. Because if you phone in for a request for a Canadian song, you don't get it.

The radio DJs' excuse for not playing a requested Canadian song is that it is not on the playlist

and/or the musical director has not chosen it. Stone thinks Canadian radio stations are

"gutless" and they should forget the top American songs and start playing Canadian music and

people would accept it.

Once A Drawback: Now It Doesn't Matter Laval was the only Pioneer who responded negatively to Cancon, due mainly to her

experience recording in the seventies. At that time, she describes herself as having to be very

careful in order to follow Cancon regulations while recording in Nashville. As a result, she was

unable to use a Nashville producer, which she considered to be a "drawback." Now, as an artist

in the nineties writing her own songs and producing them in Canada with Canadian musicians, she states, "...it really doesn't matter...."

Middle Group

I Don't Trust Those Radio People 233 There were eight respondents or over half of the total number in the Middle Group

(57%) who, like the majority of Pioneers, believed that Cancon was important in helping to provide Canadian artists with the opportunity of receiving airplay. Many had serious concerns that if it were not in place. Canadian artists would simply not be played on Canadian radio.

These women felt Cancon played a very important role in establishing and maintaining a career in country music in Canada:

Very positive. Without it we would never get played. The egos of radio music directors would choose U.S. music everytime [sic]. They are so cowardly. [Burgess]

... I think it's great. ...I don't trust those radio people. I don't trust that they would play Canadian music if they didn't have to. ...I think it's a great thing. ... I think it's just really important. It's too bad but it is important. [Edwards]

It's necessary here. It just is. ...We've got to protect ourselves. ...the States has been into protectionism for years and years. We hardly protect anything that's ours. This small gesture is hardly, you know, worth mentioning. That's my attitude. [Richmond]

Due to Cancon, Barry feels that it is easier to be a new artist and get one's record played on the radio. From listening to other people, her understanding is that in the United

States, one has to be signed to a major label in order to receive any airplay. Cancon provides an opportunity for independent country artists to be heard on the radio. McPherson believes that Cancon gives Canadian artists without substantial financial backing the chance to be professional and to compete with artists from the United States, who might have up to $120,000 budgets backing their recording projects. Stevens affirms that with "a sleeping giant like the

States beside you," this geographical reality exerts an extremely strong cultural influence on

Canadians, which necessitates a system like Cancon. Without it, "...I'm not sure how much

exposure Canadian artists would get. And I think it's really important." Legislation is essential

because "...people would be more tempted to play the glossy American stuff first."

Stevens is upset that well-known Canadians, like Stompin' Tom Connors who writes and

sings about his own country, are not being played by Canadian radio stations. Ben Rayner

describes Stompin' Tom Connors as 'stridently nationalisticnand "a touchstone of national 234 identity for many Canadians." For 14 years, Connors left the Canadian music business '70 protest the lack of distinctively Canadian content being churned out by the domestic music

industry." He is still troubled by the condition of the Canadian music industry, and comments on

country music radio stations in particular:

To me, country music is what it states: It's got to be about the country and the people in it. And I can't understand why Canadian radio, when it plays country music, why it has to be some other country's country music, or the way some other country would rather it be.

When I tune into my radio station, I don't hear anything about Canada on there in song. And it bothers me, because I don't hear anything identifiably Canadian, even with Canadian-content regulations. (Connon, quoted in Rayner, 1998: B1, B6)

Emmons is a Canadian country music artist who is not only a performer but also has a

business which promotes independent artists to Canadian country radio stations. She states

adamantly that Cancon is absolutely necessary, but its drawback is that many times the 30%

minimum requirement is interpreted by radio as a 30% maximum. Therefore, radio stations will

usually play only 30% Cancon and no more, instead of well over the 30% regulations. Her

sense of frustration is clear in the following statement:

...[ Cancon regulations] are the only reason we have a few stars now; at least at radio level; Canadians as a society have this huge problem with recognizing their own; I operate a business... which promotes Canadian independent artists to Canada's country radio stations. Without Can-Con regs of 30% we wouldn't stand a chance of getting on radio because 90% of the music directors are afraid to stick their neck out & play somebody new that they really like unless everybody else is-"i.e." chart action. The problem with Can-Con is that most music directors treat it as a maximum instead of minimum....

As proof of her statements, Emmons provided three playlists from radio stations showing the

number of major label artists versus independent artists, and Canadian artists versus American

artists, played in a given week at three different radio stations in Canada. Table 8.1 8 Playlists Showing Number of Canadian and American Major Label and lndependent Mists Playlists Showing Number of Canadian and American 1 Major Label and Independent Artists Radio Station Date Canadian Canadian American American Major Independent Major Independent Label Label CJNB, 1050, North week ending 13 2 30 0 Battleford, , November Saskatchewan 21 st, 1993 Country 59, week of 9 0 31 0 Toronto, Ontario November 28th, 1993 1470 CHOW, December 16 4 40 0 W elland, Ontario 13th, 1993 Total I 38 6 101 0

The total number of Americans backed by major record labels on each of these three playlists outnumbers the total number of Canadians with major label support or independent by more that 2:1. In other words, over twice as many American artists were receiving airplay on these Canadian radio stations than Canadian artists. Emmons cites this as one small example of what is taking place on radio. It is difficult for Canadian country artists to compete with

American country artists when, as this table illustrates, all the American artists being played have major labels who promote them extensively. As a result, it is a challenge for Canadian country artists to be heard on Canadian country radio stations.

Emmons describes the situation in Quebec as an example of the effect higher mandated percentages of Cancon could have on promoting more Canadian country music singers. Below, she explains the difference between Quebec and the rest of Canada:

in Quebec, French-language stations are forced to play 65% French vocal music and a Quebec 'star' sells more records in Quebec than an English 'star' does in all the rest of Canada; all the proof I need to say it's time Canadian radio played more Canadian music and (unfortunately) the only way it will happen soon is if they are forced to by regulation.

If English radio stations were mandated to play 65% Cancon, Emmons believes that this would help to improve the exposure of Canadian country music artists and, in return, increase their popularity. The Merit Principle-The Cream Rises to the Top Not all the respondents agreed with Cancon's benefits. At the time of the intelview,

Cullen was an established artist who had been in the business for a number of years and described Cancon as a "thorn in her side." At one point in her career, she left Canada to go to the United States because she could not get her music played in Canada because of Cancon.

She was the only component of her records that was Canadian, so her music did not qualify under Cancon regulations. Believing it to be outdated, her feelings concerning Cancon were very strong:

...music is music-music is an art. You wouldn't do this to a poet-you wouldn't do this to an artist, a photographer. It's music-and music is big business, too. But it's an art form and so many people have lost that sense of it that it's ridiculous.

Cullen believes that music is a form of art that should not be regulated. Those who are best at what they do will be successful. Being in business means "...you're going to have to fight a little harder. I think the cream rises to the top." Talented artists will be successful on their own, and Cancon should not be part of the music business in Canada. She also commented on the lack of power which individual radio stations presently have in actually choosing what receives airplay. A DJ used to have some input into which records were played or not played. In the past, stories were told of a DJ discovering a "hit" song hidden on the "B" side of a record, but no longer does this appear to be the case.

When Clifford first started her career, she thought Cancon was a good thing because many more Canadian artists were getting airplay. However, she also believes quality was compromised and the credibility of the music was reduced: "A lot of people were recording and everybody was getting on the bandwagon but you didn't even necessarily have to have a lot of talent or carry a tune." Radio played Gordon Lightfoot and Anne Murray in the prime hours and the "...new artists at four o'clock in the morning...." She has never agreed with the ruling, which states that two out of the four parts (music, artist, production, lyrics) have to be Canadian. She posed the question: Isn't that discriminating against our own? I don't care if it's no parts Canadian or if it's all Canadian. If it's a great record, play it. If it's crummy, I don't care if it's Johnny Cash or [me]-it shouldn't be played. If the quality's not there it shouldn't be played.

Clifford feels that because of Cancon, Canadian artists are being treated unfairly. It limits

Canadians, while artists from other countries are not held to the same rules. She discusses the

Bryan Adams case:

...what they were saying was, 'If you're Canadian, this is what you have to do. But if you're from any other country, we're going ?oplay your record no matter what.' That's what they did with Bryan Adams. Now isn't that stupid? He's one of the biggest international artists but the Canadian station wouldn't play him.

Bryan Adams is a Canadian artist but, because his record did not adhere to Cancon regulations, some Canadian stations did not play it. It appeared that Adams was being penalized by a system put in place to help Canadian artists, which Clifford views as unfair.

However, the point made previously by Emmons becomes relevant in this discussion. If

Canadian radio played a minimum of 30% Cancon instead applying it as a maximum, Canadian artists such as Adams could easily be included in playlists that would well exceed the requirement.

