The Handbooks De Officio Proconsulis: Authorship

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Handbooks De Officio Proconsulis: Authorship THE HANDBOOKS DE OFFICIO PROCONSULIS : AUTHORSHIP AND AUDIENCE Rex B. Crews A dissertation submitted to the faculty at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Classics in the College of Arts and Sciences. Chapel Hill 2016 Approved by: James B. Rives Sara Mack Mary T. Boatwright Cecil W. Wooten Luca Grillo © 2016 Rex B. Crews ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT Rex B. Crews: The Handbooks de officio proconsulis : Authorship and Audience (Under the Direction of James B. Rives) The sixth-century Digest of Justinian preserves individual extracts from four juristic treatises, entitled de officio proconsulis or praesidis and composed during the late second and early third centuries A. D. In the late 19th century the legal scholar Otto Lenel attempted to reassemble these extracts by author and work, with the goal of providing some sense of their original form. The general assumption of many scholars since then has been that these treatises were composed as instructional manuals for the Roman governor, but their original purpose and original audience have been little studied. This dissertation explores the authorship and audience of the works de officio proconsulis/praesidis by comparing the extracts from these legal works with the actual juridical activities of Roman governors as found in literary and epigraphic sources. This comparison reveals many points of correlation between the two and demonstrates that these legal works could have been useful both to the governor and provincial litigants. iii This study concludes that their authors likely conceived of these works more as theoretical legal treaties on the governor’s officium ; however, litigious provincials and the advocates serving them could have found their contents very useful in settling their political scores and legal disputes in the courts of Roman governors, while governors or the jurists on their consilia may have occasionally consulted these handbooks in resolving cases brought before them. iv Optimis Parentibus and to the memory of Dr. Georgia Frothingham, my first Latin teacher and inspiration for my learning about the Classical world. v ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS There are many people who have helped me in the completion of this dissertation. I should like to thank Richard Talbert for first calling my attention to the handbooks de officio proconsulis and for advising me in the early stages of this dissertation. I am very thankful to Cecil Wooten for helping me restart this project after it had been set aside for a number of years. I am most appreciative to James Rives for directing my dissertation. His insightful suggestions and patient reading of many drafts have been invaluable to me in bringing this project to its completion. I am also grateful to all the other members of my committee, Sara Mack, Cecil Wooten, Mary T. Boatwright, and Luca Grillo, for their support, advice and helpful comments along the way. Finally, I thank my partner, Charles MacArthur, for his encouragement and support at every stage of the research and writing process. vi TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION ..................................................................................................... 1 CHAPTER 1: THE WORKS DE OFFICIO PROCONSULIS AND THEIR SOURCES .................................................................................................... 7 Introduction ........................................................................................................ 7 History of Works de officio ............................................................................... 12 Reconstructing the works de officio proconsulis/praesidis ............................. 18 The Authors and their Works .......................................................................... 22 Venuleius Saturninus .................................................................................. 22 Iulius Paulus ................................................................................................ 27 Aemilius Macer ............................................................................................ 32 Marcus Domitius Ulpianus ......................................................................... 38 Synoptic Overview of Ulpian's de officio proconsulis ................................. 44 Sources for Ulpian’s de officio proconsulis ...................................................... 62 Summation ....................................................................................................... 73 CHAPTER 2: THE JURIDICAL ACTIVITIES OF ROMAN GOVERNORS AND LITIGANTS IN PLINY AND APULEIUS .......................... 75 Pliny: Governor and Épistolier ........................................................................ 76 The Nature and Context of the Letter Collection ........................................... 77 The Nature and Purpose of Pliny’s Appointment ........................................... 83 The Legal System in Bithynia-Pontus ............................................................ 87 Pliny as Iudex : Five Case Studies ................................................................... 91 Conclusion ...................................................................................................... 110 vii The Cognitio Extra Ordinem Procedure from a Different Perspective ..................................................................................................... 