TRIAL O F, DIWAN MUL RAJ

iidited with notes and inttcducticn

BY

S1TA RAM KOHLI, M.A.,

Deputy Keeper of Records of the Government, Punjab, ■ (

■WT2?- •*s. si '&* , PUNJAB GOVERNMENT RECORD OFFICE

Hi****

MONOGRAPH No. 14.

LANGUAGES DEPARTMENT PUNJAB 1 9 7 1

TRIAL OF DIWAN MUL RAJ

lldited with notes and inti c due tie n

BY

SITA RAM KOHLl, M.A.,

Deputy Keeper of Records of the Government, Punjab,

PUNJAB GOVERNMENT RECORD OFFICE

MONOGRAPH No. 14.

LANGUAGES DEPARTMENT, PUNJAB

1 9 7 ] Repi educed By Director, Languages Department Punjab, Through Deputy Controller, Printing & Stationery Department Punjab, Patiala.

Reprinted February, 1971

Price: Rs 5'lo

Printed ae Offset Master Printers 6/8, Industrial Area, Kirn Nagar. New Delhi-15, Publisher’s Note

It may look unprogressive to bring out another reprint of a book which was first published as far back as the later years of the nineteenth century. It is possible that lot of further research .might have taken place in this subject duriog the succeeding years, yet these works maintain their own reference value. The idea behind the present venture is 10 make available these rare works to most libraries and readers

The British and other Western scholars rendered great service to this land and their works still have great bearing on the Language, Culture and History of the Punjab. The Languages Department has planned to bring out reprints of the most valuable works; including the present one, for the benefit of most readers, scholars and research workers.

LAL SINGH Director Patiala Languages Department i February, 1971 Punjab. i

■A.. >&» ,* r AuL f.

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tL CONTENTS. Page. Foreword i Preface i—ii Introduction 1 Table of dates 25 List of witnesses 27 The Trial .. 28 .Mr. Loring Bowring’s Speech for the Prosecution 29 E vidence for the P rosecution. 3lst May (Thursday) —12th June (Tuesday). Sadiq Muhammad 88 Qutb Shah 41 Asad Ullah .. 54 Wazir Ali Khan 66 Bansi Dhar .. 71 Ilahi Bakhsh 80 Karam Ilahi 85 Ghulam Husain 88 'Ghulam Mustafa 92 Khunjan Singh 96 Mr. John Lawrence 99 Evidence for the Defence. 13th June (Wednesday)— 18th June (Monday). Tulsi Ram .. v 108 Ram Rang .. 118 Budhu Mai .. 124 Sham Singh 128 .Mohkam Chand 180 Asa Nand 133 Asu 134 Godha Misar 137 Jasu 138 Ijaz Husain 141 Captain Hamilton’s Speech for the Defence, June *21 st 143 Mr. Loring Bowring’s reply—June 2*2nd 169 The Sentence—June 22nd 174 The grounds of the Court’s Judgment it. 1]

APPENDICES. (A) Proceedings of the Special Military Commission, Multan, for the trial of Godar Singh (B) Statement of Wazir Ali and abstract o the evidence taken before the Special Military Commission, Multan, relevant to the case of Mul Raj .. .. ix (C) Deposition of Qutb Shah ...... xx (D) Letter of Mr. Agnew to Lt. Herbert Edwardes .. xxvi (E) Manifesto of Kalian Singh’s troops .. .. xxvii (F) Mul Raj’s letter of submission ...... xxix (G) Rules regulating the attendance of visitors to the ^ mrf during the trial ...... xxx Glossary .. ., .. .. xxxi Bibliography ...... xxxiv FOREWORD.

T h e trial of Diwan Mul Raj is one of the most important State trials in the history of Northern India. Unfortunately the original English record of the proceedings disappeared in a my >• terious manner many years ago. But, as the editor explains, he was. lucky enough to come across other English versions, and thes^, together with the vernacular records of the trial and other relevant documents preserved in the Punjab Record Office, have formed the basis of his material. Lala Sita Ram Kohli has annotated where necessary, and the form he has followed is that employed in the Series of Notable British Trials. The case as a case presents no remarkable features. Its importance lies in the subsequent result produced by the crime.

H. L. 0. GARRETT,

Keeper of the Records of the Govern>nent of the Punjab. Lahore, June 1932. V.

Reproduced from, Major Dunlop's * Multan

M u l R a j surrendering himself, J a n . 22nd, 1849. PREFACE.

S o m e twelve years back, while engaged in sorting, arranging and cataloguing the records of the Sikh Government, preserved in the archives of the Punjab Civil Secretariat, I happened to come across a vernacular file mixed up in a heap of miscellaneous papers. On examination it was found to contain a verbatim report of the evidence recorded during the trial of Diwan Mul Raj, Governor of Multan. The report is duly signed and attested by Mr. C. G. Mansel, President of the Commission appointed to try the case. The original English copy of the proceedings, con­ taining the addresses of the Prosecution and the Defence counsel, the grounds of the judgment, together with the English translation of the evidence were, unfortunately, nnssing. Nor did I succeed in tracing these papers amongst thejpiaicial records of the Lahore High Court. L u ck ilyh ew everT m the Imperial Library at Calcutta, I found a printed copy of the English proceedings entitled “ Trial of Mool Raj, formerly Nazim of Multan, printed at the Delhi Gazette Press by Kunniah Lall.” The booklet bears no date and seems to be rare.* On comparison with the ver­ nacular attested proceedings, I found that it was an almost correct and faithful translation of the evidence as recorded in the original vernacular file. It contained, in addition, the evidence of Mr. (Sir) John Lawrence, the addresses of the Prosecution and Defence counsel and the grounds of the judgment of the Court. Somewhat later, I was fortunate to discover a copy of an old file of the Journal of the “ Indian News and Chronicle of Eastern Affairs. London,” from November 1848 to April 1850. The journal records the verbatim reports of the proceedings of th§ trial. It need scarcely be mentioned that I found the journal of immense help for purposes of collation and comparison, f A couple of other important documents 'relating to the case but not given in the printed proceedings, which I discovered in the Record Office, have been appended at the end of the book. A careful comparison of the original vernacular record with its English translation revealed a few discrepancies, but they were not of any material importance to the case. Such as they are, I have pointed them

* Sir Edward Madagan made use of it in writing his chapter on the history of Multan in the Multan District Gazetteer (1901*02). t Vide, pages 329—31, 355-56, 406— 10 and 453 -56. It may als V he stated here that the reports in the * Indian News, London,” first appeared in contemporary papers in India such as The Bombay Times, The Delhi Qazette, The Mojfusealiie, etc.,eto., and were then repro­ duced in the London Jourr ' 1 11 out in foot-notes along with some historical and explanatory notes. A glossary of Indian terms and expressions occurring in the proceedings will also be found at. the end of the book. The trial of Mul Raj possesses a certain historical interest, and a collection of all the papers and documents connected with it may not be unwelcome to the student of the original records of the transitional period when the old Sikh regime was being replaced by British rule. It sets forth the circumstances under which the outbreak at Multan took place in April 1848, how the revolt of Mul Raj developed into the second Sikh War, and how, eventually, it led to the absorption of the Sikh kingdom into the British Empire in India. I recall with gratitude the fact that I owe the incentive to edit this publication to Sir John Thompson. I, therefore, take this opportunity of offering my sincere thanks to him on the completion of the work. I must also express my indebtedness to Mr. H. L. 0. Garrett, M.A., I.E.S., Keeper of Records, for having given me permission to use the official papers in the Record Office as well as for useful suggestions ; also to Professor J. F. Bruce, M.A., University Professor of History, for general advice given to me in the course of the preparation of this work. My grateful acknowledgments are also due to Mr. Bodh Raj ttahni, B.A., LL.B. (Cantab), Bar.-at-Law, for his valuable help in dealing with the legal part of the trial. I cannot also omit to mention the name of Diwan Khem Chand, Bar.-at-Law, for kindly going through portions of the vernacular evidence with me and comparing it with the English translation. I am indebted to Mr. T. Tyson, Superintendent, Government Printing, for his kind interest in the book while it was passing through the Press ; also to Shaikh Muhammad Husain, General Foreman. Nor should I forget to thank Lala Chuni Lai, Clearing Officer, who spared no pains in checking the proofs and in several places making helpful suggestions.

R ecord Offic e, SITA RAM KOHLI, L ahore : Deputy Keeper of the Records May 1931. of the Punjab Government. DIWAN MUL RAJ. INTRODUCTION. Conquest of Multan by Ranjit Singh.— As is well-known, Maha­ raja Ranjit Singh conquered and annexed Multan to his expanding kingdom of Lahore in 1818. The province was, however, not quite happy in the choice of its governors during the early years of the new regime. The administration changed hands quickly, as many as five governors holding office in succession to one an­ other within the short period of four years. On the removal of the last governor, Badan Hazari, in 1821, Diwan Sawan Mai was installed in the government of Multan and retained thi3 charge for twenty-four years till his death in 1844.

Sawan Mai, father of Mul Raj, installed in the government of Multan.— At the time of his appointment Sawan Mai was in the prime of life. He was a good scholar of Persian and Arabic, and had already acquired considerable experience in the art of gov­ ernment. By his energetic, firm and just government of the province Sawan Mai succeeded in raising the province of Multan to a state of prosperity it had, perhaps, never before attained. Robbery and lawlessness were put down with a stem hand; even- handed justice was dealt out to the rich and the poor alike ; culti­ vation was extended ; commerce, trade and industry flourished; and the inhabitants of Multan became happy under the new ruler.

Sawan MaVs death.— Sawan Mai’s life had a tragic end. On the 16th September 1844 he was shot by an under-trial prisoner and after lingering for a fortnight the Diwan passed away on the morning of the 29th. Mul Raj, Governor of Multan.— At the time of his death Diwan Sawan Mai’s charge comprised the present districts of Multan, Jhang, Dera Ismail Khan and Dera Ghazi Khan, together with portions of the district of Mianwali and a few sundry estates. The territory administered by the Diwan was estimated to yield an an­ nual revenue of thirty-five lacs of rupees for which he paid to the Lahore Government a sum of twenty-three lacs,. the difference being allowed for the expenses of management and his own emolu­ ments. It was to this important charge that Mul Raj, the eldest 2 DIWAN MUL RAJ. amongst the five surviving sons of Sawan Mai, succeeded his father in October 1844. Mul Raj was fully qualified for the post. He was now thirty years of age and had gained some experience and training in the work of administration during the life time of his father. He had been governor of two important districts, namely, Shujabad and Jhang, and had in both cases won the unqualified approval of his too exacting father. Mul Raj's early troubles.— Diwan Mul R aj’s task, it seems, was beset with difficulties from the very beginning. Raja Hira Singh, son of the late Minister Dhian Singh, was now in power at the Lahore Court, and between the Diwan’s family and Hira Singh’s family there had existed a long-standing enmity. Hira Singh imposed a heavy nazranaf or succession fee, of about thirty lacs on Mul Raj. The Diwan was very much embarrassed and opened nego­ tiations with the Lahore Government. Fortunately for him while the negotiations were still pending, Hira Singh was murdered by the Khalsa army in January 1845. The demand was reduced to eigh­ teen lacs by Hira Singh’s successor Sardar Jawahir Singh. The Diwan paid a part of it, and bided his time to see if he could not get the balance remitted. Meanwhile matters were going from bad to worse in Lahore till, in December, the Khalsa army cross­ ed the Sutlej and war with the British commenced. Early in 1846, when the war was over and Raja Lai Singh was appointed Prime Minister at the Lahore Darbar, Diwan Mul R aj’s real troubles began. The Raja was jealous of the position of Diwan Sawan Mai’s family and now that he came into power he could not miss his opportunity. He despatched a force against Mul Raj to realise the bo lance'of the nazrana as well as the revenue for the year then running. An encounter took place near Jhang, and Raja Lai Singh’s troops were defeated. The collection oj tribute— Mul Raj's financial difficulties.— Mul Raj was then summoned to Lahore by the Prime Minister, but he would not proceed to Lahore without an assurance for his safe conduct from the Resident, Major Henry Lawrence. That assur­ ance being given, the Diwan started for Lahore in company of Raja Dina Nath who had been sent to escort him from Multan. The party arrived in Lahore on 8th October 1846, and after no small -•rouble and delay it was finally arranged that Mul Raj should give up the district of Jhang, being one-third of the province heretofore held by him ; that he should pay altogether twenty lacs on account of the succession fee and for his arrears ; and that the revenue of the districts still left under his charge should be raised in amount by more than one-third. In other words, Diwan Mul Raj was now INTRODUCTION. 8

asked to pay nearly Rs. 19,68,000 for the same territory for which his father used to pay only Rs. 18,74,000. The new engagement, com­ mencing with the spring crop of 1847 A.D., was, in fact, in the nature of farming out of the province for three years for a fixed annual payment. Diwan Mu! Raj expressed himself to the British Resi­ dent as well pleased at the arrangement, since, in spite of the rather heavy annual tribute which he was now called upon to pay, he felt secure both about his life and office from the caprices of his merciless enemy, thanks mainly to the intervention of the British. Fresh difficulties arise.— Mul Raj tried to govern the province as well as he could, but he was not destined to have an undisturb­ ed career for long. Fresh difficulties arose in his way, which he could not have anticipated at the time of concluding the new agree­ ment with the Lahore Darbar. The treaty of Bhairowal, 22nd December 1846, placed the administration of the Punjab in the hands of a Council of Regency composed of eight leading chiefs acting under the control and guidance of a British officer. This new Government abolished the old system of octroi duties in the Punjab and also rendered duty free a number of minor articles of trade.* The Multani merchants also now insisted that the new Punjab system of import and export be introduced in place of the old town and transit duties then in force in Multan. This would inevitably have reduced the revenues of the Diwan still further. The second difficulty which embarrassed the Diwan involved what he considered his personal honour. The Council of Regency, at the initiation of the Resident, had introduced the practice of appeals from the decisions of the district officers being heard by the Lahore Darbar. By the Darbar, and by the Minister Lai Singh especially, this right was also extended to cover Diwan Mul R aj’s province of Multan. Now Mul Raj did not expect a fair review of his decisions by the Lahore Darbar which was then dominated by his enemy Lai Singh. In fact, a few decisions had already gone against him, and were calculated to lower his prestige in the eyes of his subjects. The third disturbing cause was a domestic quarrel in the Diwan’s own family. On account of certain differences, his brother, Karam Narain, had left Multan and settled down at Lahore. The Diwan was thus deprived of his brother’s valuable advice and assist­ ance in his administration. Besides, now that Karam Narain was away from him, he found that his influence at the court of Lahore was not invariably exerted to his advantage.!