Clifford believes that if Canadian stations did not play American artists, Canadians would simply tune in to an American station:

...I guess maybe they [Cancon promoters] were hoping that the market would open up or maybe it would create more businesses up here or whatever but when you're dominated by that big an industry over there (in the United States], I just think it was handled in the wrong way.

Although she feels the intention of those who created Cancon was good, when you are competing with such a huge country as the United States, it just does not work.

Mixed Feelings Riley has mixed feelings about Cancon. As a new artist starting out, she followed the

Cancon regulations and believes qualifying helped her receive radio airplay. Yet she feels sad

that we have to regulate and make laws in order to get Canadian music played on the radio. "I

mean if something's good, it's good, and we should be able to stand on our own merit." This 238 statement is reminiscent of Cullen's comment that, if the music is good, it will be successful.

Yet, Riley also realizes that even though one might think this should be the case, it is not necessarily so.

Laurence, like Riley, can see the positive side of Cancon in helping to establish new artists, but now, later in her career, thinks she can compete with Americans and would get played anyway. However, even with an experienced artist such as herself, there is always the lingering fear that some broadcasters might not play her songs if Cancon were not in place.

Laurence has observed some problems with the Cancon rulings which she believes need to be rectified in order to be fair to everyone. For example, some people are booking a

Canadian studio for only a couple of days and just laying down a few vocals in order to qualify as Cancon. The song is American, the writer is American, and it is produced in the United

States-the only thing Canadian are some overdubs. Seeing this practice as unjust, Laurence would like the Cancon ruling changed to state that either they tell everyone that the whole production has to be done in Canada, or change the regulations so that only the artist has to be

Canadian. Laurence has heard many discussions concerning this issue and she can see both sides. On the one hand, it is important that the artist is Canadian, but on the other hand,

Canadian studios and musicians need support, too. She concluded by stating that she continues to be unsure as to how she feels about Cancon,

Newcomers The Newcomers had the lowest percentage of positive responses to Cancon, with only three or 3396 of the group agreeing with its implementation. This result may be due in part to the fact that these women have been in the singing profession for considerably less time than most of the women in the other two groups, and their experiences have therefore been quite different from a historical point of view. More participants in the Pioneers and Middle Group have had more time both with and, in some cases, without Cancon to be able to compare the effect the regulations have had on their careers and those of others. We Don't Get Lost-New Artists Have a Chance Of the Newcomers who were positive in their responses, Wilson recalls that when

Cancon regulations were first introduced, radio people complained that all they had to play were

Gordon Lightfoot and Anne Murray and "...they played them over and over and over again." As an aside, she wonders whether this was a major factor in why they both became so popular.

Wilson believes Canadian artists need Cancon: "...I think that ...because of that [Cancon] we don't get lost. Because of regulations like that, new artists have a chance. ...I'd like to see more of it." Both Hill and Phillips agree:

It's very positive, because the radio stations are forced to play + listen to Canadian material, instead of going towards the American or British music. [Hill]

I believe CanCon to be a positive thing, at least until Canadian music gains the strength it needs to compete with other music. [Phillips]

For these artists. Cancon is definitely something that is needed in the Canadian country music industry. They view it as a necessity in order to be able to compete with music from other countries.

I Fully Believe in Free Market Although Thompson recognizes that Cancon has probably aided Canadian artists, she does not believe it is necessary:

I fully believe in free market. So I'm not a big4 know Cancon has probably helped a lot of people. Philosophically, I don't believe in government regulation of anything. So you know, we are-if we're good enough to compete, then that's how we get on the radio. If we're not good enough to compete, then we've got no business being on the radio.

Like Cullen and her "cream rises to the topn belief, Thompson does not see the necessity of

Cancon.

Being Canadian Should Be Enough Baker believes that if the singer is Canadian, that is all that should count towards eligibility for Cancon. She is against its requirement that two out of four parts (music, artist, production, lyrics) be created by Canadians: 240 I think being a Canadian, being born in Canada, should be enough ...it shouldn't matter where your songs come from or where you produce them as long as it's good music....

To Baker, having Cancon support Canadian singers is alright, but giving the same support to other Canadian musicians is an entirely different matter.

Both a Plus and a Minus For Reid, Cancon is both a plus and a minus. She, too, sees its benefit in helping a new artist to get radio airplay. However, as a more established artist, it can sometimes be detrimental:

...I've had singles out where I've been the writer on them and you receive great airplay, and then you cut a song by somebody else and it's not a Cancon song. It's on your album and you think, 'This isn't a Cancon song, but it's a great song, it's a great record, it's a hit record. I'm going to release it because I believe in the song, and I believe that it will get played because it's a great record.' And then it doesn't do hardly anything. And you sit and you know it's because of that damn Cancon regulation. You think, Well, did they play my other song because they really liked it or ....'

Like Riley, Reid is disturbed by the fact her song may have only received airplay because it qualified as Cancon when she would like to think that they played it because it was a great song. The fact that Reid's Cancon song did get played while her non-Cancon song did not is another example of the effect Cancon has on Canadian artists receiving airplay. One wonders whether or not she would have received any radio airplay without Cancon.

Conclusion It would appear from the above analyses of samples from major radio stations as well as

responses to the radio questionnaires that while these Canadian radio stations follow Cancon

regulations with respect to the 30% minimum, the tendency is not to play Canadian country artists during prime listening times. By increasing percentages of Cancon material in the less popular evening daypart from 7:00 p.m. to midnight, they reduce the percentage of Cancon

material played during the day.

The gender analysis of five radio stations revealed that more Canadian male country artists received airplay than Canadian female artists. Yet, overall, few Canadians, either female 241 or male, were given the opportunity to be heard during prime listening time. Canadian radio stations seem to translate the Cancon regulation of 30% to mean the maximum or highest number of Cancon songs that must be played instead of using it as a minimum or the least number that should be played. As a result, Canadian country music artists, both women and men, suffer the consequences and lase valuable airplay exposure.

By not giving airplay to Cancon songs during heavy listening times, some Canadian radio stations show their reluctance to support Canadian country music artists. This lack of quality airtime for Canadian artists seems unfair when exposure by radio is one of the more powerful means of achieving recognition in the country music business. The disproportionately high number of American male artists heard during peak listening hours is detrimental to the promotion of Canadian country music artists. Chapter 9: Being a Canadian Woman Country Music Singer

Introduction The following discussion centres on the musical experiences of the 30 Canadian women country music performers who participated in this study and their perceptions of the music industry in Canada. From a brief historical account of the industry to some of the problems that still exist, the respondents spoke candidly of their lives as Canadian country music artists. They revealed what it is like to be a Canadian woman performing country music, both the advantages and disadvantages.

The Early Years In the early days of country music in Canada, it was difficult for an artist to record due in part to the limited number of recording studios. According to Brant (Pioneer), the recording industry only began to develop when the Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications

Commission (CRTC) stated that commercials had to be produced in Canada. With the new rulings came better studios in which Canadian artists could record a good album. That was the beginnings of the industry overall, not just the country industry," states Brant. In fact, it is only since the mid-eighties that she believes the opportunities for Canadian country artists have improved.

Bailey (Pioneer) recalls the sorry state of the Canadian recording industry when she began her career in the 1960s. Having already done some recording in Nashville, she found the difference between the American and Canadian recording facilities "...kind of like day and night ...." Compared with Nashville, the "quality" was not there. Of course, today, "...it's a different story. They're getting the sound now and things that we didn't have back then." While recording in Canada, Bailey would make requests as to what she wanted on her records. In

Nashville, however, she had little input "...because they just do their own thing there. I mean, they have it perfect anyway." 243 Leaving Canada Since the possibilities of establishing oneself as a country music entertainer in Canada were rather limited when Craig (Pioneer) began her career in the 1950s, she eventually left in the early 1960s to pursue singing in the United States. She reflects on her reasons why:

... when I went to the States it was because we didn't have as many opportunities in Canada-that was later to come. And a lot of Canadian artists were moving to the States to hone their craft and to get some better breaks.

Although some Canadian artists chose to head south, they were not always welcomed by their

American counterparts, who were afraid of losing their own jobs. Craig was fortunate in that she was introduced to a very good booking agent who gave her many excellent "breaks." But as she, herself, acknowledges, "...you don't get the breaks unless you can actually do the job well." She felt confident that she could and did.

In talking to women musicians for her book, Kivi reports on how the necessity of artists having to leave Canada in order to pursue a musical career elsewhere had its beginnings long ago:

Many performers, past and present, have gone abroad to make their careen, never to return fully to Canada. In the post-Confederation period, this exodus of Canadian talent left a cultural gap that American and European performers filled. It is here that we find taking root the American cultural imperialism that has had such an enormous influence on Canadian culture. (Kivi, 1992: 21)

Achieving Recognition as a Canadian As a Canadian entertainer in the sixties, Bailey (Pioneer) cites an example of the

discrepancy in treatment between Canadian and American performers by the producer of a

television show on which she was appearing:

He was the type of guy who kissed the American's behinds. Anything they wanted, he wouldn't dare say a word to. But the 'little' Canadians on the show, he threw his weight around at us ... like we were the dogs.