116 Similarities between Apuleius’ Apology and the Case Studies from Pliny ......................................................................................... 125 CHAPTER 3: THE PURPOSE, UTILITY AND AUDIENCE FOR THE HANDBOOKS DE OFFICIO PROCONSULIS/PRAESIDIS ..................... 134 Juristic Opinions and Legal Disputes: Points of Overlap ........................... 135 From Disputes to Opinions (and Back Again) .............................................. 146 Evidence for Use of the Handbooks ............................................................... 155 Legal Professionals and their Use of the Handbooks ................................... 156 Concluding Thoughts ..................................................................................... 160 CONCLUSION ..................................................................................................... 162 APPENDIX A: LATIN TEXT OF THE HANDBOOKS WITH AN ENGLISH TRANSLATION ........................................................................... 164 APPENDIX B: TABLE OF RESCRIPTA IN ULPIAN’S DE OFFICIO PROCONSULIS ............................................................................ 165 BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................................. 167 viii INTRODUCTION The Digest of Justinian represents the codification of Roman law extracted from the works of Roman jurists composed some three to five hundred years earlier. Since the original juristic treatises were suppressed after the publication of the Digest in A. D. 533, almost nothing of these survives beyond the individual extracts accompanied by author, title and book number, as preserved in the Digest . Consequently, many questions arise regarding these original works. What do we know about the authors? What was their intention in composing their treatises? Who was their audience? How were they meant to be used, and how in practice were they actually used? For many years these questions received scant attention, because the texts preserved in the Digest were by and large the preserve of specialists in Roman law. For such scholars, questions of abstract legal theory were of more interest than practical matters of authorship or readership. Even when they turned their attention to issues concerning the original form of the juristic treatises, they tended to focus on their place in the development of legal theory rather than their practical application. In recent decades, however, other scholars have made increasing use of these works, particularly as an important source for social history: one can think of John Crook’s pioneering work Law and Life of Rome (1967), or Jane Gardner’s Women in Roman Law and Society 1 (1986), or more recently Ari Bryen’s Violence in Roman Egypt: A Study in Legal Interpretation (2013). It is now relatively commonplace for these texts to be quoted in or to serve as primary sources for general Roman histories. For scholars interested in using juristic texts as a source for social history, the intentions behind and, even more importantly, the actual use of the original treatises become crucial issues. It is now clear that understanding the nature, purpose and audience of these texts in their original form as well as how they may actually have been used helps us elucidate Roman law and Roman society alike. The coming of age of this broader approach to legal texts is clearly in evidence in the forthcoming Oxford Handbook of Roman Law and Society , due to be published in August 2016. In the context of this growing scrutiny of Roman legal texts, one particular group of them deserves individualized attention: the pronouncements collected under the titles de officio proconsulis and de officio praesidis . There are excerpts from four such treatises cited in the Digest . A few of these excerpts are grouped under the rubrics De officio proconsulis et legati (1.16) and De officio praesidis (1.18), but the majority are scattered here and there throughout the fifty books. These texts
Recommended publications
  • Book I. Title XXVII. Concerning the Office of the Praetor Prefect Of
    Book I. Title XXVII. Concerning the office of the Praetor Prefect of Africa and concerning the whole organization of that diocese. (De officio praefecti praetorio Africae et de omni eiusdem dioeceseos statu.) Headnote. Preliminary. For a better understanding of the following chapters in the Code, a brief outline of the organization of the Roman Empire may be given, but historical works will have to be consulted for greater details. The organization as contemplated in the Code was the one initiated by Diocletian and Constantine the Great in the latter part of the third and the beginning of the fourth century of the Christian era, and little need be said about the time previous to that. During the Republican period, Rome was governed mainly by two consuls, tow or more praetors (C. 1.39 and note), quaestors (financial officers and not to be confused with the imperial quaestor of the later period, mentioned at C. 1.30), aediles and a prefect of food supply. The provinces were governed by ex-consuls and ex- praetors sent to them by the Senate, and these governors, so sent, had their retinue of course. After the empire was established, the provinces were, for a time, divided into senatorial and imperial, the later consisting mainly of those in which an army was required. The senate continued to send out ex-consuls and ex-praetors, all called proconsuls, into the senatorial provinces. The proconsul was accompanied by a quaestor, who was a financial officer, and looked after the collection of the revenue, but who seems to have been largely subservient to the proconsul.