• Vide pageB R8-9, Punjab Blue Book. fPage 227, Lahore Political Diaries, Volume III, and also Mul ltaj’s letter,—tide pages 90*91, Punjab Blue Book. b2 4 DIWAN MUL RAJ.

Submits his resignation.— The diminishing revenues, the never- ending clamour of merchants and trading classes for the abolition of the town and transit duties, the adverse influence of his brother at the Lahore Darbar and, above all, the right of appeal against his judicial decisions claimed by the Darbar were some of the cir­ cumstances which the Diwan considered too embarrassing to enable him to cany on the government of his province. Accord­ ingly, he came to Lahore in November 1847 to secure a modifica­ tion in the teims of his appointment or, in the alternative, to resign his post.* Unfortunately for the Diwan, he arrived a day too late to see Major Henry Lawrence who was sympathetic to­ wards him and on whose support he mainly depended. That officer had just left for England, and the Diwan failed to get any substantial help fiom his younger brother Mr. (Sir) John Lawrence who was now’ acting as the Besident. Accordingly, Mul Baj sub­ mitted his resignation (December 18th, 1847), but the Besident would not accept it on the ground that the new governor would not be able to realise the revenues from the country in the middle of the harvesting season. Another reason wThich prompted the Besident to postpone the acceptance of Mul Baj’s resignation may be gathered from his correspondence with the Government of India. “ 1 should prefer,” writes John Lawrence, “ that Diwran Mul Baj continued to hold Multan for another year, for the rest of the Punjab will afford ample occupation for all our energies for that period. Hereafter it will be well to get rid of the Diwan.” f Mul Raj returns to Multan.— His resignation not accepted, Mul Baj was persuaded by the Besident to agree to continue to act as governor for some time more. It was arranged that he would be relieved in March 1848. At the request of Mul Baj it was fur­ ther agreed that his resignation should be kept a secret even from the members of the Council of Begency as otherwise he might have additional difficulties in the administration of his province. Mul Baj had also requested that, on being relieved of his charge, he might be provided with a jagir so as to enable him to maintain his position in life. The Besident could not, of course, give him a definite promise, but he was given an assurance that lie would be taken on the Council, the members of which were, as a rule, re­ warded with jagirs. The third and the last condition of the agree­ ment was that, a couple of months before Mul Baj was actually relieved, two British officers should be sent to Multan to be

•The Diwan arrived in Lahore, 30th November 1847. Ue had expressed his wish to resign a week before in his letter to the Resident, dated 21st November— pages 90 91, Pnnjah Blue Book. fPage 94, Punjab Blue Book. INTRODUCTION. 5 instructed by the Diwan in the state of affairs before they took over the charge of the administration of the country. After making all the necessary arrangements with Mr. John Lawrence, satisfactory to both parties, Mul Raj returned to his government in the last week of December 1847.* His resignation accepted—March 1848.— In March 1848 Sir Frederick Currie was appointed Resident at Lahore. Before handing over charge of his office to him, Mr. John Lawrence told him all about his interview with Diwan Mul Raj. Sir Frederick at once wrote to Mul Raj to reconsider his decision, but the Diwan was anxious to be relieved of his heavy and troublesome charge. The Resident then proceeded to make arrangements for the new government of Multan, and Sardar Kahan Singh Man was selected for the post. He was to be assisted by two British officers, and for this purpose Mr. Vans Agnew and Lieutenant Anderson were nominated by Sir F. Currie.f Mr. John Lawrence had intended that the charge of Multan should be entrusted only to British officers, Messrs. Cocks and Agnew. Arrival of the new Governor with British officers at Multan.— The three officers, with a number of attendants, proceeded by the river Ravi (April 5th), while their escort, comprising about 1,500 troops, horse and foot and two companies of Gurkha soldiers and six guns, marched by land. The party reached MuHan on 17th April 1848.| Diwan Mul Raj was all attention to them He had sent an officer of rank, Diwan Jwala Sahai, to receive them at Tulamba, almost at the borders of his territory, with a present, and Rs. 700 in cash as ziyqfat or entertainment. He deputed a number of officials, both of the Civi' and Police Departments, to look to their comforts. The new governor and the British officers took up their residence (18th April) in the Idgah— a spacious build­ ing described as a village and fort outside the city walls and less than a mile from Mul Raj’s own residence at Am-Khass. The ceremonial visit— 18th April 1848.— On the morning of the 18th April there was a short formal interview at the Idgah with the customary exchange of ceremonies and inquiries after health and so on. The same afternoon there was another interview at the same place for the transaction of serious business. The

*We come across the following note, dated 23rd December 1847, in Lahore Political Diary. Volume III, page 390 : “ A khillvt (robe of honour) of 15 pieces, three descriptions of jewellery and an elephant and horse are given to Mool Raj, Nazim of Mooltan, it being the ccca* sion of his taking his rttkhruf (leave).** tMul R aj’s resignation was accepted, March 24th, 1848. Kahan Singh Man was appoint* ed as governor on March 31st. For details see page 123, Punjab Blue Book. J Punjab Blue Book, page 131, gives April 14th as the date of arrival—obviously a mis* print. 6 DIWAN MUL RAJ. preliminaries having been settled in this meeting it was arranged that the new governor and his party should pay a visit to the fort the next morning to take over formal charge of the administration from the Diwan. Mul Baj makes over charge.—Accordingly, on the morning of the 19th April, the Diwan came to escort the party which proceeded to the fort on elephants. The Diwan showed the officers all over the fort including the granaries, the barracks, the munition depots and a building which he told them was proof against shot and shell. The keys wej*e handed over to the new governor who posted his sentries at different places from amongst the Gurkha regiment brought from Lahore. The old garrison were mustered and were addressed ly the British cffieeis who endeavoured to allay the sullen feelings of which they gave evidence at being thrown out of employment. Attack on Mr. Agnew and Lt. Anderson.—The charge of the province having been formally transferred, the party set out on horse-back to return to their camp. Now begins the sad drama which forms the subject of the trial— a story of barbarity lacking sense, plan or purpose. As the small procession emerged out of the Sikki Gate of the fort and was crossing the bridge over the ditch, an unfortunate occurrence took place. One Amir Cliand, a member of Mul Baj’s garrison*stationed in the fort, attacked Mr. Agnew with a spear and wounded him on the left shoulder. The blow knocked him off his horse, but he soon jumped up and struck his assailant with the riding whip in his hand. After receiving one or two blows, Amir Cliand drew' his sword, rushed on Mr. Agnew, and inflicted two or three severe wounds on him, and then escaped by leaping into the ditch. Immediately on Mr. Agnewr being wounded, Mul Baj pushed forward his horse and pro­ ceeded to his residence, leaving word, as Major Edwardes tells us, with his chief, Bhagwan Das, to bring the assassin before him. Almost at the same time, Lieutenant Anderson too rode off rapidly, and after passing through one of the gates of the town turned to­ wards the Idgah, but he was followed by some horsemen who cut him down, wounding him severely. In the meantime, Sardar Kalian Singh and Bam Bang, the brother-in-law* of Mul Baj, dressed Mr. Agnew’s wounds and placing him on an elephant conveyed him to the Idgah. Lt. Anderson was also picked up, placed on a charpai, and carried to the same place.

* Th* 8ikb prooUtoAtioo (Appendix IS) fagsotta th*t Amir Ch&od « u not a rauumr •oldier (6« naulor). INTRODUCTION. 7

Mul Raj makes an attempt to visit the British officers.— Mr. Agnew safely conducted back, Bam Bang proceeded to the Am* Khass to See Diwan Mul Baj. After some consultation, it was de­ cided that they should go to visit the wounded British officers in their camp, but as soon as they mounted their horses, one of the soldiers rushed forward and cut down Bam Bang, wounding him severehr on the arm and on the forehead. Mul Baj escaped into his garden house, and after some time managed to send his confiden­ tial officer, Baizada Tulsi Bam, to wait upon Mr. Agnew with a letter of excuse and learning, saying that he had wished to come in. person; that as they were about to leave his house, Bam Bang had been attacked by a soldier and wounded; that there was a riot among the Hindu and Muhammadan soldiery; and that Mr. Agnew and his party should be upon their guard to protect themselves. This happened on the afternoon of the 19th. This scene may be said to close the first act in the sad drama at Multan. For the right understanding of the situation that was now developing it is necessary to know what was happening in the camp of the Lahore party and at the garden house of Diwan Mul Baj during the 30 hours from the afternoon of the 19th to sunset of the following day when the two gallant British officers were again attacked in their camp by a body of soldiers, over­ powered and mercilessly done to death. Mr. Agnew reports the occurrences to Lahore and also asks Major Edwardes for help.— As soon as Mr. Agnew and Lt. Anderson arrived at the Idgah, the native surgeon of the Gurkha regiment dressed their wounds Mr. Agnew then proceeded to report* the serious occurrences to the Besident at Lahore. He also sent express messages for Assistance to General Cortlandt and Major Edwardes who were at that time at Banriu settling the frontier districts. In the meantime, the two Gurkha companies of his escort which had been posted inside the fort by Mr Agnew were turned out and joined their officers in the camp at Idgah. Mul Raj's messenger arrives at the Idgah.—Mr. Agnew also wrote to Mul Baj expressing his disbelief in the Diwan’s participation, but asking thp Diwan to seize the perpetrators of the outrage and to come himself to the Idgah. In the meantime, Baizada Tulsi Bam, evading the mutinous troops, succeeded in reaching the Idgah in the early afternoon of the 19th, where he delivered Mul Baj’s message to Mr. Agnew. In reply that gentleman reiterated what he had said in his previous message to the Diwan, expressing his conviction

•The report of Mr. Agnew as also some other letters written at this time by him will be found In Append!* D. 8 DIWAN MUL RAJ. that the Diwan was in no manner to blame for the unfortunate occurrence, but added that the best method for the Diwan of excul­ pating himself was to come in person to the Idgah. Tulsi Earn went awTay, but as no reply was received from the Diwan, Mr. Agnew sent two more messages during the remainder of the 19th April, but none of them reached their destination since the insurgents had prevented the Diwan’s communication with the British officers. In the evening Mr. Agnew ordered a battery of guns to be placed in position ready for action, and also took other measures for the defence ob the Idgah. Late in the evening news was received in the camp that some of their camels and bullocks, which had gone out to graze and water, were carried away by the insurgents. Nothing of importance occurred on the side of the Lahore party during the night of the 19th or the early hours of the following morning.

