The Great Chain of Being Is Still Here Emanuele Rigato*† and Alessandro Minelli†
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John Hill (1714?–1775) on 'Plant Sleep'
Annals of Science ISSN: (Print) (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/tasc20 John Hill (1714?–1775) on ‘Plant Sleep’: experimental physiology and the limits of comparative analysis Justin Begley To cite this article: Justin Begley (2020): John Hill (1714?–1775) on ‘Plant Sleep’: experimental physiology and the limits of comparative analysis, Annals of Science, DOI: 10.1080/00033790.2020.1813807 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/00033790.2020.1813807 © 2020 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group Published online: 12 Sep 2020. Submit your article to this journal View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=tasc20 ANNALS OF SCIENCE https://doi.org/10.1080/00033790.2020.1813807 John Hill (1714?–1775) on ‘Plant Sleep’: experimental physiology and the limits of comparative analysis Justin Begley Department of Philosophy, History, and Art, University of Helsinki, Helsinki, Finland ABSTRACT ARTICLE HISTORY The phenomenon of ‘plant sleep’–whereby vegetables Received 1 October 2019 rhythmically open and close their leaves or petals in Accepted 18 August 2020 daily cycles – has been a continual source of fascination KEYWORDS for those with botanical interests, from the Portuguese Royal Society; history of physician Cristóbal Acosta and the Italian naturalist botany; John Hill; Prospero Alpini in the sixteenth century to Percy Bysshe experimentation; natural Shelley and Charles Darwin in the nineteenth. But it was history in 1757 that the topic received its earliest systemic treatment on English shores with the prodigious author, botanist, actor, and Royal Society critic John Hill’s The Sleep of Plants, and Cause of Motion in the Sensitive Plant. -
The Scientist from a Flourishing Sex-Life to Modern DNA Technology
The Scientist From a Flourishing Sex-life to Modern DNA Technology Linnaeus the Scientist ll of a sudden you are standing there, in the bo- tanic garden that is to be Linnaeus’s base for a whole lifetime of scientific achievements. It is a beautiful spring day in Uppsala, the sun’s rays warm your heart as cheerfully as in your own 21st century. The hus- tle and bustle of the town around you break into the cen- trally located garden. Carriage wheels rattle over the cob- blestones, horses neigh, hens cackle from the house yards. The acrid smell of manure and privies bears witness to a town atmosphere very different from your own. You cast a glance at what is growing in the garden. The beds do not look particularly well kept. In fact, the whole garden gives a somewhat dilapidated impression. Suddenly, in the distance, you see a young man squat- A ting down by one of the beds. He is looking with great concentration at a small flower, examining it closely through a magnifying glass. When he lifts his head for a moment and ponders, you recognise him at once. It is Carl von Linné, or Carl Linnaeus as he was originally called. He looks very young, just over 20 years old. His pale cheeks tell you that it has been a harsh winter. His first year as a university student at Uppsala has been marked by a lack of money for both food and clothes as well as for wood to warm his rented room. 26 linnaean lessons • www.bioresurs.uu.se © 2007 Swedish Centre for School Biology and Biotechnology, Uppsala University, Sweden. -
The Voc and Swedish Natural History. the Transmission of Scientific Knowledge in the Eighteenth Century
THE VOC AND SWEDISH NATURAL HISTORY. THE TRANSMISSION OF SCIENTIFIC KNOWLEDGE IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY Christina Skott In the later part of the eighteenth century Sweden held a place as one of the foremost nations in the European world of science. This was mainly due to the fame of Carl Linnaeus (1707–78, in 1762 enno- bled von Linné), whose ground breaking new system for classifying the natural world created a uniform system of scientific nomenclature that would be adopted by scientists all over Europe by the end of the century. Linnaeus had first proposed his new method of classifying plants in the slim volume Systema Naturae, published in 1735, while he was working and studying in Holland. There, he could for the first time himself examine the flora of the Indies: living plants brought in and cultivated in Dutch gardens and greenhouses as well as exotic her- baria collected by employees of the VOC. After returning to his native Sweden in 1737 Linnaeus would not leave his native country again. But, throughout his lifetime, Systema Naturae would appear in numerous augmented editions, each one describing new East Indian plants and animals. The Linnean project of mapping the natural world was driven by a strong patriotic ethos, and Linneaus would rely heavily on Swed- ish scientists and amateur collectors employed by the Swedish East India Company; but the links to the Dutch were never severed, and he maintained extensive contacts with leading Dutch scientists through- out his life. Linnaeus’ Dutch connections meant that his own students would become associated with the VOC. -