    [Show full text]
  • Ancient Rome
    Ancient Rome William E. Dunstan ROWMAN & LITTLEFIELD PUBLISHERS, INC. Lanham • Boulder • New York • Toronto • Plymouth, UK ................. 17856$ $$FM 09-09-10 09:17:21 PS PAGE iii Published by Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc. A wholly owned subsidiary of The Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group, Inc. 4501 Forbes Boulevard, Suite 200, Lanham, Maryland 20706 http://www.rowmanlittlefield.com Estover Road, Plymouth PL6 7PY, United Kingdom Copyright ᭧ 2011 by Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc. All maps by Bill Nelson. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form or by any electronic or mechanical means, including information storage and retrieval systems, without written permission from the publisher, except by a reviewer who may quote passages in a review. The cover image shows a marble bust of the nymph Clytie; for more information, see figure 22.17 on p. 370. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Information Available Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Dunstan, William E. Ancient Rome / William E. Dunstan. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-7425-6832-7 (cloth : alk. paper) ISBN 978-0-7425-6833-4 (pbk. : alk. paper) ISBN 978-0-7425-6834-1 (electronic) 1. Rome—Civilization. 2. Rome—History—Empire, 30 B.C.–476 A.D. 3. Rome—Politics and government—30 B.C.–476 A.D. I. Title. DG77.D86 2010 937Ј.06—dc22 2010016225 ⅜ϱ ீThe paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI/ NISO Z39.48–1992. Printed in the United States of America ................
    [Show full text]
  • Flavius Athanasius, Dux Et Augustalis Thebaidis – a Case Study on Landholding and Power in Late Antique Egypt
    Imperium and Officium Working Papers (IOWP) Flavius Athanasius, dux et Augustalis Thebaidis – A case study on landholding and power in Late Antique Egypt Version 01 March 2013 Anna Maria Kaiser (University of Vienna, Department of Ancient History, Papyrology and Epigraphy) Abstract: From 565 to 567/568 CE Flavius Triadius Marianus Michaelius Gabrielius Constantinus Theodorus Martyrius Iulianus Athanasius was dux et Augustalis Thebaidis. Papyri mention him explicitly in this function, as the highest civil and military authority in the Thebaid, the southernmost province of the Eastern Roman Empire. Flavius Athanasius might be not the most typical dux et Augustalis Thebaidis concerning his career, but most typical concerning his powerful standing in society. And he has the benefit of being one of the better- known duces et Augustales Thebaidis in the second half of the 6th century. This article will focus first on his official competence as dux et Augustalis: The geographic area(s) of responsibility, the civil and military branches of power will be treated. Second will be his civil branch of power; documents show his own domus gloriosa and prove his involvement with the domus divina, the estates of members of the imperial family itself. We will end with a look at his integration in the network of power – both in the Egyptian provinces and beyond. © Anna Maria Kaiser 2013 [email protected] Anna Kaiser 1 Flavius Athanasius, dux et Augustalis Thebaidis – A case study on landholding and power in Late Antique Egypt* Anna Maria Kaiser From 565 to 567/568 CE Flavius Triadius Marianus Michaelius Gabrielius Constantinus Theodorus Martyrius Iulianus Athanasius was dux et Augustalis Thebaidis.
    [Show full text]
  • Governors of Asia in the Nineties B.C. Sumner, G V Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Jan 1, 1978; 19, 2; Periodicals Archive Online Pg
    Governors of Asia in the Nineties B.C. Sumner, G V Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Jan 1, 1978; 19, 2; Periodicals Archive Online pg. 147 Governors of Asia in the Nineties B.C. G. V. Sumner HE CASE for attaching the governorship of Q. Mucius P.f. Scaevola T to his consulship (95 B.C.) is not as good as the case for connecting it with his praetorship. The decisive point is that, according to Asconius (15 Clark), Scaevola as consul vetoed the senatus consultum granting his colleague a triumph (late 95) and had refused to take up his own province.1 Scaevola, then, did not administer a consular province, and his administration of Asia must have been a praetorian provincia. Asia, of course, normally was a praetorian province in this period. The date of Scaevola's praetorship happens not to be attested, but it can be defined within close limits by reference to the normal oper­ ation of the cursus honorum. He and L. Crassus were aequales and were colleagues in the quaestorship, curule aedilate, praetorship and con­ sulate (Cic. Brut. 145, 161), and this suggests that their careers followed the normal pattern particularly closely. They were both born in 140,2 so could not have held the praetorship before 100. By virtue of the requisite biennium between praetorship and consulate they could not have been praetors after 98, since they were consuls in 95. Of the three years 100, 99 and 98, the least likely is 100, but there is no obvious reason to prefer 98 over 99, or vice versa.