Beginning of the outbreak.— We now return to Mul Kaj in his garden house at the Am-Khass. The troops wrere in a state of great excitement in front of the Diwan’s garden house, and had wounded, as we have learnt before, Ram Rang when he and Mul Raj were getting ready to proceed to the Idgah to see the wounded English­ men. They had even fired a couple of shots on the messengers sent by Mr. Agnew to Mul Raj. When Raizada Tulsi Ram retaimed to the Diwan’s residence (he tells a similar story in his evidence before the court), he found the Diwan * a prisoner in the hands of his turbulent soldiers.’ The insurgents had gathered together and had called a council of their chiefs at Mul Raj’s residence and, after some deliberations, proceeded with the ceremony of investing Mul Raj with leadership of the revolt.* The Muhammadans took oath on the Koran and the Sikhs on the Granth to stand by him, while at the same time a kangna or bracelet was fastened on his wrist. This happened before the evening of the 19th Nothing of much importance occurred during the night of the 19th. During

•Mul Raj, it appears to us, waa unwilling to join the rebels and lead the revolt. It is pro­ bable that, as a contemporary balladist mentions, he war persuaded to accept the leadership by the taunts and curses of his mother. Hakim Chand, who composed bis ballad on the Mu|t*D outbreak, in 1850, describee this incident as follows :— H\, M«3TR 5 M^ HTT* ofteT, Is ^ M3nr M3 H W V|‘ ||

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(Continued on next page). INTRODUCTION. 9

the early hours of the morning of the 20th, the War Council— if we may so call it— considered it expedient to remove the families and valuables of the Diwan into the fort from his residence at the Am-Khass. At 7 o’clock the same morning proclamations were issued in the name of Mul Raj exciting the country to a general revolt.* A couple of hours later the guns of the fort as also those at the Am-Khass commenced firing. Mr. Agnew then despatched messages to endeavour to put a stop to the firing and to explain the object and circumstances of his mission, but his envoy never reached Mul Raj, being repulsed by the insurgents on the way. The cannonade continued in a desultory manner throughout the day, and by Mr. Agnew’s direction it was answered by a fire from his guns. The loss of life and property on either side was, however,

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40. Then the mother of Mul Raj spake to him : “ I will kill myself leaving a curse , behind (on your head). Either lead your forces to death or get out of my sight; *• (and) I sha 11 undertake the wars in my own person. I shall send word to Shujabad v and send for Sham Singh (my second son). I shall give rewards and put my forces on the battle-field.” 41. Stung by the reproach Mul Rnj did as his mother wished him to, and prepared himself to wage the war (in person). It was eleventh day in the month (season) of Baisakb when he assu med the responsibility of the fort and of defence (the trenches). Then he ordered the artillery to open fire ; and there was fierce fighting face to face (with the enemy). Hakim (the poet) 1 As I see the fighting on either side (God alone knows) whether it will be victory or defeat (for us). •Several of these proclamations were issued at the time of the outbreak and during the war by Mul Raj, Sher Singh and others, and are preserved among the papers in the vernacular section o f the Reoord Office, Lahore. 10 DIWAN MUL RAJ.

but trifling. In the Idgah camp only one sowar was seriously wounded m the leg, while on the side of rebels one man was killed and a gun was put out of action by a cannon shot.* •*

Lahore troops desert the British officers and join the insurgents— 20th April 1848.— About this time Kahan Singh’s troops (that is, the Lahore troops) began to show symptoms of disaffection. The gunners refused to work their guns and began to desert, even going over to join the insurgents. So also did the troopers and the infantry. Towards the evening, between 4 and 5 p . m ., Agnew again sent a deputation to Mul Raj, but the insurgents would not allow the envoys a private interview with the Diwan. The party was, however, admitted in the conference, and after some discus­ sion it was agreed that the Lahore force and the British officers should leave Multan ; their cattle, etc., should be restored to them ; and the firing, both from the fort and the Am-Khass, should cease. A party was accordingly sent with Agnew’s messengers to put a stop to the cannonade and to arrange for the restoration of the cattle and then for the march of the Lahore troops. But before the party could accomplish much, the desertion at the Idgah was complete, and the Lahore troops had gone over and joined the insurgents.! As soon as this became known, a band of the lowest rabble, headed by some fanatic ruffians, including Godar Singh and his friends, rushed towards the Idgah, and cruelly murdered Mr. Agnew and Lt. Anderson.! Kahan Singh Man and his (young) son were made prisoners. This completes the sad story of the murder of the two English gentlemen for which Mul Raj was put on trial.

In an introductory note like this, it will be out of place for me to enter into minute details of the rebellion itself. All that I propose to do in the succeeding pages is to present to the reader a bare out­ line of the outbreak at Multan up to the time of the surrender of Mul Raj and his trial. Edwardes and Cortlandt in Multan— June—August 1848.— It has been mentioned before that on his arrival at the Idgah Mr. Agnew had sent express messages to Lieutenant Edwardes in the Derajat country and to the Resident at Lahore reporting the occurrences of the morning of the 19th and calling for help.

*Ceptain Hamilton, Counsel for Defence, lays particular stress on this incident. Aooord- Ing to his version, the man who happened to be killed was the Bon o f a Maehabi Sikh, and it were these Mazhahis who led the attaok on the Idgah on the evening of the 20tb, and brutally murdered the English officers. tTwo days after their desertion the Lahore troops issued a proclamation setting forth the oireuinstances under which they had joined Mul Raj and oalling upon their brethren to follow •*ft,—see Appendix E. jGodar Singh was put on his trial, 2nd March 1849,—see Appendix A. INTRODUCTION. 11

Lieutenant Edwardes was camping at Dera Fateh Khan when Mr. Agnew’s message reached him on the 22nd April. He lost no time in setting about making the necessary preparations. After raising new levies, both horse and foot, from the border tribes of the Suleiman Range and also calling Van Cortlandt to his assistance from Bannu, Edwardes crossed the Indus with a strong army on the 24th April, but finding that Mul R aj’s army under the command of his younger brother, Diwan Sham Singh, had advanced as far as Leiah to meet him, he was forced to recross and fall back on the right bank of the river. Edwardes and Cortlandt remained in the Deraj at country till the middle of June. They were not idle during this time. Taking advantage of the forced leisure, they had seized Dera Ghazi Khan and raised fresh troops in the district for the impending struggle.

In the meantime, the Nawab of Bahawalpur, an ally of the British Government, was persuaded to cross the river Sutlej with a view to advance on Multan and co-operate with Edwardes who was moving from the right bank of the Indus.* Edwardes and Cortlandt crossed over on the 14th June and marched post-haste towards Khangarh where they had to cross the Chenab and join the Bahawalpur force marching towards Shujabad. Mul Raj’s army had already strengthened the garrison at Shujabad, and had Ram Rang, the Diwan’s officer commanding, been wise he would have attacked the Daudputras before Edwardes could effect junc­ tion with them. But Ram Rang was neither sufficiently alert nor perhaps very diligent in his master’s cause. He wasted a whole da}r, too precious on such an occasion, so that on the morning of the 18th June Edwardes was able to join his ally, and to engage in and win the famous battle of Kineyri. Cortldndt's accurate artillery fire synchronising with a dashing charge by the raw Pathan levies created confusion in Mul R aj’s army. - This was the first decisive action, and it cost Mul Raj his provinces between the Indus and the Chenab.

The victorious army then marched on to Multan, and by the end of June it encamped near Suraj Kund, about four miles from the city. Here Edwardes was joined by the Lahore troops, some 4,000 strong, under the command of Shaikh Imam-ud-Din. In spite of the intense heat of July and August, Edwardes did not consider it prudent to give more resting time to his enemy. He engaged wherever he could find them, and even gained a couple of import­ ant victories.

•For reference see letters from the Resident to the Nawab and to the Native Agent at the Court of Bahawalpur in vernacular section of the Record Offioe, Lahore. I

12 DIWAN MUL RAJ.

Both the town of Multan and the citadel were very strongly fortified, and it was not possible to reduce them without a regular besieging army. Edwardes therefore lay in wait, occupying him­ self meanwhile in fortifying his position till the arrival of sufficient reinforcements from Lahore. Vacillation and delay at headquarters.— The Lahore contingent was, however, very slow in coming to the succour of Edwardes.* As we have already seen, Mr. Agnew had sent a report of the assault to the Resident, Sir Frederick Currie, simultaneously with the despatch of an express messenger to Herbert Edwardes for help. Sir Frederick received this message on the 21st April and decided to send help at once, but a couple of days later when the more disquieting news of the murder of the British officers and of the desertion of their escort reached Lahore, the Resident changed his mind. He could not entirely depend upon the Lahore troops to fight against Mul Raj. At the same time, it was not considered wise to despatch the European troops to Multan since the summer season had fairly advanced, and it was not thought prudent to order the British infantry on a long day-to-day march, through the hottest part of the province. Such was the opinion of the Governor-General and the Oommander-in-Chief. This caused great vacillation and delay at headquarters in sending the troops from Lahore. Ed­ wardes was pressing for help, and since he had succeeded m shut­ ting up Mul Raj within the narrowest possible limits of the city of Multan, the Lahore Darbar was at last persuaded to shake off its lethargy and gave a free hand to Edwardes, and also moved from Lahore (June 1848) a few thousand troops under Imam-ud-Din, Jawahir Mai and Raja Sher Singh as the first instalment, postpon­ ing the despatch of British troops to a later date.f lmam-ud-Din’s Musalman troops joined Edwardes, as we have seen, by the end of June at Multan. Sher Singh did not appear till the 5th July.

•The reason for this is fully discussed in Dalhousio's Minutes. See also “ Privato letters of Lord Dalbousie,” pages 24—7. fB y this time, the Multan outbreak had assumed quite a threatening aspect. Bhai Maharaj Singh (also styled iluru) had accepted Diwan Mul R *j’s invitation early in May, and was now stirriog up rebellion in the country. The Diwan had also entered into corre. spondence with Amir Dost Muhammad Khan of Kabul as also with some of tbo leading Sikh Sardarg. About 20 of the Diwan’s letters had fallen into the hands of tho Resident, and were subsequently produced as exhibits in his trial. The Lahore Darbar accordingly declar­ ed Mul Raj a rebel, and issued orders for the confiscation of his property. Under instructions from the Darbar, officers were deputed from Lahore to raze to the ground the houses of Mul Raj at his native town of Akalgarh. A careful scrutiny of tho file relating to this subject and containing 22 letters (26th June—24th July 1848) brings out interesting information. Property to the value of about forty thousand, including cash and jewellery, was obtained from these houses and about 60 to 70 beldar* (spadesmen) were emnloyed daily for dismantling the Diwan'a two bouses. INTRODUCTION. IB

Edwardes was by no means over-anxious for his arrival. The fact is he had no faith in the co-operation of the Sikhs infighting against Mul Raj. General Whisk in Multan : August— December 1848.— The British troops were put in motion as late as the beginning of August, when Sir Frederick Currie took the courageous step of exercising the emergency powers vested in him, as the Resident of the Lahore Darbar. He ordered General Whish to march to Multan with British troops 6,000 strong and a siege train of BO guns. Owing to the presence of a large number of camp-followers the movements of the troops were rather slow ; and it was not till the 3rd Sep­ tember, that is, no less than 39 days after the marching orders had been issued, that the entire force arrived, and everything was ready for formally declaring war. The total strength of the army on the side of the British was 82,000 men, with 45 guns and 4 mortars. To oppose them Mul Raj had at his disposal a force of only about 12,000 men with 54 guns and 4 mortars, but he had rendered the citadel of Multan one of the strongest forts in India. The siege operations commenced on the 7th September, but the British artillery failed to make any appreciable impression. The defection of Raja Sher Singh with his 4,000 cavalry on the night of the 14th September further weakened the position of the besieging army, so that before long General Whish was com­ pelled to raise the siege and wait for the arrival of further adequate reinforcements. Desertion of Raja Sher Singh—14th September 1848.— It will be outside the scope of my subject to go into the causes which brought about the desertion of Sher Singh. Suffice it to say that it was the result of a series of unfortunate happenings at Lahore and else­ where. Sher Singh’s father, Sardar Chat-tar Singh Attariwala, was the governor of Hazara. He fell out with Major Abbott, the British officer posted there as the adviser and counsellor of the Sardar. Colonel Canora, a European in the service of the Sardar, was shot dead by his orders for disobedience. The matter being referred to the Resident at Lahore, Sardar Chattar Singh was de­ graded from his office and his jagir confiscated. On receiving these orders from Lahore, Chattar Singh rebelled about the end of August.* At Lahore, about the same time, Rani Jindan, the Queen- Mother, was divested of all authority and eventually banished from the Punjab as she was believed to be fomenting disaffection ,