The producer informed the Canadian performers that they were "lucky"to be on the show at all.

Bailey felt that because they were Canadian, it was as if they had no rights and the producer

felt that he could "stomp on you." She adds emphatically, "Hey! We're people, too, you know!" 244 Craig (Pioneer) relates another discriminatory incident from the fifties when a clubowner in a major Canadian city offered her Canadian group half the wage that a comparable American group was earning. Later, Craig's group decided to change their name from a Canadian- sounding one to an American-sounding one and went in to the same club for double the money they had first been offered. Luckily, the clubowner did not remember them!

It was ridiculous. It just wasn't fair. And of course, the radio stations then were playing all American records and you'd come in with your records and you were lucky to get them played. ...So that's why a lot of acts were leaving and going to the States. Now eventually this changed. Now we have Canadian content and everything.

Bailey (Pioneer) also recalls the monetary discrepancy she experienced in the club scene. She laughs as she recollects being telephoned on several occasions by a frantic clubowner in a major Canadian city:

He'd bring in all these acts from the States. They bombed so bad they used to phone me to come in. I don't know how many times [the clubowner] said, '...get in here, quick!' He's paying them all this money and they're just terrible .... Yet we didn't get the bucks that they got. Not fah!

The clubowner would want Bailey to come in to help him out of a difficult situation but he still would not pay her as much as he was paying the American acts that were doing so poorly. Yet today, Bailey believes the Canadian entertainer is finally being acknowledged:

...Canadians are pushing Canadians now and they're giving them all a good break, as far as airplay and everything else. But you see, it took a long time for them to recognize the Canadian entertainer. It's always American they wanted. Even the clubs brought all American acts in.

Bailey now views the situation as being better and wishes she could start her career again as she believes it would be different. "I would give anything to start now. Really, I think

I'd be all right. But it's too late now. I just-l do benefit shows...," she reflects pensively. It was only by the mid4 970s when Bailey was coming to the end of her professional career that she feels Canadian artists were starting "...to make more noise in the music world for themselves ....* By then, she describes herself as getting 'older and older." She did not want to start over again and have to compete with all the young artists who were coming up. Bailey thinks that more people are listening to Canadians presently than when she was performing in 245 the 1960s, thanks to superstars like Anne Murray who opened the doors: "...the way was paved for the young kids coming up today. They didn't have it hard. No matter how hard we knocked ourselves out, we didn't get anywhere." It was only after Anne Murray came "and knocked the socks off everybody that the Canadians really started to push and listen." The impact of a singer like Anne Murray could not help but inspire and have a positive effect on other women artists in Canada, showing them what could happen-the kind of success that could be achieved by a Canadian female artist.

Lee Silversides, president of the Canadian Academy of Recording Arts and Sciences, agrees that today Canada is more receptive to its own artists. To commemorate the 25th anniversary of the Canadian Juno Awards in 1996, a book entitled Oh What a Feeling was published celebrating the accomplishments of Canadian recording artists over the past twenty- five years. In its Foreword, Silversides admits that Canada has not always been receptive to its own entertainers, but that the Junos have been there to support them over the years:

From that dark age when Canadian musicians and their music were treated as second class, even in their own country, until today when many Canadian artists are international superstars, proudly embraced by their fellow citizens, the Juno Awards have been there documenting and celebrating their successes each step of the way. (Silversides, 1996: 4)

While it may be true that Canada has been producing more international singing stars of late, such as Cbline Dion, Amanda Marshall, Sarah McLachlan, Alanis Morissette, and Shania

Twain, not all Canadian artists are receiving sufficient recognition. Undoubtedly, since the "dark agesn to which Silversides refers, there has been improvement in the attitude towards Canadian music and its acceptance. However, the number of successful Canadian "stars" remains small.

The Canadian Inferiority Complex-Is It Still Alive and Well? The following example illustrates the effect of achieving recognition outside Canada first as a prerequisite to being proclaimed a star within Canada. As a performer in the sixties, Brant

(Pioneer) recounts her experiences in both Canada and the United States. Brant's material was played by certain radio stations in the United States and there were particular people in

Canada who were supportive. Yet, once success was achieved in the States: ...there was a lot more interest in supporting our music here (in Canada]. (laughs) But that's the facts of life and that still exists. ...I think that Canada has always suffered from a sort of a national inferiority complex. They don't really believe that what they have is good until somebody else says, 'Hey, this is really great!'

Brant goes on to declare that this statement may be a "broad generalizationnwhich does not include ''all Canadians." There were those in Canada who did support her music in the early days and continue to do so today.

Riley (Middle Group) also believes that Canadians have an inferiority complex when it comes to supporting their own. She feels that Canadians seem to need:

... a stamp of approval from somewhere else before they'll get behind it. People aren't willing enough to stand on their own opinions and their own tastes and say, 'Ya, I believe this, this is good, I like this.' It's like, 'No, it's got to be accepted in the States.' You've got to have a deal down there and have that American stamp of approval before they'll feel the same way up here. ... we have this inferiority complex in Canada. We do. We don't toot our horn enough. Or when we finally toot somebody's horn, then they make it really big, then we're stabbing them in the back or saying bad things about them.

In a discussion of one of the first women in Canada to attain international fame as an opera singer, Kivi speaks of the difficulty encountered by Madame Emma Albani in trying to achieve support for her art within her own country. In summary, Kivi concludes:

Here we find one of the themes that continues to influence us as Canadians to this day: Canadian artists have had to gain respect abroad before being accepted in Canada. In most countries the reverse can be said to be true. (Kivi, 1992: 21)

Unfortunately, the reality of leaving Canada to make a name for oneself has not completely disappeared.

Country Music, Canadian-Style In the competition to obtain a licence for a Canadian national country music channel, a newspaper article stated: "Country music, Canadian-style. Nobody is exactly sure what the phrase means, but it's probably coming soon to a television set near youn (Potter, 1994: C10).

Is there such a thing as Canadian country music or are we simply an extension of Nashville,

"northern style"? 247 Brant (Pioneer) is an artist who has been involved with music since the early sixties. As

Canadians, she believes we are still learning "what works for us." For her, being a Canadian is unique. She states, "...we're not Americans and we don't think like Americans ..." as much as some people would like to have us believe. Canadians are different:

I think we have a different concept of music up here. I think that Canada has always had great singerfsongwriters and that that's a very strong tradition. I think we've always had very strong regional singerfsongwriters who sing about the places where they are and where they come from.

Brant admires the tradition of music emanating from one's location and experience. As an example, she cites The Rankin Family from Cape Breton Island on the east coast of Canada.

The Rankins are a family group comprised of three sisters and two brothers whose music is in part Celtic influenced. They have been received well in Canadian country music, winning

Country Group or Duo of the Year in 1994. Brant also mentions Rita MacNeil, recipient of the

1991 Country Female Vocalist of the Year, who is very popular with country music fans and "a star in Canada because she addresses with a marvelous voice very Canadian concerns."

MacNeil hosted her own weekly television show on CBC where she introduced Canadian musicians of all genres to the rest of the nation. None of these artists fit the Nashville concept of a country star, yet they have been successful in Canada.

Brant sees the regional nature of Canadian music as very powerful: "...that tradition here is still very strong and still is a major driving force in the industry here. And I hope that that continues to be, that we don't lose that." McPherson (Middle Group) sees country music as "a very natural folk music of Canada. ... It's almost an indigenous kind of music for our country."

She believes it to be a part of the Canadian identity and part of who we are as a people. Riley

(Middle Group) concurs with Brant when she states that Canadians are distinct from Americans:

"...we are unique, we are different than the Americans, we have our own style, we have our own things to sing about that ...have a bit of different flavour ...." Cullen and Phillips compare country music in Canada with that produced south of the border. They, too, believe there is a difference between the two: I think Canadian country music has a tendency to be more with a rootsy country, down-home feel. And in the States, it's still got that homogenizing, a bit of 'love 'em' or 'leave 'em' material. ...they've had an uphill swing to a more pop feel. [Cullen-Middle Group]

Canadian country music is in a young, raw, barely developed stage and as a result varies in description from (Scottish influenced) traditional to urban contemporary. [Phillips-Newcomer]

Yet, some Canadian country music entertainers, main aim is to secure a major label deal in Nashville. Even though Riley (Middle Group) believes that Canadian country entertainers are different from their American counterparts, she also thinks that to be successful in the business, you need to go to the States, the centre of the industry: "Some

people would see it where you're selling out, you're going down there. But if you really want to

succeed in a big way and make a better living than in Canada, you've got to go down to the

States." Nashville is the centre of the country music business. Citing larger markets and more

opportunities for success, several of the participants looked south of the border in their quest

for a career in country music.