    [Show full text]
  • The Triumphs of Cilicia and Cicero's Proconsulship
    The Triumphs of Cilicia and Cicero’s Proconsulship Over barely 50 years, at least 9 of the Romans assigned Cilicia requested a triumph and at least 6 received one. Given that many of them had multi-year assignments, this leads to a state of near constant campaigning in southern Asia Minor during the early first century. Even factoring in the conflicts with Mithridates (and perhaps especially then), it is puzzling to see Cilicia as such a volatile province. Clearly, these triumphs did not entail any sort of permanent settlement (see Pittenger 2008). Relying chiefly on the testimony of Cicero, I argue here that Cilicia, which at the time was one of the largest and richest provinces, was also the ideal low-risk province for the triumph-seeker. While triumphal motives have been discussed recently (e.g. Beard 2007, Pittenger 2008), I present Cilicia as an exemplar of typical triumphal machinations. Cicero did not want to be governor of Cilicia. Nevertheless, in some of his letters (ad fam. 2.10 and 8.5), he alludes to the possibility of provoking a fight and attaining a triumph from Cilicia, despite the fact that he arrived as late as he could and left as early as he could. While Cicero’s personal motivations here have also been assessed (see Correa 2013, Wistrand 1979), less is said about the ramifications for the province. Among his other letters, he reveals the activities others, such as Appius Claudius Pulcher, pursued in seeking Cilician triumphs. Hunting for a triumph was not regarded poorly. Cicero rather frankly attributes triumph- hunting to Crassus (cos.
    [Show full text]
  • The Praetor As a Promoter of Bonum Commune
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Jagiellonian Univeristy Repository The praetor as a promoter of bonum commune Franciszek Longchamps de Bérier Abstract. – The common good is the reason why political authority exists, the reason why the state exists. This is clearly visible today, and it was also clearly visible to the Romans. The praetor’s work represented par excellance the actualization of the common good under specific conditions and for particular persons. The praetor was endowed with powers which ensured autonomy of action in Rome, limited only by the one-year-long term of office, or an objection by members of the magistracy. He was to act for the benefit of his fellow citizens as a group, and enhance their relationship with the civitas as well as among the citizens themselves. It was only in the latter sphere that he began to play an important role in the protection of private rights. The urban praetor combined all three spheres, which led to the emergence of ways for resolving and settling conflicts, thus improving conditions for the development of individuals within the State, understood as a community of citizens. The claim that the praetor promoted the common good that way – being both predestined and empowered to do so – results from an attempt at identifying the values behind legal solutions. It is not enough to establish what functions were performed by the magistrate and what tools he had at his disposal. It appears 217 that the quintessence of the mission the praetor was entrusted with was promotion of the common good – the way, naturally, it was understood by him and his fellow citizens understood it.
    [Show full text]
  • Downloaded from Brill.Com10/02/2021 03:34:06PM Via Free Access  F.J
    REDUCING SENATORIAL CONTROL OVER PROVINCIAL COMMANDERS: A FORGOTTEN GABINIAN LAW OF 67BCE F.J. Vervaet I. Introduction At two critical junctures in Roman history, M. Tullius Cicero (cos. ) bit- terly complained that Caesar’s legally-guaranteed second quinquennium in the Gauls and Illyricum (from March to March ) had put him in a formidable position of power vis-à-vis a frustrated Senate.*1 On the th of December , less then a month before the outbreak of civil war between Caesar and his opponents in the Senate, Cicero indicates in Ad Atticum .. (Trebula) that this second five-year term, protected by law, was one of the main factors that had made Caesar nigh-irresistible. He complains, Curimperiumilliautcurillomodoprorogatumest?Curtantooperepugna- tum ut de eius absentis ratione habenda decem tribune pl. ferrent? His ille rebus ita conualuit ut nunc in uno ciui spes ad resistendum sit; qui mallem tantas ei uiris non dedisset quam nunc tam ualenti resisteret. Why was his command extended, and in such a fashion [i.e., in under the terms of the lex Pompeia Licinia]? Why was there such pressure to get the ten tribunes to bring in the law about his candidature in absentia [i.e., for a second consulship in , passed with the support of Cn. Pompeius as consul sine conlega]? By these steps, he has become so strong that hope of resistance now depends on one man; and I would rather that he [i.e., Pompeius] had not given Caesar such formidable strength in the first place than that he should resist him now that he is so powerful.