*It may be a dded that some recently discovered letters of Chattar Singh show that he had all along intended to rebel at the first favourable opportunity. 14 DIWAN MUL RAJ. amongst the chiefs and the Sikh soldiery. There was revolt in Hazara, revolt in Bannu, and revolt in Peshawar. Sher Singh, in obedience to summons from his father, suddenly broke up his camp on the 14th of September and went over to join Mul Raj. Diwan Mul Raj, on his own part, did not quite believe Sher Singh to be sincere, but, suspecting him of complicity with the British, would not let him enter within the walls of the city.* Sher Singh consequently quitted Multan on the 11th of October to join his father who had advanced from Hazara as far as the Jhelum river. All over the province, the Sikhs were now flocking to the standard of the Attariwala chiefs who had declared a dharm yuddh or religious war against the English. Thus in three weeks’ time the whole Punjab was ablaze, and the local disturbance at Multan rapidly developed into the second Sikh War. The Siege of Multan.— To resume the thread of our story. As we have seen, the siege of Multan was raised owing to the defection of Sher Singh, and it was not considered safe to undertake further operations unless more reinforcements were available. The be­ sieging force retired once again to Suraj Kund where they re­ mained encamped till the end of December. It was on the 26th December that the Bombay Division, commanded by Brigadier Dundas, arrived with a siege train and the siege was resumed. After a heavy bombardment and severe fighting of nearly a week, the city of Multan was carried by assault on the 2nd January 1849. The Diwan now shut himself up in the citadel. A great misfortune had already befallen him. A chance shell from one of the English batteries accidently fell into the magazine and proved to be the turning point of the siege. The magazine con­ tained 5,000 maunds of powder which when exploded ‘ shook the whole earth for miles around the fort.’ Five hundred of the gar­ rison perished in the explosion. It was an irreparable blow, and further resistance seemed hopeless. Nor was the fort now in a fit state to afford proper shelter to the troops. Most of the buildings had been badly damaged if not turned into a mere mass of ruins by the explosion of the powder-magazine, while a constant storpi of shot and shell, which still continued day and night, rendered it impossible for man or beast to move from one part of the fort to the other. In this desperate condition Mul Raj was left no alter­ native but to surrender.! At nine o’clock on the morning of the

•Major Edwardea, it seems, had no small share in intensifying the feelings of suspicion in the mind of Mul Raj. By means of a letter which he contrived should fall into the hands of Mul Raj, he conveyed to him the suspicion that Sher Singh was playing him false— pages 631* 32, Volume II—“ A year on the Punjab Frontier, ” by Herbert Edwardes. t it will not be without interest to read Mul Raj's lettex of submission which I discovered, after a considerable search, mixed up in the miscellaneous section of the vernacular papers in the Record Office—see Appendix F. INTRODUCTION. 1 6

22nd January 1849 he rode out of the fort and placed himself at the mercy of his conquerors. The scene of the surrender has been described by Major Dunlop in the following words : “ At length Mul Raj appeared with his brothers, Sham Singh and Ram Singh, and several of his Sardars, riding on an Arab charger, covered with a rich scarlet saddle cloth. He was gorgeously attired m silks and splendid arms, he looked round without the smallest emotion and showed in his countenance neither defiance nor dejection but moved along under the general gaze, like a man conscious of deserving the admiration of even his enemies for having done his duty to the last.” ** § Aime/rcttrion of the Punjab— March 1849.—Exactly a month after the surrender of Mul Raj, Chattar Singh and Sher Singh, after their discomfiture at Chillianwala and Gujrat, laid down their arms at Rawalpindi on the 21st February 1849, and on the 29th of March the Punjab was declared as annexed to the British Empire. Mul Raj's trial— 31st May 1849.— In the meanwhile, Diwan Mul Raj had been brought to Lahore (20th February). It was decided that he should be tried for the murder of Mr. Agnew and Lt. Anderson.j* The hands of the Government were, however, otherwise too full of more pressing work, and it was not before the month of May that a Commission, consisting of Mr. C. G. Mansel (President), Mr. R. Montgomery and Lieutenant-Colonel Pennyt (members), was appointed to try Mul Raj for the “ murder of Mr. Agnew and Lt. Anderson.” Mr. Loring Bownng was appoint­ ed to conduct the prosecution and Captain Hamilton,§ assisted by Mr. Girdhari Lai, represented the defence. Captain J. H. Wakefield and Maulvi Rajab Ali were appointed recorders of the proceedings in English and “ native languages ” respectively.

* “ Multan during and after the Siege,” by J. Dunlop. f In this connection, a letter from Lord Dalhousie (December 12th, 1848} asking Sir Henry Lawrence to insist on unconditional surrender by Mul Ra j and assure him that he may count upon a fair trial from Government, *may be read with interest—page 233, Life of Lord Lawrence, Vol. I, by R. Bosworth Smith. J Colonel Penny was substituted for Brigadier Godby who was unable to attend on ac­ count of severe indisposition. This was also one reason why the trial was delayed. Regarding the appointment of the Commission and its personnel, etc., see Government of India letter No. 174, dated 25th April 1849, Punjab Board of Administration letter, dated 16th May, Govern­ ment of India letter No. 216, dated 24th May, and Punjab Board’s reply dated 28th May 1849. § Captain Hamilton of the 34th Native Infantry was acting as Deputy Commissioner in the Punjab. His services were secured after Mr. John Lawrence and Herbert Edwardes had declined to accept Mul R aj’s request to defend him. It appears from the vernacular correspond­ ence that Raja Dina Nath and Diwan Rattan Chand were also requested to act as Mul R aj’s coun­ sel, but they declined on the ground of pressure of work. In fact, the Governor-General desired '* to employ only the native agency ” to conduct the defence and disapproved of the appoint­ ment of a British officer (Captain Hamilton) as counsel for Mul Raj,—vide Government of India letter No. 216, 24th May, 1849. 16 DIWAN MUL RAJ.

The Commission began its sittings in the Diwan-i-Am, in the citadel of Lahore, at 7 o’clock on the morning of the 31st May.* As ordered by the Governor-General, the proceedings were carried on in the open court.f Mul Raj was present in court throughout the trial. The order of the Governor-General having been read out, the President and members of the Commission along with the recorders were duly sworn in. Charges against Mai Raj.— The prisoner was then publicly arraigned by the President on the following three charges :— (a) That he did positively enact and instigate the murder of Mr. Patrick Vans Agnew and Lieutenant William Anderson, which murder was committed at Multan on or about the 20th day of April 1848 by his troops and followers. (b) That he was an accessory before the fact to the murder by his troops and followers of the said P. V. Agnew and William Anderson. (c) That he was an accessory after the fact of the murder by his troops and followers of the said P. V. Agnew and William Anderson, and that he approved of the act and rewarded the murderers. Mul Raj pleads not guilty.— On being asked by the Court to plead to the charges Mul Raj pleaded “ not guilty.” The prosecution opens the case.—Mr. L. Bowring opened the case, and, on behalf of the prosecution, he urged, among other matters, that Mul Raj, though too late for his wish to bear fruit, repented of his decision to resign and, therefore, prepared to resist the transfer of the charge of his Nizamat when the new Governor and his companions arrived in Multan, and that, on their arrival, the Diwan neglected the customary forms of civility to the Governor designate and to the British officers. That the Diwan’s conduct after Mr. Agnew was assaulted and wounded by Amir Chand was totally opposed ‘ to what humanity or common atten-

*The Diwan-i-Am is a spacious building cf the old Mughal days in the citadel of Lahore. It was specially fitted up for the occasion by Mr. Jchn Login—see page 164 “ Login and Duleep Singh ” and also Sohan Lai s Diary, daf'ar V, page 164. The Indian News, London, dated 31st July 1849, gives the following note :— “ The trial was conducted in the Diwan-i-Am or hall of the Darbar, which presented a very imposing appearance. Two sides of the raised platform, on which were seated the members of the Commission, the counsel for the prosecution and defence, prisoner, English recorder, etc.,etc., were lined with troops, European .and Native. One side was set apart and provided with scats for spectators, who were not, however, so numerous as might have been expected from the interest attaching to the trial. A few ladies and several Sikh Sardars of note were present, and the centre of the large hall was nearly filled with natives.” t Rules were drawn up by the order of the Government to regulate attendance of the visitors in the Court room—s£e Appendix G. INTRODUCTION. 17 tion would dictate.’ Instead of attending to Mr. Agnew or making any attempt for tbe capture of his assailants, the Diwan rode off at full speed to his own residence, in spite of the fact that he had from 200 to 300 troopers at his back at the time. Mul R aj’s sub­ sequent conduct, said Mr. Bowring, was hostile for he not only employed his own forces, but, by offer of tempting bribes and promises, he even seduced the Lahore troops from their allegiance. It was further urged by the prosecution counsel that even suppos­ ing Mul Raj gave no positive instructions to the effect that he in­ tended to resist the transfer of authority, there could be little doubt that he must have used such expressions as would lead his troops to suppose that such was his wish and design, for, otherwise, it seemed highly improbable that all these men should have been seized by a sadden impulse without any orders from their master. In support of the case, the Prosecution produced in all eleven witnesses whose verbatim evidence will be found in the body of the book. The Defence.—At the close of the Prosecution evidence, the accused was called upon to enter on his defence, and Captain Hamilton produced ten witnesses on behalf of the Defence. It took the court four days to record the Defence evidence. On the 5th day Captain Hamilton addressed the court. Considering the fact that Captain Hamilton was not a lawyer by profession, the manner in which he presented the case for the defence does no small credit to him personally as also to those who were responsible for the selection. Throughout the anxious days of his trial, Mul Raj must have felt that, whatever the verdict of the court might be, he could not have done better if he had placed his brief in the hands of the ablest man of his own choice.* Captain Hamilton began with discussing and criticising the Prosecution evidence. After carefully examining the statement of each witness, he pointed out material discrepancies in their statements. He further remarked that the major portion of this evidence "was hearsay affair, and, as such, inadmissible and not worthy of a moment’s credit. He denounced the evidence produced by the Prosecution before tho court as in the main no better than “ foul heaps of falsehood and perjury.” He pointed out that, with the single exception of Mr. John Lawrence, all the witnesses were men of no worth or status in life. They were rather men without a job or men who gave evidence in the hope that they would thereby be able to secure better jobs at some future time.

•In a letter to his wife (June 10th, 1849), Sir John Login also expresses his appreciation of the marked ability showu by Captain Hamilton in the conduct of the case—see pige 165, ** Login and Duleep Singh.*’ 1 8 DIWAN MUL RAJ.

Theory of accident.—Captain Hamilton next dwelt on the all- important question of the murder of Messrs. Agnew and Anderson, and tried to show that, in its origin, the attack was a mere matter of accident. The passage over the bridge which the party was crossing at the time of the attack, he urged, was narrow and crowded, and consequently it was far more likely that the spear was thrust into Agnew’s body by a sudden turn of Amir Chand or that Agnew was struck by the spear due to his horse taking a slight swerve.* Mr. Agnew gave .a blow with his riding whip to the assailant or some other person by whom he supposed he had been struck. This was resented and was returned with a sword cut. The soldiery was excited and inflamed into a popular insurrection and military revolt. He put special emphasis on the theory of accident as the root cause of the assault, and observed that the alleged attack was neither precon­ certed nor premeditated. It was further urged that there was no complicity or motive on the part of Mu I Raj in so far as lie sent Raizada Tulsi Ram explaining his inability to visit the wounded English gentlemen and entreating them to be on their guard against the mutineers. “ The best exculpation of the Diwan,” argued Captain Hamilton, “ was to be found in the declaration of Mr. Agnew that he did not consider Mul Raj in any manner implicated in the attack, and that he believed the disturbance to be a popular tumult and mutiny.”f With regard to the absence of motives on the part of Mul Raj, the counsel remarked that no evil motive could be ascribed to the Diwan who had repeatedly shown his anxiety to be relieved of the charge. Long before the arrival of the Governor-design ate, Mul Raj had dismissed his superfluous troops and disposed of the stores required for the support of the garrison, had paid off the arrears of revenue due from him and had already remitted a portion of his own savings to Amritsar. Moreover, the Diwan stood high in the opinion of those in authority (as is borne out by the evidence of Mr. John Lawrence)! and had high hopes and expectations of a bountiful provision from the British Govern­ ment— hopes and expectations which could not have been realised if he had shown the slightest opposition.