“The Infinite Universe of the New Cosmology, Infinite in Duration As Well As Exten- Sion, in Which Eternal Matter in Accordanc
“The infinite Universe of the New Cosmology, infinite in Duration as well as Exten- sion, in which eternal matter in accordance with eternal and necessary laws moves endlessly and aimlessly in eternal space, inherited all the ontological attributes of Divinity. Yet only those — all the others the departed God took with him... The Divine Artifex had therefore less and less to do in the world. He did not even have to con- serve it, as the world, more and more, became able to dispense with this service...” ALEXANDRE KOYRE, “From the Closed World to the Infinite Universe”, 1957 into the big world -26- “La raison pour laquelle la relocalisation du global est devenue si importante est que le Terre elle-même pourrait bien ne pas être un globe après tout (...). Même la fameuse vision de la “planète bleue” pour- rait se révéler comme une image composite, c’est à dire une image composée de l’ancienne forme donnée au Dieu chrétien et du réseau complexe d’acquisitions de données de la NASA, à son tour projeté à l’intérieur du panorama diffracté des médias. Voilà peut-être la source de la fascination que l’image de la sphère a exercé depuis: la forme sphérique arrondit la con- naissance en un volume continu, complet, transparent, omniprésent qui masque la tâche extraordinairement difficile d’assembler les points de données venant de tous les instruments et de toutes les disciplines. Une sphère n’a pas d’histoire, pas de commencement, pas de fin, pas de trou, pas de discontinuité d’aucune sorte.” BRUNO LATOUR, “l’Anthropocène et la Destruction de l’Image -
Leibniz on Whether the World Increases in Perfection
LEIBNIZ ON WHETHER THE WORLD INCREASES IN PERFECTION Lloyd Strickland In a letter to Bourguet written on 5 August 1715, a little over a year before his death, Leibniz suggests that, on the question of the world’s perfection, ‘Two hypotheses can be formed – one that nature is equally perfect, the other that it always increases in perfection.’ (L664)1 He then proceeds to split the second option into two further 1 The abbreviations I use throughout when citing Leibniz are as follows: A = Sämtliche schriften und briefe, ed by Akademie der Wissenschaften, multiple volumes in 6 series, cited by series (reihe) and volume (band) (Berlin, 1923-). AG = Philosophical essays, trans & ed by Roger Ariew & Daniel Garber (Indianapolis, 1989). D = De summa rerum, trans by G. H. R. Parkinson (New Haven, 1992). DM = Discourse on metaphysics, cited by section number, various translations in AG, L, P, W etc. Dn = The philosophical works of Leibnitz, trans & ed George Martin Duncan (New Haven, 1908). E = Opera Philosophica, ed by J. E. Erdmann (Berlin, 1840). G = Die philosophiscen Schriften von Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz, ed by C. I. Gerhardt, 7 vols (Berlin, 1875-1890). GM = G. W. Leibniz: Mathematische Schriften, ed by C. I. Gerhardt, 7 vols (Berlin, 1962). Gr = Textes inédits, ed by Gaston Grua, 2 vols with successive pagination (Paris, 1948). H = Theodicy, trans by E. M. Huggard (Chicago, 1990). L = Philosophical papers and letters, trans & ed Leroy E. Loemker (Dordrecht, 2ed 1969). Mon = Monadology, cited by section number, various translations in AG, L, P, W etc. NE = New essays concerning human understanding, trans & ed by Peter Remnant & Jonathan Bennett (Cambridge, 1996). -
Staying Optimistic: the Trials and Tribulations of Leibnizian Optimism
Strickland, Lloyd 2019 Staying Optimistic: The Trials and Tribulations of Leibnizian Optimism. Journal of Modern Philosophy, 1(1): 3, pp. 1–21. DOI: https://doi.org/10.32881/jomp.3 RESEARCH Staying Optimistic: The Trials and Tribulations of Leibnizian Optimism Lloyd Strickland Manchester Metropolitan University, GB [email protected] The oft-told story of Leibniz’s doctrine of the best world, or optimism, is that it enjoyed a great deal of popularity in the eighteenth century until the massive earthquake that struck Lisbon on 1 November 1755 destroyed its support. Despite its long history, this story is nothing more than a commentators’ fiction that has become accepted wisdom not through sheer weight of evidence but through sheer frequency of repetition. In this paper we shall examine the reception of Leibniz’s doctrine of the best world in the eighteenth century in order to get a clearer understanding of what its fate really was. As we shall see, while Leibniz’s doctrine did win a good number of adherents in the 1720s and 1730s, especially in Germany, support for it had largely dried up by the mid-1740s; moreover, while opponents of Leibniz’s doctrine were few and far between in the 1710s and 1720s, they became increasing vocal in the 1730s and afterwards, between them producing an array of objections that served to make Leibnizian optimism both philosophically and theologically toxic years before the Lisbon earthquake struck. Keywords: Leibniz; Optimism; Best world; Lisbon earthquake; Evil; Wolff The oft-told story of Leibniz’s doctrine of the best world, or optimism, is that it enjoyed a great deal of popularity in the eighteenth century until the massive earthquake that struck Lisbon on 1 November 1755 destroyed its support. -