Michelle Wright, a successful Canadian country singer who now resides in Nashville,

claims there is no difference between country music in Canada and that in the United States,

although she admits "getting in troublen for saying this. She acknowledges the unique music

from the different regions of Canada such as Newfoundland, Quebec, and the west coast,

which she describes as "specific sounds," but asserts that the only real difference is with radio

and the fact that Cancon plays such a major part in Canadian country music (Kosser, 1994:

For Baker (Newcomer), Canada does not have the history of country music compared

with the United States. Canadians have not been doing it as long, and for many years they

were looked upon as not being as talented. Now she feels Canadians have gained more

confidence in their abilities and know they can be "just as good." "They're Canadian but they

believe they can sing just as well as a singer from the United States." 249 Still Young and Growing Some of the participants responded that the country music industry in Canada is still young and growing, but that it has a promising future. While most were satisfied with its

progress, others felt it was proceeding too slowly, or were not pleased with its lack of support for Canadian artists. Brant (Pioneer) responds:

The music industry-generally, in Canada-is a fairly young industry. When I started out, you couldn't even record in this country. ... the system is still in its infancy. It's there and it's learning and it's growing and it's developing. But there's still a long way to go.

While seeing some progress, Brant also recognizes the industry's continued need for

development beyond its present state. Clifford (Middle Group), who has been involved with

the Canadian country business for over thirty years, candidly revealed her perception of its

condition when she laughingly replied, "...for years I wondered if there was a business up

here [in Canada]. There were a lot of people singing and working their tails off ...g oing from

town to town." However, within the "past few years" she cites the changes she has

witnessed, and lists the following as signs of the country music business' growth:

... the formation of the CCMA [Canadian Country Music Association] and organizations getting behind people, and funding for artists, and a lot of labels recognizing the talent up here and signing them and promoting them.

With the support of organizations like the CCMA, Clifford can now see the country music

industry in Canada becoming more of a business. Yet Phillips' (Newcomer) appraisal of the

industry's growth reveals its still floundering status when she states, "sometimes you feel like

you are the guinea pig. Mind you this is not always a bad thing."

Advantages of Being a Canadian Woman Country Singer

Popularity of the Genre When the data was collected in 1993, the respondents saw the popularity of countq

music as an advantage for Canadian artists since Canada was viewed as another market for

selling product. Country music was doing well and the record companies were "really excited

about it." It was selling well worldwide and, as Laurence (Middle Group) stated, they wanted to 250 "make it happen here." She saw this as a definite advantage for those wanting to establish careers in the country music industry.

Less Competition to Get Started Canada has about one tenth the population of the United States. For some of the participants, this was seen as an advantage since fewer people meant fewer artists vying for careers in country music. Some of the respondents believed beginning a career in Canada was easier than it might be in the United States:

Being a Canadian the advantages are good to get started here. [Allen-Pioneer]

Its [sic] easier to get recognized in Canada than to achieve the same recognition in the USA. [Murray-Pioneer]

...[Canada is] small enough so it's easier to get aquainted with all the players in the business [Emmons-Middle Group]

You're not inundated with that many artists like you would be in the States. [Hill- Newcomer]

Unique Being Canadian can allow a freedom of expression which may be less acceptable in

Nashville. Riley (Middle Group) feels that due to the absence of a stricter formatting formula in

Canada, she has been able to be more creative and this, in turn, has given her the opportunity to try different things. For her, being Canadian has given her the opportunity to incorporate a broader range of music into her performances, without having to adhere only to Nashville's interpretation of country music.

As a Canadian artist signed to a major record deal in the US.. Baker (Newcomer) viewed her situation as unique-something that set her apart from other women country music performers:

...there're very few [Canadian country artists signed to American record deals]. I think there are only three or four Canadians, especially females, that are actually signed to record deals in the U.S. and it's a unique thing so that helps me because I'm somebody different.

Since it is such a rare occurrence for a Canadian country singer to secure a contract with a major American label, those in this position are a novelty. Baker believes this separates her 251 from other artists in a positive way and helps her receive more recognition because she is different.

Disadvantages

Limited Venues Although having fewer people in Canada can be an advantage, it can also present a disadvantage. In part due to a smaller population, some artists spoke of the lack of good venues or places to perform country music in Canada. Clifford (Middle Group) reports:

The Canadian country music industry has certainly grown. Look it, it's on national television. Big companies are backing it and a lot more people are realizing how much-the Canadian public are realizing just exactly what we have in talent and they're being exposed to (it]. I think everybody's known there's been talent out there. Everybody's had somebody in their town that's been a great singer and they say, 'You can sing as good as Merle Haggard. You can sing as good as Reba McEntire. Why aren't you doing something?' Well, why? Where're we going to sing other than the local place, you know? So-.

The number of appropriate venues coast to coast is limited-with many being only accessible during the summer months. As Laurence (Middle Group) says, unless an artist sings in bars, work is restricted in the winter. Trying to travel across Canada as a touring performer involves long trips. Cost becomes prohibitive in terms of time, money, and human energy.

Too Small a Market Once again, Canada's smaller population presents a problem. Kivi discusses women in the Canadian music industry in general who, due to lack of audiences in Canada, have had to go south of the border to market their music. This is reminiscent of the conversation with Craig

(Pioneer) who, in the sixties, went to the States to establish her career. While conducting her interviews, Kivi found:

The issue of sparse Canadian audiences and the American influence came up again and again as women grappled with the dilemma of whether to market themselves more in the U.S. (Kivi, 1992: 12)

Trying to make a living in the country music business in Canada is difficult. The comparatively small Canadian population is a disadvantage for anyone trying to do so. Canada 252 as a marketplace is "still pretty toughn according to Clifford (Middle Group): "...you can sell more records in one city in the United States than you can in all of Canada." As someone well acquainted with the country music business over several years, Clifford believes that a performer has to look beyond Canada to Europe or the United States in order to become a big star in country music. While some may see this kind of move as abandoning Canada. Clifford asks, "Why not?" An artist needs a larger market in order to be able to sell enough product to stay in business. Several other respondents agreed:

[The] population of Canada alone [is] too small to make enough money to recoup investment. [Emmons-Middle Group]

The Canadian market is so much smaller than the American market + there are obvious barriers to break. [Taylor-Middle Group]

Disadvantage: There's not a big market (like the U.S.)! [HilCNewcomer]

We have a smaller market here, so ... if we're going to spend money on creating videos and records we have to make sure that we can sell it worldwide 'cause we've only got, what, 25 million people here and 250 million in the US. So there's a lot of market forces at play that way. rhompson-Newcomer]

Although Edwards (Middle Group) enjoys the profession and relates, "...you can have a

nice life as a musician in Canada," she also comments that living in Canada can be very limiting

in terms of access to market. Like Clifford, Edwards points out the great discrepancy between

marketing in Canada and the U.S.-the fact that some states have a greater population than all

of Canada. So if an artist has particular aspirations, she or he has to locate in a place that can

provide access to a larger audience. Edwards concludes by stating, "...it just depends on what

you want."

Population also plays a significant role in the number of recording artists signed to major

labels. Reid (Newcomer) voices her concern over the actual number of Canadian artists signed

to the limited number of slots:

...the problem with Canada is that our rosters on the labels have to be so much smaller. ... they just don't have the money to juggle the artists around like they do in the States. Like a huge label in Nashville could maybe have five female artists on their roster. Where here, if a label has one female, it's like-that's it. They can't juggle two or three around, there's not enough money.. .. Reid reports some discussions among artists which have taken place at country music conventions that uncover the mixed feelings about being a Canadian performer: "...we're proud on one hand to be a Canadian and we feel hindered by it in another way because it makes it harder to get that U.S. record deal...." But Reid also believes that in order to be successful

"...you really do have to get a U.S. record deal if you're really looking for that international thing to happen." Most country music artists are seeking a contract that would give them access to a much larger marketplace. Laurence (Middle Group) adds that even though the major labels are involved to some degree with Canadian country acts, Canadian acts receive smaller budgets.

No Centre for Country Music in Canada For Taylor (Middle Group), one of the disadvantages of living in Canada is there is no centre for country music like Nashville in the United States. This lack of musical collaboration in one location presents a drawback. The industry is spread out from coast to coast to coast, dividing instead of pooling resources and giving each other support.

Reid (Newcomer) believes that if you want to be in country music, Nashville is the place to be. Trying to conduct a country music career from Canada creates a problem. Everything you need is in Nashville. That is where everyone meets who loves this kind of music:

...it's just that whole north of the border thing that's a problem. ... Nashville, I think, is kind of the place to be especially if you do songwriting and everything. It's just the fact that's there's so much red tape with green cards and all that involved to get there, it makes it a lot harder. And you're still a Canadian, not that that's a bad thing .... I just think it's harder ... to get people to see you and stay there so they get to know your face and everything.