* See also the Sikh proclamation (Appendix E) which represents the assailant of Mr. Agnew as having acted without any kort of provocation. Rumour, however, invented all sorts of stories allegirg provocation. Some of these are given in contemporary ballads. One such ballad will be found transcribed ?n the Gazetteer of the Multan Distriot 1901-02, by Sir Edward Maclagan, and another is in the private collection of the present writer. t See also Agnew’s letter to Lieut. Edwardes, Appendix D. X A similar impression, very favourable to Mul Raj, is Conveyed by Lord Dalhousie in a letter addressed to his friend Sir George Couper, dated May 10th, 1848. See Private Letters of Dalhousie by Baird, page 24. INTRODUCTION. 19

Motive of the garrison and citizens to prevent a change of gov­ ernment.— In regard to the outbreak at Multan, Captain Hamilton put forward the following motives on the part of the garnson and the citizens to prevent a change of the government. In the first place, the force of 1,500 men (possibly more) which accompanied Mr. Agnew from Lahore was much larger than was re­ quired for mere escort, and it was rightly judged by Mul Raj’s army that so many men had been brought to Multan with a view to displace a portion of the garrison. This would have meant utter ruin to a large portion of Mul Raj’s forces. Secondly, the people of the town had been for more than thirty years under the govern­ ment of Mul Raj and his father. They had prospered under their rule and were doubtless attached to the Diwan’s family. Of the British they knew nothing, and from the Lahore Court they must have anticipated oppression and misrule. It was argued that no deep-laid scheme was required to rouse the people and the military to action. Law points urged by Defence Counsel.—Captain Hamilton also urged various points of law. Firstly, that Mul Raj after having made over the charge had no legal authority in the province. Secondly, that when the alleged crime charged against him was committed, Mul Raj was not a British subject. The Punjab had not yet become a British province and Mul Raj was, therefore, in no way amenable to the jurisdiction of the British courts. Thirdly, that the charges against him had been drawn up with considerable regard to the technicalities of the British law and that, accord­ ing to the British code, the punishment for being an accessory after the fact was most severe, while under the Native Govern­ ment such an offence would be considered a mere misdemeanour, and that under the circumstances the prisoner was not liable to the ample grasp of British Law. The Prosecution Counsel's reply.— Mr. Loring Bowring, coun - sel for the Prosecution, then made his reply. He urged that the Defence counsel’s arguments with regard to Mul R aj’s intentions and motives were neither clear nor convincing. It had been argued that Mul Raj had discharged his superfluous troops, disposed of his stores, paid up his revenue arrears, remitted his savings to Amritsar and had, in fact, prepared himself in every way to make over charge of his office. If he had done this with a view to handing over the province, observed Mr. Bowring, it was strange that the inhabit­ ants of Multan should have been kept ignorant of his purpose. As the evidence of some of the witnesses for the Defence showed, no such intimation was given to the people of the place. Moreover, the Defence had not put forward anything convincing in regard c2 2 0 DIWAN MUL RAJ.

to Mnl Raj’s conduct at the time Mr. Agnew was set upon by his men. It was clear from the evidence of the Defence itself that the Diwan was present at the time when Amir Chand wounded Mr. Agnew. What possible difficulty, it was argued, could there have been in directing the immediate arrest of the assailant of Mr. Agnew? Mr. Bowring in the course of his speech next referred to the main argument of the Defence regarding the subsequent conduct of Mul Raj. The essence of the Defence story, he said, for the subsequent conduct of Mul Raj was that he was powerless, beinga virtual prisoner in the hands of his mutinous troop$. He was thus in noway responsible for the acts of the troops. This too, the Pro­ secution argued, was not borne out by facts. Mul Raj had on a pre­ vious occasion promptly and successfully put down the mutiny when in 1844 his troops had nsen in revolt for increase of pay. Further, the entire course of the siege revealed the fact that Mul Raj exercised complete control and authority over his troops, and, indeed, but for his mastermind— always alert and constantly direct­ ing his men throughout the siege till the capture of the fort— ifr would have been quite impossible for any one to keep the garrison in order. This view, contended Mr. Bowring, was further supported by the fact tha£ even when, towards the close of the siege, the tired and starving troops expressed a desire to surrender, it was Mul Raj who raising his voice had called upon them to hold out, a command which they had at once obeyed. Mr. Bowring then made a few comments on the credibility of the Defence evidence and characterised it as ‘ meagre and unsatis­ factory.’ The more weighty points, such as the conduct of Mul Raj on and after the occasion of all the officers taking the traitorous oath, urged the counsel, were left by the prisoner quite unaccount­ ed for. Raizada Tulsi Ram, one of the chief witnesses, had merely deposed to Ram Rang’s exertions to induce the Diwan to visit , Mr. Agnew after the first attack, and had said that, Mul Raj had lost his presence of mind and made no arrangements for stopping the mutiny. The evidence of Ram Rang himself must naturally be looked upon with suspicion, he having been one of Mul Raj’s principal officers and his nearest relation.* Sentence pronounced—22nd June 1849.— The case was then closed. The court was cleared of visitors and witnesses, while the judges sat within closed doors to consider the pros and cons of the case and frame their judgment. After a few hours’ delibera­ tion, the doors re-opened and the sentence, finding and recom-

•Rom Rang a as married to Mol Rnj’s first cousin. INTRODUCTION, 2 1 mendations of the judges were immediately read out to the prisoner and subsequently to the public. They ran ac follows :— “ After mature deliberation and consideration and having duly weighed both the evidence for the prosecution and the defence, and what the advocate and vakil of the prisoner have urged in his cause, the Commission are of opinion that the prisoner Mul Raj, late Governor of Multan, is of the— First charge ...... Guilty, Second charge .. •. Guilty, Third charge ...... Guilty, and do therefore sentence him to suffer death. But the Commis­ sion direct that the execution of the sentence, in compliance with the instructions of the Right Honourable the Governor-General of India, be suspended pending orders of the Governor-General of India. Further, the Commission earnestly recommend the prisoner to mercy as being the “ victim of circumstances.’’* Some observations on the trial.—The trial of Mul Raj attract­ ed a good deal of public attention at the time. As we have had occasion to remark before, the proceedings of the trial were re­ ported in the English Press both in India and in England. As was natural to expect, in an atmosphere of intense feelings which the the Sikh War had created, some severe comments were made even when the case was sub judice. A correspondent writing under the pseudonym of “ Ultor ” in the Friend of India accused Mul Raj of 4 grossest cruelty and treachery/ while another writer described him as a ‘ daring malefactor ’ who deserved no sympathy. But if Mul Raj had many accusers, he had also some sympathisers who regarded him as neither a murderer nor a villain, but a weak, timid man forcibly placed at the head of the revolt by his mutinous troops and, as such, deserving of pity—4 a victim of circum­ stances.’

♦The grounds cf the judgment will be found in the body of 1 he book. At the conclu* sion of the tria] the President of the Commission, submitted two bills for contingent ex­ penses to the value of Kb. 469-12-0, incurred in the conducting of the case :— Rs. A. F. ( a ) (i) Amount due to Girdhari Lai ( Vakil) at Rs. 6 per day for 23 days, 8th M ay—-30th May 1849 115 0 0 (ii) Amount due to Girdhari Lai at Rs. 10 per day for 23 days, 31st May—22nd June 1849 . . .. 230 0 0 (b) Wages of Clerks employed in transcribing the prosecution and defence evidence ...... 112 0 0 \C) Stationery 12 12 0

Total 469 12 0 2 2 DIWAN MUL RAJ.

We have the opinions of some contemporary writers— persons capable of making shrewd observation of men and events, persons who had had opportunities of studying Mul Raj’s character at close quarters. The most important of these men is undoubtedly Mr. (Sir) John Login. He was appointed Governor of the Lahore citadel in March 1849, and in that capacity he had the charge of all State prisoners, Mul Raj, Chattar Singh, Sher Singh and others. In a letter dated, Citadel, June 10th, 1849, Mr. Login writes to his wife “ ...... I told him (Mul Raj) that Vans Agnew was my dear friend, and that his death was a grief to me. He expressed himself as more grieved than ever at the event since he heard this, and he solemnly avers he never authorised it. Nor had he ever encouraged his people to attack Agnew. He expressed great regret for what had occurred, but said he was helpless, and so far 1 believe the evidence does not implicate him.” In another letter, dated June 17th, 1849, Mr. Login again writes: “ The trial of Mul Raj still going on. I do not think the old fellow is anything of the hero they would make him out to be, but rather a weak, chicken-hearted fellow, afraid to do vrhat was right, and entirely in the hands of some resolute villains around him. I do not think he really intended any harm to dear Pat Vans Agnew, but he had not the moral courage enough to put the fellow’s down...... ”* Mr. (Sir) John Lawrence heard of the outbreak on the 80th April while he was at Dharamsala. On the same day he wrote to Sir F. Currie: “ Bad as Mul Raj’s conduct may have been, I should doubt very much if he has had anything to do with the original outbreak. Depend on it he has been forced into it by cir­ cumstances. He was notoriously a timid man, and one of the chief points on w’hich he originally so much insisted with me was that he might be allowed to get away before it could be publicly known that he had given up the country...... ” f ' Sir Lepel Griffin wrote and published his history of the Chiefs and Families of Note in the Punjab in 1865, and, as he tells us in the preface, he personally questioned the actors in, and eye-witness­ es of, the events described in the book. He further adds that he has had also special opportunities of personally examining a large number of the Chiefs and Sardars with their bards and family priests from whom he had gained much new and interesting in­ formation. Speaking of Mul Raj’s trial, Sir Lepel Griffin remarks : “ It is not for history to praise an unsuccessful rebel, but a care-

• “ Sir John Login and Duleep Singh, ** pages 164— 167, t ** Life of Lord Lawrence ” by R. Boewarth Smith, Volume I, page 218, INTRODUCTION. 23 ful review of the Diwan’s history will show him to have been more unfortunate than criminal. It is certain that when Mr. Vans Agnew first arrived at Multan, the Diwan had no intention of re­ belling. Had such been his design, he would not have resigned his charge or have given over the fort. It is equally certain that the first attack on the British officers was without the Diwan’s privity or consent. That attack was either an outburst of fanatical hatred on the part of the Muhammadan soldiery, who saw the fort, in which they took so much pride, passing into the hands of strangers, or it was instigated by some of the Diwan’s officers, who wished to compromise him and compel him to rebel. It is probable that he was under restraint and unable to command the obedience of his soldiers when the Idgali was assaulted and the English officers slain. At no time, from that fatal day till the arrival of the British army before Multan, could the Diwan, with any safety to himself, have proposed terms of submission or have sued for pardon. He was surrounded by relatives, friends and troops who depended upon him for place and wealth and power, and who saw in a new Governor nothing but ruin to themselves. They determined to force Mul Raj to rebel, for his victory would enrich them, and his defeat could not- be more injurious to them than his resignation. Diwan Mul Raj was not an amiable character. He was mean, grasping, suspicious and vacillating. But the crimes of cold-blooded murder and of premeditated rebellion cannot, with any justice, be laid to his charge/5* Commutation of sentence— 31st. July 1849.—The judges while pronouncing the sentence of death on Mul Raj had recom­ mended him to the Governor-General of India for mercy as being the ‘ victim of circumstances.’ “ Lord Dalhousie,” writes Sir William Lee-Warner, “ gave anxious consideration to the case, feeling that if the crime had been committed while Mul Raj was engaged in hostilities as a rebel, he could not be fairly treated as a murderer, since Sher Singh and other Sardars had been allowed to go free. Moreover, for the murder of Agnew, the culprit, Godhar Singh, had already been sentenced to death. The evi­ dence convinced the Governor-General that the Dnvan had not premeditated the slaughter of the two British officers, nor had he instigated the attack upon them as they left the fort. No doubt, he was in command of the garrison when the assault was delivered on the Idgah where the wounded officers lay, and had made no effort to save them ; he had even rejected their overtures for help, and seduced their escort from fidelity. But as it seemed clear that Mul Raj could not in any case have stayed the fury of his

* “ The Punjab Cbiefa *' by Le£el Griffin, Lahore, page 284, Chronicle Press, 1885. 524 DIWAN MUL RAJ. fanatical followers, Lord Dalhousie gave him the benefit of doubt, and remitting the death penalty, sentenced him to imprisonment for life, with banishment from India.” * Death of Mul Baj— September 1851.— The decision of the Gov­ ernor-General was conveyed to Mul Raj on or about the Blst July 1849. But no arrangements were made for his removal from Lahore till January 1850. Mul Raj was then taken to Calcutta, probably en route to ‘ Black Water.’ On the mere thought of his dreaded doom, Mul Raj’s fortitude for once gave way. He be­ came indisposed and never recovered from his illness. For about a year, he was kept in Fort St. William in Calcutta. Early in August 1851 he was taken seriously ill, and it was decided to re­ move him to Benares. But before he reached his destination, Mul Raj breathed his last near Buxar, on 11th August at the age of 36f.

* Life of Marquis of Dalhousie, Volume I, pages 264-65, London, 1904. It may be pointed out in this connection that when Sir YN Wliam recorded his opinion in 19C4, the Piivate Papers of Lord Dalhousie had not seen the light of the day. These papers were edited and published by J. A. H. Baird in 1911. One of Lord Dalhousie’s letters, beaiing dfcte February 5, 1849, contains the following reference to Mul R a j: “ I cannot hang him, but I will do what he will thiuk a thousand times worse : I will send him across the sea, what they call the ‘ Black W ater’ and dread far more than death” (page 51). This is supported to the very letter by a reference made by Sohan Lai, the Diarist of the Lahore Darbar. Under date 9th Phagan, 1905 (19th Feb wary 1849), with reference to the Resident’s conversation and remarks in the Darbar, he writes— * A'k ;0 J j l )b * viz., afterwards (he) was pleased to remark that Mul Raj willreach (Lahore) to "morrow and will be subsequently deported to Black Water,— page 155, Daftar V. | Mul R aj’s body was cremated on the banks of the Ganges, off Partabpur near Buxar,— vide letter No. 90, dated 18th August 1851, from R. Lowther, Esq., Commissioner, Allahabad Division, to the Board of Administration, Punjab. Relevant dates in the trial of Mul Raj. 29th September 1844 Death of Sawan Mai and suc­ cession of Mul Raj to the- government of Multan. Septr. 1843— Deer. 1845 Strained relations between Mul Raj and Lahore Darbar.