Historical Review of Systematic Biology and Nomenclature - Alessandro Minelli
BIOLOGICAL SCIENCE FUNDAMENTALS AND SYSTEMATICS – Vol. II - Historical Review of Systematic Biology and Nomenclature - Alessandro Minelli HISTORICAL REVIEW OF SYSTEMATIC BIOLOGY AND NOMENCLATURE Alessandro Minelli Department of Biology, Via U. Bassi 58B, I-35131, Padova,Italy Keywords: Aristotle, Belon, Cesalpino, Ray, Linnaeus, Owen, Lamarck, Darwin, von Baer, Haeckel, Sokal, Sneath, Hennig, Mayr, Simpson, species, taxa, phylogeny, phenetic school, phylogenetic school, cladistics, evolutionary school, nomenclature, natural history museums. Contents 1. The Origins 2. From Classical Antiquity to the Renaissance Encyclopedias 3. From the First Monographers to Linnaeus 4. Concepts and Definitions: Species, Homology, Analogy 5. The Impact of Evolutionary Theory 6. The Last Few Decades 7. Nomenclature 8. Natural History Collections Glossary Bibliography Biographical Sketch Summary The oldest roots of biological systematics are found in folk taxonomies, which are nearly universally developed by humankind to cope with the diversity of the living world. The logical background to the first modern attempts to rationalize the classifications was provided by Aristotle's logic, as embodied in Cesalpino's 16th century classification of plants. Major advances were provided in the following century by Ray, who paved the way for the work of Linnaeus, the author of standard treatises still regarded as the starting point of modern classification and nomenclature. Important conceptual progress was due to the French comparative anatomists of the early 19th century UNESCO(Cuvier, Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire) – andEOLSS to the first work in comparative embryology of von Baer. Biological systematics, however, was still searching for a unifying principle that could provide the foundation for a natural, rather than conventional, classification.SAMPLE This principle wasCHAPTERS provided by evolutionary theory: its effects on classification are already present in Lamarck, but their full deployment only happened in the 20th century. -
The Microscope of Linnaeus and His Blind Spot1 Brian J
THE MICROSCOPE • Vol 57:2, pp 65-72 (2009) The Microscope of Linnaeus and His Blind Spot1 Brian J. Ford* Honorary Surveyor of Scientific Instruments, Linnean Society of London KEYWORDS Linnaeus, Carl von Linné, aquatic microscope, simple microscope, botanical microscope, microscopy, Uppsala, Sweden, lens, magnification, resolution ABSTRACT Carl von Linné (Linnaeus) was the pioneering tax- onomist of the 18th century. His microscope survives along with the collections at his former residence in Sweden, though little has been known about it. The instrument is here described and its performance is demonstrated. Curiously, Linnaeus showed little in- terest in, or knowledge of, microscopic organisms. Very few of his drawings portrayed minute struc- tures and examples of those that survive are de- scribed. We also review Linnaeus’s little known book- let on microorganisms. LINNAEUS AND CLASSIFICATION The world knows of Linnaeus as the taxonomist who bequeathed to science the Latin names for species that we know today. This is not a correct view. First, Carl von Linné the names are as often Greek as Latin. Second, many of the names — such as Musca the housefly and Gryllus the cricket — had been in use for centuries before. his homeland of Sweden, where he is usually referred Third, his original intention was to become a physi- to by the name of Carl von Linné. He had acquired the cian and his interest in natural history was initially a “von” when ennobled in 1761. spare-time interest. And last, the great Swedish natu- The role of Linnaeus in systematizing the world of ralist is known everywhere as Linnaeus — except in living organisms was both crucial and timely. -
Why Mammals Are Called Mammals: Gender Politics in Eighteenth-Century Natural History Author(S): Londa Schiebinger Source: the American Historical Review, Vol
Why Mammals are Called Mammals: Gender Politics in Eighteenth-Century Natural History Author(s): Londa Schiebinger Source: The American Historical Review, Vol. 98, No. 2 (Apr., 1993), pp. 382-411 Published by: American Historical Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2166840 Accessed: 22/01/2010 10:27 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=aha. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. American Historical Association is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The American Historical Review. http://www.jstor.org Why Mammals Are Called Mammals: Gender Politics in Eighteenth-Century Natural History LONDA SCHIEBINGER IN 1758, IN THE TENTH EDITION OF HIS Systema naturae, Carolus Linnaeus introduced the term Mammaliainto zoological taxonomy. -
Copyrighted Material