    [Show full text]
  • Expulsion from the Senate of the Roman Republic, C.319–50 BC
    Ex senatu eiecti sunt: Expulsion from the Senate of the Roman Republic, c.319–50 BC Lee Christopher MOORE University College London (UCL) PhD, 2013 1 Declaration I, Lee Christopher MOORE, confirm that the work presented in this thesis is my own. Where information has been derived from other sources, I confirm that this has been indicated in the thesis. 2 Thesis abstract One of the major duties performed by the censors of the Roman Republic was that of the lectio senatus, the enrolment of the Senate. As part of this process they were able to expel from that body anyone whom they deemed unequal to the honour of continued membership. Those expelled were termed ‘praeteriti’. While various aspects of this important and at-times controversial process have attracted scholarly attention, a detailed survey has never been attempted. The work is divided into two major parts. Part I comprises four chapters relating to various aspects of the lectio. Chapter 1 sees a close analysis of the term ‘praeteritus’, shedding fresh light on senatorial demographics and turnover – primarily a demonstration of the correctness of the (minority) view that as early as the third century the quaestorship conveyed automatic membership of the Senate to those who held it. It was not a Sullan innovation. In Ch.2 we calculate that during the period under investigation, c.350 members were expelled. When factoring for life expectancy, this translates to a significant mean lifetime risk of expulsion: c.10%. Also, that mean risk was front-loaded, with praetorians and consulars significantly less likely to be expelled than subpraetorian members.
    [Show full text]
  • Cicero a Study of Gamesmanship in the Late
    CICERO A STUDY OF GAMESMANSHIP IN THE LATE REPUBLIC A Thesis Presented to the faculty of the Department of History California State University, Sacramento Submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in History by Eugene H. Boyd FALL 2018 © 2018 Eugene H. Boyd ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii CICERO A STUDY OF GAMESMAN SHIP IN THE LATE REPUBLIC A Thesis by Eugene H. Boyd Approved by: __________________________________, Committee Chair Nikolaos Lazaridis, PhD. __________________________________, Second Reader Jeffrey Brodd, PhD. ____________________________ Date iii Student: Eugene H. Boyd I certify that this student has met the requirements for format contained in the University format manual, and that this thesis is suitable for shelving in the Library and credit is to be awarded for the thesis. __________________________Graduate Coordinator ___________________ Jeffrey Wilson, PhD Date Department of History iv Abstract of CICERO A STUDY OF GAMESMANSHIP IN THE LATE REPUBLIC by Eugene H. Boyd Roman politics during the final decades of the Late Republic was a vicious process of gamesmanship wherein lives of people, their families and friends were at the mercy of the gamesmen. Cicero’s public and political gamesmanship reflects the politics, class and ethnic biases of Roman society and how random events impacted personal insecurities. ______________________ _, Committee Chair Nikolaos Lazaridis, PhD. ____________________________ Date v ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The process of obtaining a Master’s degree, I have found, is not an independent, isolated experience. Citing a contemporary adage, “It takes a village.” Truer words have never by spoken. To that end, I would like to recognize in the most warmly and thankful manner, the people in my “village” who helped me through the graduate study program and eventual master’s degree.
    [Show full text]
  • Reading an Ancient Vicus with Non-Invasive Techniques
    Archaeologia Polona, vol. 53: 2015, 263-267 Interpretation and presentation of prospection results | 263 Reading an ancient vicus with non-invasive techniques: integrated terrestrial, aerial and geophysical surveys at Aequum Tuticum (Ariano Irpino-Av) Giovina Caldarolaa, Laura Castriannia, Giuseppe Ceraudoa, Immacolata Ditarantoa, Veronica Ferraria, Ida Gennarellib and Francesco Periccic KEY-WORDS: ancient road, landscape archaeology, magnetic prospecting, aerial photography Archaeological investigations by the Laboratorio di Topografia Antica e Fotogrammetria (LabTAF) of the University of Salento have been carried out in recent years within the frame of the Via Traiana Project. The main goal of the project is a complete topographical reconstruction of the ancient route by means of a multidisciplinary approach including traditional landscape archaeology methodology and other methods, such as geophysical prospecting. The ViaT raiana was built by the Emperor Trajan in AD 109 to link Beneventum and Brundisium over a distance of some 320 km (Fig. 1). Much of its route has now been identified thanks to a large number of surveys conducted in the territories of Apulia and Campania (Ceraudo 2008: 9–23). a Laboratorio di Topografia Antica e Fotogrammetria (LabTAF), University of Salento, Lecce, Italy b Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici della Provincia di Salerno, Avellino, Benevento e Caserta, Salerno, Italy c ATS Archeo Tech & Survey, Siena, Italy 264 | Arcchaeological Prospection 2015 Fig. 1. Route of the Via Traiana crossing Aequum Tuticum, between Forum Novum and mutatio Aquilonis Fig. 2. Oblique aerial image of Aequum Tuticum: highlighted route of the Via Traiana coming in from the east Interpretation and presentation of prospection results | 265 The project employed systematic field walking and aerial survey as well as the analysis of multi- temporal and multi-scale aerial photographs.