March 1846 Raja Lai Singh appointed Prime Minister at Lahore. June 1846 Encounter between Lai Smgn and Mul Raj’s troops. 9th October 1846 Mul Raj summoned to Lahore. 80th October 1846 Mul Raj returns to Multan after entering into new agree­ ment. 21st November 1847 Mul Raj writes to the Resident expressing his wish to resign- his government, of Multan. 80th November 1847 Mul Raj arrives at Lahore to, visit Mr. Henry Lawrence to. obtain modification of hisj terms of agreement or else, to resign his government. 18th December 1847 Mul Raj submits his resig­ nation, but is persuaded ta carry on till the end oi March 1848. 23rd December 1847 Mul Raj takes his leave from' the Lahore Darbar and re­ turns to Multan. 24th March 1848 Mul R aj’s resignation accepted. 'Blst March 1848 Kahan Singh Man appointed Governor of Multan.

25 2G DIWAN MUL RA J.

h5t April 1848 .. Kahan Singh, Agnew and An­ derson left for Multan by river. 17th April 1848 The boats anchored off Raj- ghat near Multan. 18th April 1848— Morning The party takes up its residence m the Idgah. Ceremonial visit of Mul Raj. Noon Mul Raj sends ziyafat or enter­ tainment. Afternoon Business visit of Mul Raj. 19th April 1848— 7 a .m. Party proceeds towards the fort. Mul Raj makes over charge. Two companies of the Lahore troops placed in the fort. Assault on Mr. Agnew on the way back from the interior of the fort. B A.M.-10 .. Lahore troops turned out of the fort. Noon Mul Raj’s confidential agent, Tulsi Ram, brings his master’s message to the Idgah. 20Hi April 1848— Morning .. The fort opened fire on the Idgah. Afternoon.. Kahan Singh’s troops go over to Mul Raj. Evening .. Rebel crowds enter Idgah and murder Agnew and Anderson. 14th June—14th Septr. 1848 . . First phase of the siege of Mul­ tan. 14th September 1848 .. Desertion of Sher Singh and raising of the siege. Deer. 1848—22nd Jany. 1849 Second siege of Multan. 22nd January 1849 Surrender of Mul Raj. 20th February 1849 Mul Raj brought f/o Lahore. 81st May— 22nd June 1849 Trial. 81st July 1849 Commutation of sentence. January 1850 Mul Raj taken to Calcutta. 11th August 1851 Death of Mul Raj. List of witnesses in the Trial of Mol Raj. Prosecution witnesses. (1) Sadiq Muhammad, age 86, jagirdar, service in the army. (2) Qutb Shah, age 37, out of work. (3) Asad Ullah, age 48, out of work. (4) Wazir Ali Khan, age 40, out of work. (5) Eansi Dhar, age 25, out of work. (6) IIalii Rakhsh, age 46, service in the army. (7) Karam Ilahi, age 67, service in the army. (S) Ghulam Husain, age 41, out of work. (9) Ghulam Mustafa, age 52, clerk attached to the troops despatched to Multan. (10) Khunjan Singh, age 60, Havaldar in Gurkha company. (11) Mr. John Lawrence, Resident.

Defence Witnesses. (1) Tulsi Ram, age 63, in service of Multan Government under Mul Raj. (2) Ram Rang, age 86, military service, Officer Commanding Mul Raj’s troops. (3) Budhu Mai, age 30, banker, Multan.

(4) Sham Singh, age 51, banker, Multan. (5) Mohkam Chand, age 85, farrasli, Lahore Darbar. (6) Asa. Nand, age 56, Vakil of Mul Raj at the Lahore Darbar.

(7) Asu, age 28, cloth merchant, Multan. (8) Godha Misar, age 52, clerk in the Lahore Treasury.

(9) Jasu, age 43 A gent to the Afghan merchants, Multan. (10) ljaz Husain, age 30, service, Keeper of Records, Lahore Government. 27 TH E T R IA L WITHIN THE

D iw a n -i -’A m in the Cita d e l of L ah o re. Thnrsdsy, 31st May, 1849.

Commission. President. Mr. C. G. Mansel, Civil Service. Members. Mr. R. Montgomery, Civil Service. Lieutenant-Colonel Penny, 2nd Bengal European Regiment*

Counsel for the P rosecution. Mr. Loring Bowring, Assistant to the Board of Administra tion.

Counsel for the D efence. Captain Hamilton, Deputy Commissioner.. Lala Girdhari Lai, Vakil.

R ecorders of P roceedings. Captain J. H. Wakefield, Recorder of Proceedings in English* Maulvi Rajah Ali, Recorder of Proceedings in \ernacular.

2 8 First Day— Thursday, 3 ts t May, 1 849. CHARGE SHEET. The Commission assembles in the Diwan-i-Am, in the Citadel of Lahore, at 6 o’clock in the forenoon of the above-mentioned day, the proceedings being carried on, as directed by the Gov­ ernor-General, with fullest publicity, and the prisoner, Mulraj, appears in Court. The order of the Board of Commissioners for assembling the court, under instructions from the Governor-General, is read out in Court. The President and members of the Commission and the Recorders of the proceedings are duly sworn, and solemnly affirmed. The following charges are read and explained to the prisoner :— Mulraj, formerly Nazim of Multan in the country of the Punjab, arraigned on the following charges as submitted by the Prosecutor:— Charge No. 1.— That he, the said Diwan Mulraj, late Nazim of Multan, did positively enact and instigate the murder of Mr. Patrick Alexander Vans Agnew, late of the Bernal Civil Service, and of William Anderson, late Lieutenant in the 1st Regiment, Bombay Fusiliers, which murder was committed at Multan on or about the twentieth day of April, 1848, by the troops and followers of the said Diwan. Charge No. 11.—That he, the said Diwan Mulraj, late Naaim of Multan, was an accessory, before the fact, to the murder by his troops and followers of the said Patrick Alexander Vans Agnew and William Anderson. Charge No. 1 1 1 .—That he, the said Diwan Mulraj, late Nazim of Multan, was an accessory, after the fact, to the murder by his troops and followers of the said Patrick Alexander Vans Agnew and William Anderson, and that he approved of the act and rewarded the murderers. Question by the Court to the Prisoner.—How say you, Mulraj, are you guilty, or not guilty, of the charges preferred against you ? Answer.—Not guilty. OPENING SPEECH FOR THE PROSECUTION. Mr. Loring Bowring, in opening the case for the Prosecution, said:— It will be unnecessary to enter into all the details of the case 29 8 0 DIWAN MUL RAJ.

Mr. U riaf Bowriag. previous to the arrival of the officers at Multan. It will suffice to state that Diwan Mulraj having expressed a wish to resign the Nizamat, his resignation was, after some discussion, accepted, and Sardar Kahan Singh was appointed as the Nazim; Messrs. Agnew* and Anderson accompanying him to guide and assist in the superintendence of the Multan territory. I shall now proceed to show, by the evidence that will be brought before you, that Diwan Mulraj, too late repenting of his wish to resign his position as Nazim, prepared himself to resist the transfer of Multan, and that it was by his instigation and device that the outbreak took place, which cost the lives of Messrs. Agnew and Anderson, and plunged the Punjab into a war. I will bring forward, in succession, the various points which tend to prove the complicity’ of the Diwan, and which will be attested to by the witnesses for the prosecution. I shall commence by proving that, before the arrival of the Lahore troops at Multan, symptoms of a refractory spirit had show n themselves there, and that difficulty was found, in consequence, by the Lahore party in procuring supplies on the road. I shall then show’ that Mulraj neglected the customary forms of civility; that he did not present himself, as is customary, to receive the British officers on their arrival; that no salute was fired in their honour ; and that on his first visit he treated Sardar Kahan Singh, the newr Nazim, with marked disrespect. To pass on to the first assault on the British officers, I shall showr that on Amir Chand wounding Mr. Agnew’, Mulraj’s conduct was totally opposed to wliat humanity or common attention would dictate. Instead of making any attempt to assist that officer and bind up his wrounds, or to direct the seizure of the treacherous sepoy, the Diwan pressed on his horse, and made at full speed for the Am-Khass, where he was then residing. It cannot be said that he was alone and unable to assist Mr. Agnewr, for he had more than two or three hundred men at his back, ready to execute his every order. To complete this part of the history, it will be seen that Mul­ raj’s personal attendants and sawars were the men who attacked and cut down Lieut. Anderson. I wrould ask w’hether it is pro­ bable that all these men wrere seized by a sudden impulse unani­ mously, or whether it is not likely and consistent that they were obeying orders which had previously been given to them ? Again, as Sardar Kahan Singh, with the wounded officers, was proceeding on an elephant towards the Am-Khass, to which the Diwan had fled, with the intention of seeing him and requesting OPENING SPEECH FOR PROSECUTION. 3]

Mr. Lorinf Bowriag. him to seize the offending parties, the guns there were drawn out in front of the place, and the Sardar sternly told not to approach nearer if he valued his life. To return to Amir Chand, I shall show that when in confine­ ment, four months afterwards (not for the attack on Mr. Agnew, for which he was never imprisoned, but for a theft committed in the town), he declared to persons in confinement with him that he was but a sepoy obeying the orders of his master, and to show the sense that Mulraj entertained of his guilt or his innocence it will be seen that he rewarded him for the deed with money and other presents. I shall then endeavour to prove that by Mulraj’s directions a council of the Multan officers was held, at which their future proceedings were debated, the result of which was that, by the Diwan’s suggestions, the whole of the Musalmans on the Koran and the Sikhs on the Granth swore to stand by the Diwan and fight against ttye Lahore troops. The Diwan was well aware of his superior strength and of the result of such a contest, nor did he employ fofce alone, but by tempting bribes and promises seduced the Lahore troops from their allegiance through his officers Harbhagwan and Didar Singh, who were sent by him among the force to induce them to desert* To prove further his determination to hurry on the crisis, it will be observed that he was the first to send his women into the fort on the 19th. Matters reached this point, when on the morning of 20th the Maharaja’s order to the Sardars and others was sent to them in the hope of inducing them to desist from the mutiny; but, instead of treating it with respect, the answer received was that they were acting by Mulraj’s orders and would obey no one else. I shall then show that when, on the afternoon of 20th, Qazi Ghulam Husain was sent, accompanied by three others, to the Diwan on the part of Mr. Agnew, the Diwan distinctly told him that he refused to come in to the British officers, and that he would not stop the firing of the guns in the fort. He further added that the Lahore troops had been bought over by him the evening before. A few hours after the attack was made on the Idgah, the finale of which was the atrocious murder of the British officers. Mulraj was not present, but when he heard of the deed and saw the murderers, what were his actions ? He praised and re­ warded the murderers, and for many a day afterwards Godar Singh Nihang was seen prancing about on Mr. Agnew’s horse with that officer’s pistol in his belt. n DIWAN HUL BAJ.

Mr. Lor in g Bowring. The murder was made a subject of general rejoicing, and the city was illuminated. X shall show that the Multan troops had never before mutinied, but they were completely under the orders and authority of Mul­ raj. It is certainly extremely improbable that, by one consent, the whole of the troops should rise in mutiny without Mulraj * *s cognizance and without having received any instigation or hint to do so, and still more without any tangible cause. Even supposing that Mulraj gave no positive instructions to the effect that he intended to resist the transfer of the fort, there can be little doubt that he must have used such expressions as Would lead his troops to suppose that such was his wish and design. I may add that evidence to this effect will be brought before you. The last point I would urge, and which is extremely suspi­ cious, is that on Major Edwardes* promising to ensure him a fair trial concerning his implication in the murder of Messrs. Agnew and Anderson, provided he came in, which he offered to do, he hesitated and refused. What can this be attributed to, btit to a conscious feeling of guilt ? Such are the facts of the case which are most deserving of notice, and which, when substantiated by the evidence of the witnesses I shall bring forward, will, I believe, leave little doubt as to the guilt of Diwan Mulraj of the crime with which he stands charged. The Court requisitions supplementary evidence.— It was directed by the Court that the proceedings of the Special Military Commis­ sion assembled at Multan on March 2nd, 1849, for the trial of Godar Singh1 for the murder of Mr. Agnew should be produced as evidence before the Court, and that the vernacular proceedings of the Resident of Lahore, regarding the resignation of Mulraj, should be produced for information. And it was further directed that the depositions forwarded with Major Edwardes’ letter of the 23rd February, 1849, to the Resident of Lahore,2 and the deposition of Qutb Shah,8 before the Lahore Resident, dated June 3rd, 1848, should be appended to the proceedings as means of examining and determining the credibility of witnesses before the present Court. The correspondence between Mulraj and Major Edwardes was also directed to be appended for the latter purpose.4

• Appendix A. • Appendix B. • Appendix C. * Mul Raj'a letter a to Major Edwardes have been placed with the vernacular paper* relating to the trial. 88

EVIDENCE FOE THE PROSECUTION. Sadiq Muhammad (P. W. 1)—Duly sworn. Q.—What is your father’s name ? A .—Sarbuland Khan. Q.— What is your age ? A.— Thirty-six years. Q.—What is your occupation ?

