Actions and Commitments to the Sustainable Development Goals
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Oman: Politics, Security, and U.S
Oman: Politics, Security, and U.S. Policy Updated January 27, 2020 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov RS21534 SUMMARY RS21534 Oman: Politics, Security, and U.S. Policy January 27, 2020 The Sultanate of Oman has been a strategic partner of the United States since 1980, when it became the first Persian Gulf state to sign a formal accord permitting the U.S. military to use its Kenneth Katzman facilities. Oman has hosted U.S. forces during every U.S. military operation in the region since Specialist in Middle then, and it is a partner in U.S. efforts to counter terrorist groups and related regional threats. The Eastern Affairs January 2020 death of Oman’s longtime leader, Sultan Qaboos bin Sa’id Al Said, is unlikely to alter U.S.-Oman ties or Oman’s regional policies. His successor, Haythim bin Tariq Al Said, a cousin selected by Oman’s royal family immediately upon the Sultan’s death, espouses policies similar to those of Qaboos. During Qaboos’ reign (1970-2020), Oman generally avoided joining other countries in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC: Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, UAE, Bahrain, Qatar, and Oman) in regional military interventions, instead seeking to mediate their resolution. Oman joined the U.S.-led coalition against the Islamic State organization, but it did not send forces to that effort, nor did it support groups fighting Syrian President Bashar Al Asad’s regime. It opposed the June 2017 Saudi/UAE-led isolation of Qatar and did not join a Saudi-led regional counterterrorism alliance until a year after that group was formed in December 2015. -
Oman: Politics, Security, and U.S
Oman: Politics, Security, and U.S. Policy Updated May 19, 2021 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov RS21534 SUMMARY RS21534 Oman: Politics, Security, and U.S. Policy May 19, 2021 The Sultanate of Oman has been a strategic partner of the United States since 1980, when it became the first Persian Gulf state to sign a formal accord permitting the U.S. military to use its Kenneth Katzman facilities. Oman has hosted U.S. forces during every U.S. military operation in the region since Specialist in Middle then, and it is a partner in U.S. efforts to counter terrorist groups and other regional threats. In Eastern Affairs January 2020, Oman’s longtime leader, Sultan Qaboos bin Sa’id Al Said, passed away and was succeeded by Haythim bin Tariq Al Said, a cousin selected by Oman’s royal family immediately upon Qaboos’s death. Sultan Haythim espouses policies similar to those of Qaboos and has not altered U.S.-Oman ties or Oman’s regional policies. During Qaboos’s reign (1970-2020), Oman generally avoided joining other countries in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC: Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, United Arab Emirates , Bahrain, Qatar, and Oman) in regional military interventions, instead seeking to mediate their resolution. Oman joined but did not contribute forces to the U.S.-led coalition against the Islamic State organization, nor did it arm groups fighting Syrian President Bashar Al Asad’s regime. It opposed the June 2017 Saudi/UAE- led isolation of Qatar and had urged resolution of that rift before its resolution in January 2021. -
Women and Gender in Middle East Politics
POMEPS STUDIES 19 Women and Gender in Middle East Politics May 10, 2016 Contents Reexamining patriarchy, gender, and Islam Conceptualizing and Measuring Patriarchy: The Importance of Feminist Theory . 8 By Lindsay J. Benstead, Portland State University Rethinking Patriarchy and Kinship in the Arab Gulf States . 13 By Scott Weiner, George Washington University Women’s Rise to Political Office on Behalf of Religious Political Movements . 17 By Mona Tajali, Agnes Scott College Women’s Equality: Constitutions and Revolutions in Egypt . 22 By Ellen McLarney, Duke University Activism and identity Changing the Discourse About Public Sexual Violence in Egyptian Satellite TV . 28 By Vickie Langohr, College of the Holy Cross Egypt, Uprising and Gender Politics: Gendering Bodies/Gendering Space . 31 By Sherine Hafez, University of California, Riverside Women and the Right to Land in Morocco: the Sulaliyyates Movement . 35 By Zakia Salime, Rutgers University The Politics of the Truth and Dignity Commission in Post-Revolutionary Tunisia: Gender Justice as a threat to Democratic transition? . 38 By Hind Ahmed Zaki, University of Washington Women’s political participation in authoritarian regimes First Ladies and the (Re) Definition of the Authoritarian State in Egypt . 42 By Mervat F. Hatem, Howard University Women’s Political Representation and Authoritarianism in the Arab World . 45 By Marwa Shalaby, Rice University The Future of Female Mobilization in Lebanon, Morocco, and Yemen after the Arab Spring . 52 By Carla Beth Abdo, University of Maryland -
Oman: Politics, Security, and U.S