As a Canadian, simply being able to go and live in Nashville is difficult without securing a green

card which allows you to work in the States. You need to "hang out" in Nashville, work with

other songwriters, be seen, get to know people, and stay there for a lengthy period of time.

hck of Distribution Canadian country music artist Rick Tippe discusses a difficulty faced by many in the

Canadian country music business: the lack of good product distribution. Tippe states: The product distribution system and opportunities for independent artists in Canada is quite pitiful. I found that out very quickly... it didn't take long for me to realize that there had to be a better way to market my music, or I would have to forget about having a viable career in music. (Tippe, quoted in Delaney, 1997: 1)

To help overcome this problem, Tippe developed a computer website and a 1-800 mail order service, both of which have been successful. Tippe continues, "...we're selling a sizeable amount of product through this rnarketing-our sales figures are probably outdistancing a lot of the mainline acts with major label support on the Canadian market" (Ibid.)

Although Canada has many talented artists, getting their music heard by significant numbers of people through means of an effective distribution system continues to be a problem. Lee Silversides, president of the Canadian Academy of Recording Arts and Sciences

(CARAS), states, "The musical talent has always been present in Canada, ...it is our industry's ability to market that talent that has taken time to maturen (Siiversides, 1996: 5). Yet, according to several respondents, the maturation to which Silversides alludes has yet to occur.

Becoming well-known as an artist includes having one's material readily available upon consumer demand. Lack of the ability to fulfill this essential part of marketing results in less recognition and lost sales as a performer. A downward spiral cal! result.

Cullen (Middle Group) describes lack of distribution as a major problem in the music industry. An artist can record an excellent song, but if people never hear it, or never see it for sale in a store, it goes nowhere. Cullen's sense of frustration can be felt in the following statement:

I have some great records but they've never been distributed. So nobody ever has them in the stores. And I think people-unless I sell them from the stage- people don't get them .... And if they don't have a demand for me, it's because they haven't seen it. They haven't heard it enough. Or if they hear it and they like it, they go looking for it and they can't find it.

Cullen believes she could have sold many more albums if a proficient distribution network had been in place. And since getting re-signed to a label is a "numbers gamen which depends on the number of units sold, limited sales means the artist will unlikely be considered for another record deal when her present contract expires. Product sold from the stage "...can't be 255 considered for sales, royalties, or anything else. So then when the record companies consider you again for a record deal, they say, Well, look it, her numbers aren't there."' Effective distribution is an essential component for a country music artist's career to be viable.

Shipping product over vast distances across Canada is a geographical reality with which

Canadian country music singers must deal. As McPherson (Middle Group) affirms:

Geographically, in Canada, it's hard to have a career that spans the country because unless you have a major distributor for your product, you might be getting airplay because of Cancon but how do you get your product into the hands of people?

Only a few artists in Canada have deals with major record companies that can provide a systematic distribution network. The smaller distributors rarely have the financial backing to be able to effectively place an artist's material in locales across the country. As a result, it is extremely difficult for most Canadian artists to become known nationally.

Riley (Middle Group), like Cullen, describes the difficulty she has experienced getting her product into record stores. She has produced records and people liked her music, but they could not find a place to buy it. She is certain she is not the only one with this problem:

... the distribution, I'm sure everybody will tell you this. You can make the record. but then getting it distributed, getting it in the stores where people can actually buy it, having it available, is a hard thing. So many people [say], 'Oh. I heard your song on the radio but I can't find your record.' You know how many times I've been told that?

In addition, in many record stores, the country music section is not promoted: "...country's always been put at the back of the store. There's not the money behind it."

When Reid (Newcomer) had a record deal in former years, distribution was also a problem. If a record company invests money in an artist, it needs to recoup its investment, and

Reid states that in many cases "...we don't sell enough units up here [in Canada]..." to do that.

Baker (Newcomer) believes distribution is very important because people need to be able to buy the product. Her first album was independent and, like the artists mentioned

previously, she found it difficult to make her product available in the stores. People would want to buy it but were unable to find it. At the time of the interview, she was one of the "lucky" few 256 b be signed to a major American label for her latest album. She laughingly responded, "... I think it's going to be out there. It better be!" With the distributional support of a major label deal, chances are good that product will be readily available. People who hear the music on radio, see the video on television, watch television specials, listen to interviews, or read newspaper and magazines arlicles will be able purchase the artist's music at their local record store.

For Beattie (Newcomer), lack of distribution in the United States is also a disadvantage:

... if I'm going to really make this a full-time career and keep everybody happy and keep progressing with my own career, then I really do have to break into the States. And that's the next main objective for me.

Even though she was doing relatively well as an artist in Canada, Beattie had not been able to penetrate the American market and was unable to determine why. Perhaps she did not "fit the

Nashville mold." Whatever the reason, Beattie felt that in order to be successful, breaking into the American market was mandatory.

Yet, McPherson (Middle Group) asserts that the "real country music community" in

Canada is far larger than that represented by those signed to major labels. In fact, there are many country musicians who have successful local careers but are virtually unknown to the rest of Canadians:

...there are many people in small towns with family bands and so on that are functioning even full-time and servicing their own area that have very satisfying and fruitful careen in country that you would never hear of out here [in central Canada]. They sell their product themselves among their own venues and they perform and they write and they are appreciated by their own community and that's it. It's colage industry.

According to McPherson, there are many country artists who provide their own distribution within their own region and are able to have satisfactory careers.

Lark of Management Several of the women intewiewed commented on the lack of competent management available to Canadian country music singers. Baker (Newcomer) states, "... I can count on one hand the number of credible managers in Canada." Riley (Middle Group) agrees that there is 257 "...definitely a lack of management in Canada ...." Either the few good managers are so busy

that they are not taking any new artists, somebody is keen but does not have the financial

resources needed, or they do not know anything about country music. Riley comments

resignedly, "...so you do what you have to do for yourself. It's really hard."

Laurence (Middle Group) cites management as the area of greatest need in Canada.

"That's probably the weakest category. ... in the States there are specific courses for

management and... even the smallest artist has a [sic] management." Yet, she is convinced that

there are those who, "if steered in the right direction, [would] make wonderful managers."

According to Laurence, good management is essential. An artist can have all the other parts:

be a great singer, a great songwriter, etc., but a performer must have good management. If the

management "piece of the puzzle" is missing, the artist can become exhausted trying to do it

all: performing, recording, booking, interviewing, making travel arrangements, promoting, doing

videos, etc. The result is the creative side suffers, because one does not have the time to

devote to management while at the same time trying to fulfill all the other obligations of a

country music singer.

For Beattie (Newcomer), it is "extremely difficult [to find management in Canada]."

Presently, she is "looking at the big picture." She knows where she wants to go, but she

"can't find the right person to get me there." It presents a huge problem for her that is not

easily rectified. She has had some help to a limited extent, but now she wants to continue

to "the next level," i.e., securing American distribution. Unless she finds the person with the

"know-how," it simply will never happen for her. Not only can she not do it for herself, she

has no desire to do it. She wants to concentrate on being a performer and let someone

else be the manager and take care of the business side:

And I really have a tough time finding that type of management in Canada. Particularly, I think, because I want to go beyond the boundaries of country music and my music needs someone who understands that. So I don't need an exclusive country management person. I need someone who really gets what I'm trying to do and can help me expand my audience by reaching other venues as well. So that's a bit of a tough call for me. 258 Beattie questions how you find someone to do what needs to be done. Knowing the right people and making the right connections are important:

I don't know who is out there and who would be right for what I'm doing. And it's scary, it's scary. Probably one of the scariest parts for me right now is to be sitting where I am and afraid to lose the momentum of what has happened in the last couple of years.

Finding the right management to take her where she wants to go is of utmost importance at this point in her career. It is crucial to find someone to help maintain and enhance her career.

Some women have become their own managers. Although somewhat effective, it is usually not the best case scenario. Cullen (Middle Group) affirms, "...I've managed myself for the last three or four years and I don't think I've done a bad job, but I haven't done the best job." hckof a Star System A few participants were concerned that there appeared to be no star system for country music performers in Canada. Once a singer reaches a certain level, there is no where else to go. Potter of The Toronto Star concurs: "Virtually all observers agree that reams of talent exist, but the vast majority of it languishes in a vacuum because country, unlike pop music, has virtually no star system heren (Potter, 1994: C10).

Lee Silversides, president of the Canadian Academy of Recording Arts and Sciences

(CARAS), states that "the unofficial mandate of the Juno Awards was to build a star system in support of the artists and their music. To support a strong and established star system might be a more appropriate way of stating that mandate today" (Silversides, 1996: 4-5). Changing the term from "build" to "support" implies that Silversides believes that a star system is now in place and needs only to be maintained. However, some of those within the country music industry find it difficult to find evidence of the existence of any star system for country music artists within Canada.

Poor Production Value Barry (Middle Group) calls Canadian production values a disadvantage: "...I, myself, can even turn on the radio and go, 'It sounds like a Canadian production." To her, American 259 recordings are still superior: "..it seems like the experience of recording top quality records lies south of the border more." This statement is in direct contrast to one made earlier by Bailey

(Pioneer) who feels Canadian production values used to be poor in the early stages of the industry, but are now competitive.