A .—In service, a Jagirdar, commander of horse ; residence Multan. Q.— What do you know of this case of Mr. Agnew’s and Anderson’s going from Lahore to Multan, their arrival there, and interview with Mulraj ?

A .— Mr. Agnewr and Mr. Anderson were on the road near Kamalia, and I was a Government servant in Hurrapa. I wanted new deeds of my jagir in Multan, nor was it given out that Mr. Agnew and Mr. Anderson were going to Multan, but Mulraj carried on affairs as usual. There was only a report of the two gentle­ men going to Multan to arrange affairs there. I wanted (after ascertaining whether the gentlemen were coming or not) to write to the Resident at Lahore about my having my jagir secured to me and obtain new title deeds. When I went to Mulraj to ask him about this, there were with him Kuljas Misar, Devi Ditta and my father. I asked, is it true the gentlemen are coming ? Three seasons of revenue are due from you. Why do you resign ? Mulraj answered : “ I am much oppressed by the gentlemen, and another thing is, if five hundred men were with me ready to die for me, I would not resign. ” After hearing this, I came away. Mr. Agnew, Mr. Anderson and Kahan Singh Man had reached the ferry of Raj ghat, three miles from Multan, and the Gurkha Regi­ ment and Guns and a Cavalry Regiment had reached Bakar- abad, two miles from Multan. The Sikh soldiers of Mulraj had gone out to Bakarabad to see their brethren in the Sikh Army. I saw them as they were returning. Q.— Did you make any enquiries of any of the Sikhs who went to see their brethren ? A.— No. The following day Mr. Agnew, Mr. Anderson Etfid Kahan Singh Man had reached the Idgah, and the Gurkha Regiment and the Cavalry were between the Idgah and the fort. At about 9 o’clock a . m . Mulraj called me and the officers of the u 34 DIWAN MUL RAJ.

Sadiq Muhammad (P. W. I). Multan troops. He said : “ Do you accompany me to pay our respects to the gentlemen.” When we reached, the gentle­ men were changing their clothes ; the troopers with Mulraj and self waited for half an hour. Colonel Ishar Singh and a Gurkha Commandant came to bring Mulraj to take him to the gentlemen. They came out about five hundred paces. I was with them when they reached the gentlemen who, with Kahan Singh Man, came to the verge of the carpet to receive Mulraj. Mulraj was on Mr. Agnew’s left hand, and Mr. Anderson on the right, and on the left of Mulraj was Kahan Singh Man. They were sitting on chairs. I and ten or twelve officers were in chairs. Mulraj said : 44 This fort, this army, this country was in my charge ; it is good and matter for praise that my Rulers have taken from me this charge.” On this Mr. Agnew said : “ You are a great well- wisher of the State, but to-day is not the happy time for a Chief Officer tp go into the fort, but to-morrow he shall enter the fort.” After this the gentlemen came to the verge of the carpet and dismissed Mulraj. The sitting lasted half an hour. Mulraj then went away to a new garden to the west of the city, took with him Ram Rang, Jwala Sahai, Devi Ditta, Misar Kuljas, Har- bhagwan and Daya Bakhsh, .but sent us away. I came to my house. The next day I had sat in my house till 11 a .m. After Mr. Agnew and Mr. Anderson had been wounded, and the disturb­ ance had taken place, Mulraj sent for me at that hour to the Am- Khass, where he was sitting. The gate of the place was closed' and the wicket orpen, and all the Hindus, Musalmans and Sikhs were collected in the gateway of the Am-Khass with 6 or 8 guns. When I went inside with my father and Ghulam Mustafa Khan Khakwani all three asked: “ How has Mr. Agnew been wounded ” ? Mulraj said : “ More has been done than I wished.” I said : You should have gone to the gentlemen.” He said : “ I was going, but as they wounded Ram Rang, had I gone there they would have wounded me. From fear of this I returned, but I know not in this affair (which is not according to my wishes) what may be God’s design in causing it.” Daya Bakhsh and Bhai Gur- dial (Sadh) each said to Mulraj : “ At present you are not res­ ponsible, but will be in two hours if you do not go to the gentle­ men.” They both told me, Mulraj has said, “ Tulsi Ram, my Vakil, has gone to the gentlemen to clear me.” Mulraj told me to sit in the garden till he called me. I sat there three, hours, A man came to call me. He said : “ The Hindus and Sikhs are swearing on the Granth, the Musalmans on the Koran. You go there.” I accompanied him, but instead of going to where the EVIDENCE FOR PROSECUTION. 35

Sadiq Muhammad (P. W. 1)- Musalmans were sitting in the house swearing on the Koran, 1 went where Mulraj was sitting. He said to Kuljas, who was sitting near : “ Tell him to swear and seal on the Koran a mutual venture in this affair.” After this I said : “ Let Mulraj come and speak to me alone, and I will do as it may be.” The four, Mulraj, self, my father, and Ghulam Mustafa Khan, sat away from the rest. I said : “ There will be war with the gentlemen and you will get the worst of it.” Mulraj said : “ What has happened has not been by my wish, but there is a Divine design in it.” Again I said : “ You have no supplies or army, you cannot withstand the European power.” Mulraj said : ‘‘ I have plenty of supplies of food and ammunition, this is the hot weather, the Europeans •cannot fight in this season, and by the cold season I shall have a good army, and I hope there will be a rising in the Punjab.” Whilst this was said, Ahmad Khan and Mastan Khan said to me : ** Seal and swear on the Koran, then talk to Mulraj.” I answered : “ I will not at your instance do so.” We had hard words on our getting up and swords were near being drawn. I said to Mulraj : If you wish me to swear on the Koran I will not do so ; this is not right, those on your side will be so without swearing, and those who are not on your side will not be so by swearing.” At that time Fateh Muhammad Charki brought the Koran. I said it is to be reverenced as a religious book, but it is not to be sworn on. I will not swear on it. Mulraj said : “ If he is not willing do not swear him ; if he does not like it, there is no necessity.” We three came to our own house. Next day at 8 a . m . Mulraj sent for me by myself to his house. He was then writing to all the depen­ dents, not in employ of the Multan territory, to come and take service. His (Mulraj’s) property and family were being sent to the fort of Multan. What troops there were, both Hindu and Musalman, were anxious to fight with the British, but Mulraj said : “ Not till my family and property are in the fort.” I again said : “ You will not gain a victory over these kings. Do not think it an easy matter to fight with Mr. Agnew.” Nawaz Khan Pathan said: “ You give Mulraj bad and cowardly advice.” We had hard words and I was removed from him. At this time Ghafur Khan, Jamadar of Camel-guns, Slier Dil, Commandant of Bharmar, who were with the troops attached to Mr. Agnew, brought three orders {jparwana) from the Lahore Darbar, to the effect that the Diwan had resigned and that the troops were to obey the orders of Kalian Singh Man, and three orders by Mr. Agnew and Kahan Singh Man to the same purport. Mulraj said : “ See how these gentlemen wish to disgrace me 36 DIWAN MUL RAJ.

Sadiq M uham m ad (P. W. 1). and to separate the army from me. I have resigned. I have given up charge of the country.” He gave a linen cloth (khassa) with embroidered borders to both these people who brought the orders, and sent by a man one pair of bangles to Hardas Singh, Kumedan of the Regiment, called the Idgah Regiment; Mulraj came outside his house door in my presence, and gave the order for the troops to assault ; six or eight guns opened on the Idgah from the Am- Khass and four from the fort. I and Ghulam Mustafa Khan Khakwani went and sat down by a well all day, near the Am- Khass. Anything further I know is from general report. Question by the Court— When Mulraj gave the orders to the troops to fight, how did he do it ? Personally or through Com­ manding Officers ? A .— The officers were there, and two or three hundred men : they said : “ Do not delay or the troops will be going over to the other side.” Mulraj came out and said to the Commanding Officers : “ Don’t delay, do you go and fight, I will sit here.” The officers said : “ Let the fort guns fire first, then we will fire the guns outside.” I went and sat down at a w ell; it was 9 a . m. when the guns opened, first from fort, then from the Am-Khass. Examined by the Prosecution Counsel. Q.— Did Mulraj give intimation to his District Officers that the gentlemen (Sahibs) were coming from Lahore, and they should make preparations to receive them ? A.— I do not know. Jwala Sahai, Mulraj*s confidential man, was sent on three days before the gentlemen came. I do not know where he met them. Q.— Did Mulraj go to Rajghat to bring in the gentlemen, or not ? A.— No, he did not. Q.— When Mulraj first went to meet the gentlemen, did he pay any respects to Kahan Singh Man or not ? A.— As the Punjabis meet each other, so he met him. During the time Mulraj was sitting he was speaking to the gentlemen and did not converse with Kahan Singh as I saw. Q.— Was the army under the control of Mulraj ? A .— Before the affair the army was under the control < I Juhaj,. but I heard from some of the men, not from the officers, that they would fight whether Mulraj ordered them or not. Q.— Did Harbhagwan go before this to tamper with the Lahore troops or not ? A .— I do not know whether he went before or not. EVIDENCE FOR PRO8B0UTION. 87

Sadiq Muhammad (P. W. 1). Examined‘ by the Court. Q.—After the gentlemen were wounded, how far did Bam Bang go towards where the gentlemen were ? A .—I do not know, nor did I see. People say he went 150 steps towards the Am-Khass, and then came back again. Q.— Did you see Mulraj sitting in Darbar after the death of the gentlemen ? A .— I saw him twice after the gentlemen were killed, but not in Darbar. At the first interview he asked my advice. I said : 44 Go to the gentlemen.” He said : “ I am afraid of my life and honour.” I said : “ Go, the gentlemen will do you no harm.” He said : 44 Dost Muhammad Khan came in of his own accord, why was he seized ? I will not trust them ; there is nothing for me but fighting. ” At the second interview he called all the Commanding Officers and said : “ Go to Leiah under the orders of Harbhagwan, and fight against Major Edwardes.” They went. Q.— How long did you remain in the fort of Multan ? A .—After the gentlemen were killed, I remained in the city of Multan eight days, not in the fort. Q.— At what place did you separate from Harbhagwan ? A .—At Leiah I had represented, in a petition to Major Ed­ wardes, that my father and family were in Multan, and that when they could get away I would join him. Major Edwardes answered that he fully believed me, but that he would know by my joining him that what I said was true. Four days after the gentlemen were killed, our family went to Kot Kumma in the Multan terri­ tory ; it is 20 miles (kos) from Multan. I had asked leave from Bahawal Khan to let our family cross the Sutlej ; he would not allow me. In the meantime Mulraj had been informed that troops were coming from Shikarpur in Sind, by steam boat. Mulraj called me that night with all the troops from Leiah and sent Mustafa Khan Khakwani to a place called Girang to have an interview with Major Edwardes on behalf of Mulraj. During his interview Mustafa Khan Khakwani represented on my part and his own that if our families were protected, we could join him. Major Edwardes wrote to Nawab Bahawal Khan to send four guns and two thousand foot and horse for the protection of the families of Sadiq Muhammad Khan and Ghulam Mustafa Khan. On my return from Leiah when I reached the river, Mulraj directed me to place myself under the orders of Hakim Bai and to go to Garh Maharaja to take possession. I being helpless went; then I returned to Multan. My family, through the arrival of 38 DIWAtf M,VX» RAJ*

Sadia Muhammad ,(P. W, 1). Shaikh Imain-ud-Din, had been protected. On the 15th of Har in the Hindu year 1905 I joined Major Edwardes in the Adhi garden near Multan.* Examined by the Defence Counsel. Q,— Did you, or your father, affix your seal to the Koran 9 A .—Neither I nor my father. Q.—Did you receive any present or gratuity from Mulraj subsequent‘to Mr. Agnew’s arrival at Multan ? A .—Mulraj gave one month’s gratuity to the whole army ; that I received ; but two months’ pay were due to me from Diwan Mulraj ; I considered this as one of the months’ due to me. Q.— Did you receive anything in the shape of jewels, or cash,, or ornaments 9 What, and to what extent ? Did you receive gratuity in return for service done ? If so, state what it was. A.— I received one month’s pay on account of self and twenty troopers, six or seven days after the gentlemen were killed. Q.—When you went to Garh Maharaja, did you go as a Com­ mandant, or as a subordinate 9 A.—Mulraj said to me : “ Go as a Commandant on that account.” I did not march for five days, after which Mulraj sent Hakim Eai as Commandant. I was a Commander of twenty troopers. I went under his orders, as did all the army. Q.—When Mulraj said : “ If I had five hundred men who would die for me, I would not give up the fort,” who was pre­ sent ? 4 .—I have answered this before. Q.—Was there any fighting at Garh Maharaja 9 A.— There was so far a fight that at Ahmadpur bial, nine miles from Garh Maharaja in the Multan direction, when we were half a mile from Ahmadpur, two of the Gurkha Regiment guns were fired. The Sial people ran away. No one was killed on either side. A mullah (Muhammadan priest), who was sitting m the mosque at Ahmadpur, was killed by the Sikhs under Hakim Rai on account of his crying to prayers. The Sials then ran away from Garh Maharaja too. (J.— vVhen Mulraj gave orders to the troops to fight, who were present 9 A.— Didar Singh, Jaimal Singh, Harbhagwan, Haq Nawaz Khan, Mastan Khan, Ahmad Khan, Sher Dil, Ghafur Khan, and others.