Oman: Politics, Security, and U.S. Policy Updated May 19, 2021 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov RS21534 SUMMARY RS21534 Oman: Politics, Security, and U.S. Policy May 19, 2021 The Sultanate of Oman has been a strategic partner of the United States since 1980, when it became the first Persian Gulf state to sign a formal accord permitting the U.S. military to use its Kenneth Katzman facilities. Oman has hosted U.S. forces during every U.S. military operation in the region since Specialist in Middle then, and it is a partner in U.S. efforts to counter terrorist groups and other regional threats. In Eastern Affairs January 2020, Oman’s long-time leader, Sultan Qaboos bin Sa’id Al Said, passed away and was succeeded by Haythim bin Tariq Al Said, a cousin selected by Oman’s royal family immediately upon Qaboos’s death. Sultan Haythim espouses policies similar to those of Qaboos and has not altered U.S.-Oman ties or Oman’s regional policies. During Qaboos’s reign (1970-2020), Oman generally avoided joining other countries in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC: Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Qatar, and Oman) in regional military interventions, instead seeking to mediate their resolution. Oman joined but did not contribute forces to the U.S.-led coalition against the Islamic State organization, nor did it arm groups fighting Syrian President Bashar Al Asad’s regime. It opposed the June 2017 Saudi/UAE- led isolation of Qatar and had urged resolution of that rift before its resolution in January 2021. -
Women's Rights in the Middle East and North Africa
HARD-WON PROGRESS AND A LONG ROAD AHEAD: WOMEN’S RIGHTS IN THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA by Sanja Kelly As the governments of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) under- take the diffi cult process of enacting social and political change, the unequal status of women presents a particularly formidable challenge. In Iraq, deliberations over women’s legal status have been as contentious as negotiations over how to structure the government. In Jordan, measures to increase penalties for so-called honor crimes faced strong resistance by ultraconservative parliamentarians and ordinary citizens who believe that tradition and religion afford them the right to severely punish and even murder female relatives for behavior they deem immoral. These debates are not just legal and philosophical struggles among elites. They are emo- tionally charged political battles that touch upon fundamental notions of morality and social order. In order to provide a detailed look at the conditions faced by women in the Middle East and understand the complex environment surrounding efforts to improve their status, Freedom House conducted a comprehen- sive study of women’s rights in the region. The fi rst edition of this project was published in 2005. The present edition offers an updated examination of the issue, with a special focus on changes that have occurred over the last fi ve years. Although the study indicates that a substantial defi cit in women’s rights persists in every country in the MENA region, the fi ndings also include notable progress, particularly in terms of economic opportu- nities, educational attainment, and political participation. -
When the Veil and Vote Collide: Enhancing Muslim Women's Rights Through Electoral Reform Amber Rose Maltbie University of the Pacific, Mcgeorge School of Law
McGeorge Law Review Volume 41 | Issue 4 Article 7 1-1-2009 When the Veil and Vote Collide: Enhancing Muslim Women's Rights through Electoral Reform Amber Rose Maltbie University of the Pacific, McGeorge School of Law Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/mlr Part of the Election Law Commons Recommended Citation Amber R. Maltbie, When the Veil and Vote Collide: Enhancing Muslim Women's Rights through Electoral Reform, 41 McGeorge L. Rev. (2017). Available at: https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/mlr/vol41/iss4/7 This Comments is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals and Law Reviews at Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in McGeorge Law Review by an authorized editor of Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. When the Veil and the Vote Collide: Enhancing Muslim Women's Rights Through Electoral Reform Amber Rose Maltbie, Esq.* I. INTRODUCTION In the last two decades, centuries-old monarchies in the Middle East have begun to shift toward more open societies by integrating democratic rights into their laws.' In an exciting move by a number of these parliaments and monarchs, women have been granted suffrage throughout the region.2 Qatar, Bahrain, Oman, Kuwait, and, to a limited extent, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), have each granted suffrage to women since the beginning of the Twenty-First Century.3 With this grant of suffrage, these fledgling democracies are faced with drafting and implementing laws for the administration of free and fair elections for the first time. A number of challenges mark this transition, including the task of fully incorporating the electoral rights of women who wear face-covering veils for religious reasons, while guarding against the threat of voter fraud.4 This problem of the "vote and the veil"' colliding at the polling booth occurs in two unique circumstances, both related to voter identification requirements. -