Chapter 1 History Systematics has its origins in two threads of biological science: classification and evolution. The organization of natural variation into sets, groups, and hierarchies traces its roots to Aristotle and evolution to Darwin. Put simply, systematization of nature can and has progressed in absence of causative theories relying on ideas of “plan of nature,” divine or otherwise. Evolutionists (Darwin, Wallace, and others) proposed a rationale for these patterns. This mixture is the foundation of modern systematics. Originally, systematics was natural history. Today we think of systematics as being a more inclusive term, encompassing field collection, empirical compar- ative biology, and theory. To begin with, however, taxonomy, now known as the process of naming species and higher taxa in a coherent, hypothesis-based, and regular way, and systematics were equivalent. Roman bust of Aristotle (384–322 BCE) 1.1 Aristotle Systematics as classification (or taxonomy) draws its Western origins from Aris- totle1. A student of Plato at the Academy and reputed teacher of Alexander the Great, Aristotle founded the Lyceum in Athens, writing on a broad variety of topics including what we now call biology. To Aristotle, living things (species) came from nature as did other physical classes (e.g. gold or lead). Today, we refer to his classification of living things (Aristotle, 350 BCE) that show simi- larities with the sorts of classifications we create now. In short, there are three featuresCOPYRIGHTED of his methodology that weMATERIAL recognize immediately: it was functional, binary, and empirical. Aristotle’s classification divided animals (his work on plants is lost) using Ibn Rushd (Averroes) functional features as opposed to those of habitat or anatomical differences: “Of (1126–1198) land animals some are furnished with wings, such as birds and bees.” Although he recognized these features as different in aspect, they are identical in use. -
21 Linnaeus and the Love Lives of Plants Staffan Müller-Wille
21 Linnaeus and the Love Lives of Plants Staffan Müller-Wille During the eighteenth century, reproduction and associated processes such as heredity and evolution moved to the centre of a new science of life. e large literature on these intellectual and cultural changes concentrates on the zoological and anthropological writings of scholars including Pierre Louis de Maupertuis, Georges-Louis Leclerc de Buffon, Immanuel Kant, Erasmus Darwin and Jean-Baptiste Lamarck. Yet plants also held a place in eighteenth-century thought, notably the doctrine of physiocracy, which identified agriculture as the source of wealth. Economic historians have demonstrat- ed how the exchange of staple foods such as wheat and potatoes between the New World and the Old facilitated the rise of capitalism. Botanical gardens, in Europe and overseas, served as hubs for this global exchange, and the botanists in charge played a significant role in the propagation of Enlightenment ideas of improvement and progress. One botanist has been much recognized for his contributions to Enlightenment dis- courses of generation, propagation and the production of wealth: the Swedish naturalist and physician Carl Linnaeus (–). In , while staying in Holland to complete his med- ical studies, Linnaeus authored the Systema naturae (System of nature), which proposed to classify plants according to the number and arrangement of their ‘male’ and ‘female’ gen- erative organs (stamens and pistils). is ‘sexual system’ made the -year-old medical Bentley Glass, Owsei Temkin and William L. Straus, Jr (eds.), Forerunners of Darwin, – (Baltimore, MD, ); Michel Foucault, e Order of ings: An Archeology of the Human Sciences (London, ); François Jacob, e Logic of Life: A History of Heredity, trans. -
Article Leibniz on Whether the World Increases In
British Journal for the History of Philosophy 14(1) 2006: 51 – 68 ARTICLE LEIBNIZ ON WHETHER THE WORLD INCREASES IN PERFECTION Lloyd Strickland In a letter to Bourguet written on 5 August 1715, a little over a year before his death, Leibniz suggests that, on the question of the world’s perfection, ‘Two hypotheses can be formed – one that nature is always equally perfect, the other that it always increases in perfection’ (L664).1 He then proceeds to split the second option into two further hypotheses: first, that the world has been increasing in perfection since its inception at a first moment; and second, that it has been increasing in perfection from all eternity. He illustrates these alternatives by means of the following diagrams: 1The abbreviations I use throughout when citing Leibniz are as follows: A ¼ Sa¨mtliche Schriften und Briefe, edited by Akademie der Wissenschaften, multiple Vols in six series, cited by series (reihe) and volume (band) (Berlin, 1923–). AG ¼ Philosophical Essays, translated and edited by Roger Ariew and Daniel Garber (Indianapolis, 1989). D ¼ De Summa Rerum, translated by G. H. R. Parkinson (New Haven, 1992). DM ¼ Discourse on Metaphysics, cited by section number, various translations in AG, L, P, W, etc. Dn ¼ The Philosophical Works of Leibnitz, translated and edited by George Martin Duncan (New Haven, 1908). E ¼ Opera Philosophica, edited by J. E. Erdmann (Berlin, 1840). G ¼ Die philosophiscen Schriften von Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz, edited by C. I. Gerhardt, 7 Vols (Berlin, 1875–90). GM ¼ G. W. Leibniz: Mathematische Schriften, edited by C. I. Gerhardt, 7 Vols (Berlin, 1962).