    [Show full text]
  • (IOWP) the Administration of Egypt in Late Antiquity
    Imperium and Officium Working Papers (IOWP) The Administration of Egypt in Late Antiquity Version 02 May 2011 Bernhard Palme (University of Vienna, Department of Ancient History, Papyrology and Epigraphy) Abstract: Lexicon article on the provincial administration of Egypt 284–641 AD. © Bernhard Palme 2011 [email protected] NFN Imperium and Officium. Comparative Studies in Ancient Bureaucracy and Officialdom 2 The Administration of Egypt in Late Antiquity Late antique Egypt exhibits the typical post-Diocletian fragmentation into smaller administrative units and the division between civilian and military authority which had been in effect since approximately 308 throughout the empire. The civil administration was still in the hands of the praefectus Aegypti, residing in Alexandria, but around 298 Upper Egypt (the Thebais) became a separate province under a praeses Thebaidis ranking below the praefectus. In the course of the 4th century the arrangement of the provinces underwent several changes. While the Thebais with Antinoupolis as capital and Philae as southern border remained a single province, Lower Egypt was divided into Aegyptus Iovia (western Delta) and Aegyptus Herculia (eastern Delta) in 314/5. In 322 Aegyptus Mercuriana, resembling the old Heptanomia (Middle Egypt), was split from the Herculia. A praeses headed each of the four provinces. But already in 324 the bipartite model of Thebais and Aegyptus under a praefectus returned. A major change came in 341, when the eastern part of the Delta and the Heptanomia became the province Augustamnica, governed by a praeses in Pelusium, while the western Delta (Aegyptus ipsa) remained under the praefectus and the Thebais under the praeses.
    [Show full text]
  • Officium Majoris Hebdomadae, Et Octavae Paschae, Cum Cantu
    1935 OFFICIÜM MAJORIS HEBDOMADÆ ET OCTAVÆ PASCHÆ CUM CANTU JUXTA ORDINEM BREVIARII, MISSALIS ET PONTIFICALIS ROMANI EDITIO COMPKNDIOSA I JUXTA TYPICAM RATISBONÆ SUMPTIBUS ET TYPIS FRIDERIGI PUSTET S. 8EDIS APOST. ET S. RITÜUM GONGREQATIONIS TYPOGRAPHI 1923 Imprimatur. Ratisbonæ, die 11 Decembris 1922 Dr. Scheglmann Vic. Gen. Printed in Germany Pro Triduo Sacro Ant. Ghristus factus est pro nobis obœdiens usque ad mortem. Secunda node additur: Mortem autem crucis. Tertia node additur: Propter quod et Deus exaltávit ilium, et dedit illi nomen, quod est super omne nomen. Et sic dicitur etiam per omnes Horas diei. Cum incipitur Antiphona Christus factus est, omnes genufledunt: et ea finita, dicitur Pater noster totum sub silentio. Postea aliquantulum altius sequens Psalmus 50 iserere mei, Deus, * secúndum Cor mundum crea in me, Deus: M magnam misericórdiam tuam. * et spíritum rectum úmova in vis- Et secúndum multitúdinem mi- céribus meis. seratiónum tuárum, * dele iniqui· Ne projícias me a facie tua: * tátem meam. et spíritum sanctum tuum ne Amplius lava me ab iniquitáte áuferas a me. mea: • et a peccáto meo munda me. Redde mihi lætítiam salutáris Quóniam iniquitátem meam ego tui: * et spíritu piincipáli con- cognósco: * et peccátum meum fírma me. contra me est semper. Docébo iníquos vias tuas: * et Tibi soli peccávi, et malum co- ímpii ad te converténtur. ram te feci: • ut justificéris in Líbera me de sanguínibus, De- sermónibus tuis, et vincas cum us, Deus salútis meæ: * et exsul- judicáris. tábit lingua mea justítiam tuam. Ecce enim in iniquitátibus con- Dómine, lábia mea aperies: * et céptus sum: * et in peccátis con- os meum annuntiábit laudem tuam.
    [Show full text]