Women's Representation in Majlis Al Shura in Oman: How Do Gender Ideology, Islam, and Tribalism Matter? Ahlam Khalfan Al Subhi Iowa State University
Iowa State University Capstones, Theses and Graduate Theses and Dissertations Dissertations 2016 Women's representation in majlis al shura in Oman: how do gender ideology, Islam, and tribalism matter? Ahlam Khalfan Al Subhi Iowa State University Follow this and additional works at: https://lib.dr.iastate.edu/etd Part of the Feminist, Gender, and Sexuality Studies Commons, Gender and Sexuality Commons, and the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Al Subhi, Ahlam Khalfan, "Women's representation in majlis al shura in Oman: how do gender ideology, Islam, and tribalism matter?" (2016). Graduate Theses and Dissertations. 15134. https://lib.dr.iastate.edu/etd/15134 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Iowa State University Capstones, Theses and Dissertations at Iowa State University Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Iowa State University Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Women’s representation in majlis al shura in Oman: How do gender ideology, Islam, and tribalism matter? by Ahlam Khalfan Al Subhi A thesis submitted to the graduate faculty in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Major: Political Science Program of Study Committee: Amy Erica Smith, Major Professor David Anderson Stephen Graham Sapp Iowa State University Ames, Iowa 2016 Copyright ©Ahlam Khalfan Al Subhi, 2016. All rights reserved. ii DEDICATION To my father, Khalfan Rashid Al Subhi, who supported, encouraged, and loved me unconditionally until he left this world. Who still inspires me, and fills my heart and mind. -
Women's Rights in the Middle East and North Africa
HARD-WON PROGRESS AND A LONG ROAD AHEAD: WOMEN’S RIGHTS IN THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA by Sanja Kelly As the governments of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) under- take the diffi cult process of enacting social and political change, the unequal status of women presents a particularly formidable challenge. In Iraq, deliberations over women’s legal status have been as contentious as negotiations over how to structure the government. In Jordan, measures to increase penalties for so-called honor crimes faced strong resistance by ultraconservative parliamentarians and ordinary citizens who believe that tradition and religion afford them the right to severely punish and even murder female relatives for behavior they deem immoral. These debates are not just legal and philosophical struggles among elites. They are emo- tionally charged political battles that touch upon fundamental notions of morality and social order. In order to provide a detailed look at the conditions faced by women in the Middle East and understand the complex environment surrounding efforts to improve their status, Freedom House conducted a comprehen- sive study of women’s rights in the region. The fi rst edition of this project was published in 2005. The present edition offers an updated examination of the issue, with a special focus on changes that have occurred over the last fi ve years. Although the study indicates that a substantial defi cit in women’s rights persists in every country in the MENA region, the fi ndings also include notable progress, particularly in terms of economic opportu- nities, educational attainment, and political participation. -
1 Human Rights Watch Submission to the CEDAW Committee of Oman's
Human Rights Watch Submission to the CEDAW Committee of Oman’s Periodic Report for the 68th Session October 2017 We write in advance of the 68th session of the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women, and its review of Oman’s compliance with the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW). This submission addresses issues related to articles 1, 2, 3, 6, 9, 11, 15, and 16 of the Convention, and includes suggested recommendations to put to the Omani government. 1. Nationality (CEDAW articles 1, 9, and 11) The CEDAW Committee in its last review of Oman in November 2011 called on the government to “withdraw its reservation to article 9 of the Convention and to amend its domestic laws to grant Omani women equal rights with men in regard to transmission of their nationality to their children who have foreign fathers and to their foreign husbands.”1 Oman still does not allow women to transmit nationality to their children on an equal basis with men. Article 18 of the new Omani Nationality Law, promulgated by Royal Decree No. 38/2014, allows an Omani woman to transmit nationality to her children from a marriage to a foreign man only upon becoming widowed, divorced, or when her husband has been absent or abandoned them for at least 10 consecutive years.2 Moreover, their marriage should have obtained approval from the ministry before it took place, and she should have custody of the child.3 Omani men can transmit Omani nationality to their children automatically, regardless of whether they are married to an Omani or non-Omani woman. -