Lack of Support for Canadian Artists Despite the views of those like Silversides, who appear to believe artists are receiving sufficient recognition, several participants spoke differently. Many voiced their concern for the lack of support for Canadian country music performers which they have experienced in the past and still continue to experience.

Murray (Pioneer), having been in the music business for a number of years, reports on the discrimination still being practised against Canadian artists. As a Canadian country music performer, she views being "always considered second besf' in comparison to singers from the

United States as a definite disadvantage. Burgess (Middle Group) admonishes the Canadian public for not backing Canadians, unless sports are involved: "...Canadians have a lack of respect for Canadian things, ways, artists, bred into them unless it's hockey or Blue Jays." Both

Murray and Burgess believe that country music entertainers are not part of those embraced by

Canadian society and, as a result, are not shown support for their art by other Canadians.

Gates (Middle Group) agrees and states that even though other people around the world may view Canada as a great place to live and they love Canadian music, Canadians themselves do not support her music by playing it on Canadian radio.

Clark (Newcomer) is a country entertainer riding high on the crest of success in the

1990s. She describes the warm acceptance she feels Canadian performers receive around the world. Her upbeat attitude affirms that it is only an advantage to be Canadian. She asserts:

There are no disadvantages. The world is always ready for good music regardless of where it comes from. And everyone I've met around the world loves Canada. 260 To Clark, being Canadian is positive. Her experience has been rewarding, and thus she has an optimistic attitude towards being a Canadian in the country music business. Judging from her personal accomplishments, she would not have any reason to think differently.

It is interesting to compare the contrasting responses. Both Murray and Burgess are still performing and are quite adamant in their assertions that, as Canadians, they do not receive sufficient support from their own country. These women have a history in the country music business in Canada, are still trying to maintain careers, and have obviously dealt with a less than encouraging environment for their art. In direct contrast, at the time of the data collection,

Clark was beginning to meet with success. Her direct response reflects her own individual story which has been very positive. While it is fortunate for Clark to have achieved such recognition both within and without Canada, hers is a story too seldom heard in the Canadian country music industry.

While each woman's response reflects her own individual circumstances within the country music business, the overall trend seems to suggest that sustaining a career as a

Canadian woman in country music over a substantial length of time is difficult to achieve.

Several of the more experienced artists, who have remained in the industry, expressed their frustrations with the perceived lack of support for their music, especially on the part of Canadian radio stations. They believe that by giving more exposure to Canadian country artists through radio airplay, more Canadians are going to learn about the talents of their own performers and support them by buying their products and attending their concerts. Too much emphasis is still being placed on American artists to the detriment of Canadian talent. The recognition of

Canadian talent has improved, but not nearly enough. For the majority of Canadian country artists, sustaining a career in the business remains an arduous task.

The following statements reveal several of the respondents' frustrations with the lack of support from Canadian radio, and the resulting negative impact this has on what it means to be a Canadian woman country music singer: ...the fact that they [radio stations] don't play Canadian, I guess that's the biggest disadvantage. I'm not making back what I'm putting into it. [Stone- Pioneer]

Radio caters to US. artists to our exclusion & detriment. Foreigners set our sound standard. We are a 30% minority in our own land. [Burgess-Middle Group]

It's doing better now. Canadians are finally being proud of themselves, and ridding themselves of their insecurity. We have a lot of talent here. But there -still isn't enough support by our radio stations. [HilCNewcomer]

Burgess' reference to "a 30% minority in our own land" means that Canadian radio stations usually play only 30% Cancon, using the ruling as a maximum instead of a minimum. Her discontent is shown clearly through her description of the Canadian country music industry as

"A mock Nashville sham controlled by a few self serving individuals in the CCMA [Canadian

Country Music Association]."

Cullen (Middle Group) explained her disappointment with the way in which a new radio station had treated Canadian country music artists. She had written to the CRTC in support of this radio station in order to help it obtain a licence. However, after the station went on the air,

Cullen was disappointed with the lack of promotion for Canadian country music artists, something she had been led to believe would be part of the new station's programming. She cites the television advertisements for this new radio station as one example:

...they're showing all the videos of Alan Jackson and Garth Brooks [American country music stars]. We already know who they are. They don't need our help. We [Canadian artists] need your help. That really does bug me. I think that radio has to play a better part for sure.

The Concept of Artist Development: One Singer's Belief "I feel I have to make a point," Richmond (Middle Group) stated emphatically. As a

Canadian artist trying to establish a career in the music business in Canada, Richmond did not see the nurturing which she believes is needed in order to give an artist a chance to grow and develop into a successful performer. If one is not already "there," no one appears too interested. They do not seem to want to invest the time or the money required to develop a 262 career. Speaking of the Canadian music industry and the entertainment business in general she said:

...p eople do not understand development-the concept of development- developing artists. People will look at someone and they'll say-they will have no imagination to see they're here today, this is what they can become.... You're condemned. You're guilty until proven innocent. You're a loser. You can't do it because, 'I'm doing it now so there's absolutely no possibility that you can develop into anything....' That is the Canadian way.

Richmond thinks it is different in the United States because there may be more money to invest in artists' development. They encourage them-a sense of growth. Maybe they understand the concept of growth and development in all areas of life. Whereas here they do not. You're either one thing or you're another, you know?" And if someone is lucky enough to become something, the attitude is, 'Well, who the hell do you think you are anyway?" For

Richmond, this way of relating to artists is deep!y disturbing. It limits the potential of so many.

Her words reflect her despair: "It's a really... insidious attitude in this country. It's a spiritual paralysis. It's like spiritual constipation-it is."

Unable to support herself full-time in the music industry, Richmond works at a "day job," something which she dislikes. Some of the people at her place of employment find her interest in music "rather amusingn and she finds little support. Yet she replies:

I am what I am. I guess I'm rather useless. I write poetry. I write things.... In this city-it's a really materialistic city-I'm rather without value, someone like me. Although I don't believe it because fortunately I've read enough and I know enough that there are places that do value this. This is why books are so important.

Richmond does see the worth in what she does even though others around her may not. She derives great pleasure from writing, performing, recording, and producing her own material.

She continues to do so without the benefit of much outside support. For Richmond, her music is extremely valuable.

A & R (Artists and Repertoire) personnel used to watch artists' progress over a period of time. Cullen (Middle Group) sees far mote pressure placed on an artist to be prepared to 263 present a completed package before being able to secure a contract with a major record company:

...finished product, finished video, 'Have your lawyer call my lawyer.' They might have lunch on your dime and you might get a record deal for one shot. 'And this is what you have to do for us before this is what we'll do for you.' They don't care about the artist, I'm sorry to say.

In many cases, the amount of money involved in this preparation is prohibitive to country music artists trying to make it in the music business. Like Richmond's comments on artist development, Cullen agrees-it is sadly lacking.

Conclusion

The previous discussion centres on the experiences of Canadian women as country music performers. It reveals some of the realties of being a Canadian woman in the country music business. While the general historical comments may pertain to all Canadian country music artists, and some of the circumstances described might also be similar to those of male performers, it cannot be assumed that the views expressed in this chapter characterize the male perspective. This fact points to the need for research on Canadian men country music singers, and their experiences in the music business. Chapter 10: Conclusion

Contribution to the Literature Studies of Canadian women and music are rare. This thesis contributes knowledge about women and their lives in music with respect to a career in country music. It informs us of the personal and musical backgrounds of a small group of Canadian women who have chosen to sing country music professionally. It explores some of the day-to-day issues with which women who perform have to deal and discusses their experiences as Canadian women in the country music industry.

This dissertation helps dispel the stereotype of women who sing country music. The participants in this study were self-assured, assertive individuals who strive for careers that are, at the best of times, difficult occupations in which to achieve success. The respondents were at ease discussing the various issues which affect them as performers. From interviews that were half an hour to those three hours in length, the time spent speaking with these women was a pleasurable and informative experience. Those who responded by questionnaire also contributed significantly to a deeper understanding of the lives of Canadian women country music performers and the commitment required to pursue singing as a profession.

The data gathered are evidence that women who sing country music come from diverse personal and musical backgrounds and that there is no sat formula or prerequisite for becoming a country music singer. The commonality among the participants was their passion for the music they sing and their sense of self. Many respondents came from families who shared a love for country music with their daughters and encouraged them to sing.

Canadian women performers of country music with children need childcare that takes into account women who are involved in occupations that require their children to be looked after in the evening, overnight, or for extended periods of time. Women who sing country music are not the only ones who find themselves in a childcare dilemma due to the hours of their jobs.

Nurses, firefighters, and flight attendants are only a few kinds of employment that necessitate 265 childcare during non-traditional hours. There are many women, such as those who are single mothers, widows, or those with partners unable or unwilling to provide childcare, who do not have family and/or friends available to help and cannot afford live-in childcare.

This paper documents some examples of the lack of support given to Canadian country music artists by some Canadian radio stations during prime listening times. The data analyzed revealed that in several instances, Canadian country music artists were treated as "second best" after American country artists, who received the vast majority of airplay during the most popular listening times. Various singers expressed their disappointment with the reality of trying to establish a country music career in Canada when it was so difficult to access consistent radio airplay. Many of the respondents spoke of the importance Cancon regulations had had in their musical lives, but some also felt somewhat demoralized at the realization that perhaps

Canadian radio only played their songs because of Cancon, and not because the program directors believed their music was "good." It is important to acknowledge that Canadian country music artists require assistance in order to increase their chances of being heard in their own country. Due to the overwhelming influence of Canada's neighbour to the south, whose close proximity necessitates the protection of our culture, Cancon is the impetus behind Canadian country music artists receiving more recognition on Canadian airwaves.

The importance of health with respect to a singer's career has seldom been discussed.

This study reveals the importance of maintaining good health in order to perform well and to sustain the energy levels needed to be an effective entertainer. Keeping physically fit and eating nutritious food were part of a regimen mentioned by several respondents to deal successfully with the kind of lifestyle involved in performing country music.

At times, Canadian women country music singers are presented with obstacles they must overcome in pursuit of their chosen profession. Their ability to persevere appears to stem from a deep love for what they do, a belief in themselves, and a willingness to live a somewhat

'non-traditionaln lifestyle. For those interested in singing country music, this study contributes some real life examples of Canadian women who perform this genre in a professional capacity. 266 It thus provides useful background information for women considering this career, and helps them be aware of issues with which they might be faced, thus assisting them to be better prepared to deal with various situations.

From examining topics such as the meaning of country music to the respondents, the influence of family and friends, the wide variety of musical training, class background, homecare and childcare issues, being a woman artist, being a Canadian singer, and the part radio plays in their careers, the data gathered here begin to provide a more comprehensive look at what it means to be a Canadian woman country music singer from the perspective of the women themselves, and analyzes the points raised from a sociological perspective.

Limitations of the Study Contact was attempted with all women singers listed in the Canadian Country Music

Directory for 1993, but not all Canadian women who sing country music were listed in the

Directory. Lack of financial backing meant only those accessible geographically were included in the face-to-face interviews. Although personal contacts were also used to acquire names of potential participants, the number of Canadian women country music artists is much greater than that represented by this work. Due to the relatively small number of respondents in this study (a total of 21 interviewed and nine who completed questionnaires), generalizations cannot be made to the larger country music population.

The amount of data collected by way of in-depth interviews was extensive.

Unfortunately, several potential topics had to be omitted from the analysis since not all could be fully addressed in one dissertation. Communication with the audience, songwriting, lyrics, choosing material to sing and record, producing, messages in the music, defining success, issues of control and power, and earning a living were some of the interesting subjects discussed with many of the respondents, but not included owing to time constraints.

In direct contrast to having an overabundance of information from the intewiews, some parts of the questionnaire were not answered by all of the respondents. Whether the questions were unclear or the respondents simply preferred not to answer certain questions is unknown. 267 Perhaps some of the participants found the length of time required to complete the entire 12- page questionnaire too long.

Recommendations Most of the women in this study came from homes in which country music was played and enjoyed by other family members. Without familial support, it appears less likely that women become involved in singing country music. Several respondents also mentioned being involved in church or school choirs when they were young. Encouragement is needed for both girls and women to participate actively in music: to sing and/or play an instrument for the mere pleasure of doing so. A supportive environment in the way of actual venues in which to sing would be beneficial-places where women could feel comfortable performing in safe surroundings. Providing training for managers of women country music performers, those who

could foresee the potential of an artist, were aware of issues affecting women in the industry,

and could help attain specific goals, would be advantageous.

In order to prevent a country music artist from having to forego the completion of a formal education to pursue a singing career, initiatives are required which take into account the

spontaneous and "chance of a lifetimen situations which can arise in the music business.

Instead of a potential country music artist being placed in the uncompromising position of

having to choose between finishing her schooling and going on tour with a band, it is

recommended that more schools be sensitive to the needs of artists who aspire to be country

music singen and that these institutions receive the financial backing needed in order to

provide programming which takes into account the nature of performing as an occupation.

Allowing concessions to accommodate a young performer's needs as an entertainer are

required. With the amount of emphasis placed on education for the workforce as the

millennium approaches, those who choose singing country music as a career would be well

advised to maintain a general education as well as acquire credentials singing.

An important concern for Canadian women country music singers with children is the

lack of adequate childcare which affects many women working outside the home. To be 268 prevented from doing something one loves in order to have children or, conversely, to choose not to have children in order to pursue a particular occupation is simply not fair to women or children. A desirable solution would be one in which women were able to choose freely whether or not to have children, without having to consider the consequences of childcare with respect to fulfilling the requirements of a job. This points to the necessity of establishing a way in which

Canadian society can meet the needs not only of those in traditional jobs but also of those in non-traditional occupations such as performing country music in order to expand the opportunities available to women with children. Such a service, providing it was affordable, could supply women country music entertainers with the flexibility to take employment in other locales and to tour more extensively without the constant worry of how to care for their children.

Strategies to make being a country music singer in Canada a more viable occupation are required. Living in such a large country as Canada requires promotion and distribution systems that work to help country music performers become better known across the nation.

Implementing relatively inexpensive but efficient distribution is fundamental in assisting artists to deliver their product efficiently over great distances without having to rely on major record labels in order to be more accessible to other Canadians.

The Cancon requirement of 30% should represent the minimum amount of Canadian material played on Canadian radio, not the maximum. There are many very talented Canadian country music artists who need access to more airplay in order to become recognized by the greater population. Better enforcement of Cancon regulations is recommended to make sure

Canadian recordings are being played in their entirety during prime listening times when they will be heard by other Canadians and not so often during the evening hours.

While the health of entertainers is a topic often overlooked, the working environment for country music singers should be safe, protected as vigorously as any other job site. Singing night after night in smoke-filled clubs, bars, andlor restaurants can be damaging to a singer's health, as documented by the testimony of several respondents in this study. While eliminating smoking entirely in a singer's workplace is probably impossible to achieve, proper ventilation in 269 these venues should be mandatory. In addition, helping to ensure hesafety of women performers leaving venues after late night performances is also important.

More research is needed on Canadian women and music. Subgroups within the term

"womenn could be explored such as women of different racial, ethnic, and sexual backgrounds.

Other forms of music could also be investigated such as blues, classical, folk, rap, and rock.

Several combinations of these subgroups would make interesting topics for future work. In addition, Canadian men and music require more study, especially in country music.

Canadian women singers are among those leading the pack in multi-million dollar sales.

These women have helped show the world that women can sell their music. This popularity is indicative of the trend towards women in music. Through them, myths such as "women do not selln are finally being dispelled. While we can look at this progress and revel in it momentarily, continuing to promote women in music is essential. Although there are some Canadian women in country music who have been successful, it is still far from a common occurrence.

Encouraging more Canadian women to pursue careers in country music and giving them the support they need is what we must strive to achieve. APPENDICES

Appendix A

Introductory Letter

I am a doctoral student in Sociology studying at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education. University of Toronto. The topic I have chosen for my thesis is Canadian women in country music. One of the main purposes for my research is to give "voicen to the women who sing country music in Canada by asking them to share their experiences and thoughts about their careers.

The decision to focus my dissertation research on Canadian women in country music has been influenced by my interest in the music business and my love of country music. The results of the study may prove beneficial in helping us to become more aware of the role Canadian female artists have played in the development of country music.

It is my wish to interview several individual Canadian women country music singers. The taped interview should be approximately one to two hours in length. If requested, anonymity and confidentiality will be maintained. The data collected will be used for evaluative interpretation in order to place individual facts and observations within a larger social context. Participants are free to withdraw at any time. A Consent Letter is included.

You may request the destruction of the tapes after the research has been completed. However, if you agree, rather than destroying them, the tapes could be deposited in an archives.

I look forward to speaking with you and to including your story in my research.

Sincerely, Appendix B

Consent Letter

Thank you for deciding to include your experience in my study of Canadian women in

country music.

If requested, your answers will remain anonymous and confidential, your name will not appear

in my research findings, and pseudonyms will be used instead. Your participation is completely

voluntary and you have the right to withdraw at any point should you choose to do so.

Please indicate you willingness to participate by signing below.

Thank you for your cooperation.

Sincerely,

I am willing to participate in the doctoral thesis entitled "Canadian Women in Country

Music."