Gender, Education and Development - a Partially Annotated and Selective Bibliography - Education Research Paper No
Education research gender, education and development - A partially annotated and selective bibliography - Education Research Paper No. 19, 1997, 250 p. Table of Contents Colin Brock (University of Oxford) Nadine Cammish (University of Hull) with Ruth Aedo- Richmond, Aparna Narayanan and Rose Njoroge January 1997 Reprinted January 1999 Serial No. 19 ISBN: 0902500767 Department For International Development Table of Contents Department for International Development - Education papers Acknowledgements Introduction Global Annotations Sub-Saharan Africa Individual countries Angola Benin Botswana Burkina Faso Cameroon Chad Congo Eritrea Ethiopia Gambia Ghana Guinea Guinea Bissau Ivory Coast Kenya Lesotho Liberia Madagascar Malawi Mali Mauritania Mozambique Namibia Niger Nigeria Rwanda Senegal Sierra Leone Somalia South Africa Sudan Swaziland Tanzania Togo Uganda Zaire Zambia Zimbabwe Annotations - Sub-Saharan Africa Individual countries Zimbabwe Sudan Niger Nigeria Ivory Coast Malawi, Zambia, Zimbabwe North Africa and Middle East Individual Countries Algeria Bahrain Cyprus Egypt Iran Iraq Jordan Kuwait Lebanon Libya Morocco Oman Palestine Qatar Saudi Arabia Syria Tunisia Turkey United Arab Emirates Yemen Annotations Individual countries Bahrain Saudi Arabia Asia Annotation South Asia Individual countries Afghanistan Bangladesh Bhutan India Nepal Pakistan Sri Lanka Annotations Individual countries Bangladesh India Pakistan Sri Lanka South East Asia Brunei Cambodia Indonesia Laos Malaysia Myanmar Papua New Guinea Phillipines Singapore Thailand -
Mena Women Quarterly Report
MENA WOMEN QUARTERLY REPORT January-March 2016 The MENA Women Quarterly Report covers women’s advances and setbacks in politics, economics, conflict situations, and human rights issues throughout the MENA region. This issue includes a special feature on women in sports. Middle East Program Kendra Heideman, Program Associate, Middle East Program Julia Craig Romano, Program Assistant, Middle East Program ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ Feature: Women in Sports Arab women’s sports are “witnessing remarkable progress,” says Nada Al Naqbi, the Deputy Head of the Supreme Organizing Committee for the Arab Women Sports Tournament. This year’s tournament includes female athletes from 17 countries who will compete in events including basketball, volleyball, table tennis, fencing, and archery, among others. For instance, Saudi Arabia has seen growing numbers of female athletes competing around the world to “try to change stereotypes and show a different segment in Saudi Arabia.” From the West Bank, there is a new documentary “Speed Sisters” that chronicles the first all-female racing team in the Middle East. From the Gaza Strip, there are numerous articles about Gaza’s only competitive female runner, 15-year-old Nofal, and reports about the cycling club for women that has garnered attention because “female cyclists are a fairly unusual sight throughout the Arab world.” From elsewhere in the region, there are stories about a competitive Iranian rock climber, Farnaz Esmaeilzadeh, and the only female Algerian football match official, Soumaia Fergani. Political Developments The Iranian parliamentary elections were by far the biggest story about women’s political participation in the MENA region during the first quarter of 2016. -
Perception of Omani Women of Exclusive Breastfeeding: a Grounded Theory Study
PERCEPTION OF OMANI WOMEN OF EXCLUSIVE BREASTFEEDING: A GROUNDED THEORY STUDY A Thesis Submitted to The University of Manchester for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Biology, Medicine, and Health 2020 ZALIKHA ALMARZOUQI SCHOOL OF HEALTH SCIENCES Division of Nursing, Midwifery and Social Work Table of Contents LIST OF TABLES ............................................................................................................. 7 LIST OF FIGURES ............................................................................................................ 8 LIST OF BOXES .............................................................................................................. 9 LIST OF APPENDICES .................................................................................................... 10 ABSTRACT ................................................................................................................... 12 DECLARATION STATEMENT .......................................................................................... 13 COPYRIGHT STATEMENT .............................................................................................. 13 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ................................................................................................. 14 DEDICATION ................................................................................................................ 15 THE AUTHOR ..............................................................................................................