Your Signature Date

-- . Your Name (Please Print) Appendix C

Focused Interview Questions

MUSICAL BACKGROUND - How did you get started singing country music? - When and why did you become a country music singer? - Who influenced you? - Did you have any mentors? - Did anyone encourage or discourage you? - Do you play an instrument? - Did you ever take vocal or instrumental lessons? - When did you begin singing professionally? - Why did you choose country music as your genre? - Do you think talented women can earn a living singing country music in Canada? - What would you list as your most significant achievements in music? - What has given you the most enjoyment or satisfaction?

COMMUNICATION IN COUNTRY MUSIC SUNG BY CANADIAN WOMEN - Are you a songwriter? - If so, do you write the songs you sing and record? - How do you choose the songs you sing? - What input do you have in choosing what you sing? - Are there songs you would like to sing but cannot? - Do you produce your own songs? - Who controls the kind of material that you record? - Do audiences at live performances like a particular style of song (fast, slow, etc.) 7 - What are some of the messages of the songs you sing? - What kind of songs do you like to sing and why? - What themes do you most enjoy singing? - What are your perceptions of the lyrics sung by women in country music? - What messages do you receive from your audience or how do audiences respond to the lyrics of the songs you sing? - Could you talk about the rhythm of the music or the involvement of the body in the music ignoring for now the cerebral or mindnaspect? How does the music itself affect you? - Can you talk about the movement of the body in relation to the sound of the music? - How do you experience the music? - How do you experience your own production of music?

WHAT IMAGES ARE PORTRAYED BY THE WOMEN WHO SING COUNTRY MUSIC IN CANADA? - How would you describe your 'stylen? - What image do you wish to portray to your audience? - Is this image one which you created in order to promote yourself as an entertainer? - Do you market yourself or see yourself as a "product" which you are trying to promote? - Does your choice of clothing try to project a certain kind of stage persona? - Do you feel you are represented accurately by the media? - Was it difficult for you to move from the "private spheren (home) to the "public spheren (the stage, being in front of the public)? Please explain. - Do you ever think that you are expected to act in a way which makes you feel uncomfortable? - How do you deal with members of an audience who become obnoxious while you are performing? - Have you ever been bodily threatened? HOW DO WOMEN WHO SING COUNTRY MUSIC IN CANADA DESCRIBE THEIR EXPERIENCE IN THE MUSIC BUSINESS? - How would you describe the country music business in Canada? (record companies, publicists, managers, etc.) - Do you believe Cancon regulations to be a positive or negative influence on country music in Canada? - Do you feel you have control over what happens to you in your career? - Do you feel influential in what happens to you? - In your opinion, who are the most powerful people in the music industry in Canada and why? - Whom do you admire most in the Canadian country music industry? - What are the advantages and disadvantages of being in country music in Canada? - Do you think there are advantages or disadvantages being a woman in country music in Canada? - Have you ever been excluded from something because you were a woman? - Have you ever been disappointed with the "music business" in Canada? Please explain. - Do you feel women in Canada are represented fairly on the national country music charts? - Do you feel women in Canada receive sufficient media attention? - How would you define success in the music industry in Canada? - If you could change one thing in the music industry in Canada, what would it be?

PERSONAL BACKGROUND - When and where were you born? - How many were in your family? - Do you have children? - If you have children, do they live with you? - Do you have any other dependents for whom you are responsible? - Who in your family is responsible for housecare duties? - Who in your family is responsible for childcare duties (if applicable)? - To whom do you turn for emotional support? - To whom do you turn for financial support? - Do you feel your personal health has been affected by being a country music singer? - Does your personal health affect your singing career in any way? - What is your citizenship? - What is the citizenship of your parents? - What is the citizenship of your partner (if applicable)? - What is your educational background? - What are your parents' educational backgrounds? - What is the educational background of your partner (if applicable)? - What are the occupations of your parents? - What is the occupation of your partner?

CONCLUSION - How would you define "country musicn? - Do you think country music has changed? Please explain. - Where would you like to be five years from now, ten years from now? - Do you ever regret becoming a country music singer? - Is there anything else that you would like to say about being a Canadian woman in country music? Appendix D

Writ ten Ques tiomaire

MUSICAL BACKGROUND

- When and why did you become a country music singer?

- Who influenced you?

- Did you have any mentors?

- Did anyone encourage or discourage you?

- -- - -

- Did you ever take vocal or instrumental lessons? - Why did you choose country music as your genre?

- Do you think talented women can earn a living singing country music in Canada?

- What would you list as your most significant achievements in music?

- What has given you the most enjoyment or satisfaction?

COMMUNICATION

- Are you a songwriter?

- How do you choose the songs you sing? - What are some of the messages of the songs you sing?

- Who controls the kind of material that you record?

- Do you produce your own songs?

- Do audiences at live performances like a particular style of song (fast, slow, etc.)?

- What are your perceptions of the lyrics sung by women in country music?

- Can you describe the rhythm of the music or the involvement of the body in the music,

ignoring for now the cerebral or "mindn aspect? How does the music itself affect you? IMAGES

- How would you describe your "style"?

- What image do you wish to portray to your audience?

- Is this image one which you created in order to promote yourself as an entertainer?

- Do you market yourself or see yourself as a "product" which you are trying to promote?

- Does your choice of clothing try to project a certain kind of stage persona? - Was it difficult for you to move from the "private spheren (the home ) to the "public spheren

(the stage, being in front of the public)? Please explain.

- Do you feel you are represented accurately by the media?

- Do you ever think that you are expected to act in a way which makes you feel uncomfortable?

- How do you deal with members of an audience who become obnoxious while you are performing?

- Have you ever been bodily threatened? EXPERIENCE IN THE MUSIC BUSINESS IN CANADA

- How would you describe the country music business in Canada?

- Do you believe Cancon regulations to be a positive or negative influence on country music in

Canada?

- Do you feel you have control over what happens to you in your career?

-- -

- In your opinion, who are the most powerful people in the music industry in Canada and why?

- Whom do you admire most in the Canadian country music industry and why?

- What are the advantages and disadvantages of being in country music in Canada? - Do you think there are advantages or disadvantages being a woman in country music in

Canada?

- Do you feel women in Canada are represented fairly on the national country music charts?

- Do you feel women in Canada receive sufficient media attention?

- Have you ever been excluded from something because you were a woman?

- Have you ever been disappointed with the "music business" in Canada? Please explain.

- How would you define success in the music industry in Canada? - If you could change one thing in the music industry in Canada, what would it be?

DEMOGRAPHICS

- When and where were you born?

- How many were in your family?

- Do you have children?

- If you have children, do they live with you?

- Do you have any other dependents other than your own children for whom you are responsible?

- If applicable, who in you family is responsible for household and childcare duties?

- To whom do you turn for emotional support?

- To whom do you turn for financial support?

- Do you feel your personal health has been affected by being a country music singer? - Does your personal health affect your singing career in any way?

- What is your citizenship?

- What is the citizenship of your parents?

- What is your educational background?

- What are your parents' educational backgrounds?

- What are your parents' occupations?

------

- If applicable, what is the citizenship, educational background, and occupation of your live-in partner?

CONCLUSION

- How would you define kountry musicn? - Do you think "country musicn has changed? Please explain.

- Where would you like to be five years from now? Where would you like to be ten years from now?

- Do you ever regret becoming a country music singer? 284 - Is there anything else that you would like to write about being a Canadian woman in country music? Appendix E

Letter To Radio Stations

Name of Program Director Program Director Name of Radio Station Address

Dear I

I am a doctoral student at the Ontario institute for Studies in Education, University of Toronto. Currently, I am working on a dissertation studying Canadian women in country music. As part of my research, I would like to obtain direct information from a select number of radio stations across Canada.

Enclosed please find a brief questionnaire concerning radio and country music artists in Canada. A self-addressed, stamped envelope has been provided.

I would greatly appreciate your participation in this study as the information collected will be very valuable in the writing of my thesis.

Thank you for your time and the interest shown in this project.

Sincerely, Appendix F

Radio Questionnaire

1. How does your radio station choose the songs it plays? Is it a particular individual's choice. the consensus of a group, or is the decision made outside your radio station by someone else?

2. Who determines what songs receive airplay? Is there a formula or some kind of percentage requirement for specific groups of people such as female artists, male artists, Canadians, and

Americans?

3. Do you play more Canadian artists than the mandatory 30% Cancon? Please explain.

4. Are records kept on the number of Canadian women, Canadian men, American women, and

American men who receive airplay? Are the relative percentages of each group played in a given time period taken into account when selecting material? 287 5. How does your radio station define a "hF? Is it based on a particular "hit" list, such as is found in Billboard magazine, or is it related to the number of units sold commercially in

Canada?

6. What defines a Canadian "hit"? How many Canadian "hits" would you play in a day?

7. What role does advertising play in the selection of songs that receive airplay? Who decides who will advertise their products on your radio station? Do listener demographics play the most prominent role in choosing a sponsor or does the best monetary bid win? What parts of the day are the most expensive to purchase for advertising?

8. What are the prime listening times? When are most Canadian artists played? Why? Bibliography

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