* Mostafa Khan had an interview with Edwardes on 24th Jane— P. 428. vol. ii, “ A year on the Punjab Frontier." EVIDENCE FOB PR08E0UTI0N. 89

Sadtq M uham m ad (P. W. 1). Q.—You state* that four days after the attack on Mr. Agnew, your family came out of Multan, and went to Kot Kumman. If you wished to leave Mulraj, why did you remain two month* afterwards with his (Mulraj’s) troops ? A .—I have previously recorded, my family having gone to Kot Kumman in the Multan territory, they had not gone out of it. The Nawab of Bahawalpur had not allowed a passage over the Sutlej ; therefore as long as my family were in the Multan territory I remained in the army of Mulraj. Had I not, my family would have been treated as Asad Khan’s and others, who were attached to the Government and who were only released after the capture of the fort of Multan. Q.—When you left Mulraj and joined Major Edwardes, did the Major confine you or not ? A .—The Major was'kind to me, gave fifty rupees to my father and forty-one to me, on the first day as a ziyafat (present). The second day the Major sent me, with three hundred troopers of the Bahawalpur State, to bring in Shaikh Imam-ud-Din, which I did after repairing the bridge over the canal, and four days afterwards I was with Major Edwardes in the engagement at Hamad Shah’s garden. Q.— Are you in service, and, if so, in whose service ? A .—I am in service of Major Herbert Edwardes. I am a commandant of twenty-four troopers on various rates of pay, and my pay is one hundred and sixty rupees monthly. I obey whatever orders I may receive from Major Edwardes. Q.— How often has your evidence been taken in this case ? A .—Previous to this I have not given my evidence to any one, but what I have stated, I have sent three times as news to Pir< Ibrahim Khan. I know not whether he sent those three news letters to the gentlemen or not. If any gentleman asked me, I have stated as above, but no one has had my evidence written down. Q.— How long were you in the Diwan’s service at Multan ? A .—Not a day in Diwan Mulraj’s service, but twenty years in the service of the Maharaja of Lahore, and under the orders of the Diwan of Multan. Q.—Where were you when Diwan Sawan Mai, Mulraj’s father, was killed ? A .—When Diwan Sawan Mai was wounded, I was ^ > ■ wala ; eight days afterwards I came to Multan, seven days » which Diwan Sawan Mai died. 40 DIWAN MITL RAJ.

Sadiq M uham m ad (P . W. 1.) Q.—Who killed Sawan Mai, and what tribe of people were con­ cerned ? A.—^ man, a Musalman of the fisherman caste, a servant of Haji Khan of Kasur, killed Sawan MaL Q.—Whilst Mulraj was in authority, did any of his soldiers or people resist his authority ?• A .—Two or three months after Diwan Sawan Mai’s death the regiment called Khass and the Idgah regiment mutinied, and the Rohilla and the Cavalry, both Hindus, Sikhs and Musalmans in the service of Mulraj, reduced them to obedience ; their magazine was blown up and many people were killed. I was not in the affair. I was at Kot Kamalia. I heard of it. Q.—You have recorded one mutiny. Do you know any others ? A .—That which I have recorded is the principal one. Q.— Since the mutiny recorded by you, has the army under Mulraj ever mutinied, or disobeyed his orders ? A.— To my knowledge it has not, but the brother of Mulraj resisted his authority, and he confined him, and ejected from the fort that portion of the army which was under his brother’s orders. Q.—When Mulraj came to Lahore, in the time of Raja Lai Singh, what was the strength of the army under Mulraj, what when he resigned, and what when Mr. Agnew reached Multan ? A.—In Raja Lai Singh’s time seven or eight thousand men ; at time of resignation fifteen hundred. When Mr. Agnew reached Multan about that number.* Q.—After Diwan Mulraj’s resignation, and before Mr. Agnew’s arrival at Multan, did Mulraj sell any stores out of the fort at any time ? A .—I do not know anything about Mulraj’s resignation, or when he gave it i n ; but when he got permission from Mr. John Lawrence to return from Lahore to Multan, things in store such as grocery, paper, spices, were sold by him. He did not sell lead, or powder, or shot, or grain ; nor was there any purchaser. Q.— Did Mulraj issue any notice that military stores or grain would be sold, or did he make any arrangement for such a sale ? A.—He used to send small portions of grain to the grain market in Multan, but I know not whether he was intending to sell lead or powder or shot.f The Court adjourned.

•Between October 1846 and Maroh 1848 Mol Raj had reduced hie army from eight thousand to fifteen hundred men. f Vernacular file adds—As regards lead, powder and shot there were no buyers. Second day— Friday, l*t June 1849. EVIDENCE FOB THE PROSECUTION -continued. Qutb Shah (P . W. 2)—Duly sworn.* Q.—What is your father’s name ? A .—Mahbub Shah. Q.—What is your caste? JL—Kureshi. Q.—What is your age? A.—Thirty-seven years. Q.—What is your occupation ? A.— General service. At present out of employ. Q.—To what country do you belong ? A.—Lahore. Exanmied by the Court. Q—In the affair of Mr. Agnew and Lt. Anderson’s leaving Lahore and going to Multan, and then having an interview with Mulraj, what do you know ? State all you know. A — I went by land with the property of Kalian Singh Man and the horses of the gentlemen, and reached Tulamba within the Multan territory. The gentlemen proceeded by the river to a serai in the Multan territory. The affair of Tulamba is thus :— that the man in authority there, whose name I do not know, told the people not to give any supplies when my people went to obtain them, grass, wood, &c. I obtained them with diffi­ culty, suffering much inconvenience during the night. Jwala Sahai, a confidential employee of Mulraj, reached the gentle* men who were in boats ; there presented cash, &c., I heard, to the amount of 700 rupees. I arrived at Ram Chauntra, in ad­ vance of Tulamba, a place near the river, where the gentlemen were, to whom I went on the day of Baisakhi to state what diffi­ culties I had experienced about supplies. Kahan Singh and the gentlemen said : “ Manage as well as you can, do not say any­ thing to the people.” I came back and reached Khalikwali, a small place where a devotee resides. The people there said it is rumoured that the Multan people are in a state of rebellion. Sahib Din too, the employee of Chirag-ud-Din, in whose jagir the place is, said so. I wrote then to the gentlemen and to Sardar Kahan Singh ; they answered : “ Do not believe all which may be reported about the Diwan ; there is no occasion to fear. On

♦Bis evidence embraced also the third day’s proceedings, 2nd June. 41 42 DIWAN MUL RAJ.

Qutb Shah (P. W. 2). Tuesday morning do you go with our property, when we will follow you.” I reached the ghat on Monday early in the night, and the gentlemen had reached it previously. I went at night and told Kalian Singh and the gentlemen what I heard, that it is reported there will be a disturbance in Multan. Mr. Agnew said the people are saying what is incorrect ; the Diwan is fully to be relied on. I again stated the cause of it, that when Lt. Anderson came from Bahawalpur, I am told that the Diwan came out more than two or three miles to receive him, and fired a salute on his coming, treating him with great respect and showing him the fort of Multan. I said to Mr. Agnew : “ Has any one come to you on the part of the Diwan ?” The gentleman said a man has come to inform me that the Idgah is prepared for Kalian Singh, and the Huzuri Bagh is being prepared for the gentlemen. I said : “ Keep your tents at this side of the river, and ascer­ tain whether there is any disturbance in Multan or not. Should it be ascertained there is not, then take vour tents on.” The gentleman said: ‘‘ Whoever says so, says what is incorrect, I and the Diwan are on a good understanding. Don’t have any suspicion.” In the morning a confidential servant of the Diwan reached the gentlemen, and they went to the Idgah. In the Idgah was Kahan Singh’s tent (qalandri) where the gentlemen stopped. The gentlemen afterwards went on to the Huzuri Bagh ; they returned from thence to the Idgah as there was not accommoda­ tion for a tent in the Huzuri Bagh. The gentlemen occupied the centre of the mosque in the Idgah. At this time news came of Diwan Mulraj’s being on his road, on which Mr. Agnew went to Kahan Singh and said “ It is very hot, and I am suffering from the heat, send some one and tell Mulraj to come in the evening.” Kahan Singh said : “ Mulraj will have started ere this ; you had better receive him, have an hour’s conversation with him, and you can let him go, and anything further can be entered on in the evening.” Mulraj came into the tent (qalandri). Nine chairs were laid out in the tent. Lt. Anderson, Mr. Agnew, Sardar Kahan Singh Man, Kuldip Singh, Commandant of Gurkhas, Bhai Ishar Singh, Commandant of Artillery, and Gulab Singh, Colonel of a regiment which accompanied the gentlemen, and Mulraj and Ram Rang were there. I too was there. A con­ versation began, mutual enquiries after health were made and Mulraj said : “ God be praised, the country was in my charge, the Government have taken it again.” He said he would come again in the evening. Two hundred and fifty rupees were pre­ sented by the Diwan. Mulraj’s back was turned towards Kahan Singh. Mr. Agnew twice remarked : “ Kahan Singh is sitting to EVIDENCE FOB PROSECUTION. 4B

Qutb Shah (P. W. 2). the rear.” Mulraj took no notice of what he said, nor spoke to any of the Sardars. The sun had set. Mulraj came again. I was present. He sat again with his back to Kahan Singh. Mr. Agnew had Kahan Singh’s chair placed in front, and Mulraj said to Mr. Agnew: “ Take charge of the fort, country and army.” Mr. Agnew said : “ The army will be retained as it is, but the managers (collectors) of the country on their good conduct; I did not wish to take charge of the country from you ; you have relinquished it yourself ; you will now be treated with every consideration.” After this Mr. Agnew asked for the papers of the- country for the last ten years. Mulraj refused, and said : “ I held the country in farm : the papers are destroyed through age and insects. I have leases from the Government for the revenue of the territory, other papers I have none.” The gentle­ man repeated his demand for papers, explaining that he did not want them to call the Diwan to account for revenue, but that he might be acquainted with the resources of the country. Mr. Agnew said : “ The country will be assessed as in force in the time of Diwan Sawan Mai.” Mulraj still persisted in refusing to give the papers. After a great deal of argument Mulraj agreed to give the papers of six years, and the following day in the morn­ ing to take Mr. Agnew to the fort, and make it over, and parade the army, &c. On getting up Mulraj said : “ You make so much ado about the papers. What are six years’ papers ? To-morroV I will send you a box.” At this time there was an expression of annoyance in the Diw-an’s countenance; he appeared somewhat angry and annoyed. Mulraj wrent away. I said to Mr. Agnew : “ There is no good in asking for these papers just now ; he has become suspicious ; he will certainly do some mischief; first you should get possession of the fort, then ask for the papers.” Mr. Agnewr said : “ Never mind, I and Mulraj are on a good under­ standing.” Kahan Singh asked wrhat number of soldiers are re­ quired for the fort ? Mr. Agnew said : “ What need is there, twro sentries will be sufficient.” The Sardar said : “ The fort is large. If the sentries are relieved, 200 men will be required.” Mr. Agnew said to Kalian Singh : “ If you are afraid, do not go ; I will myself go in the morning and arrange it all, you go afterwards.” Finally Kahan Singh arranged for two companies and fifteen troopers, the three officers with them, to accopipany the gentlemen. This wras settled that night. In the morning the two gentlemen and Kahan Singh were sitting, expecting Mulraj’s arrival, as he had agreed to come before sunrise; they waited till 8 o ’clock a . m . ; at length Mulraj came. At this 44 DIWAN MUL RAJ*

Qutb Shah (P. W. 2). time the gentlemen were on their elephants with the troops. Mulraj was on his elephant too. In front was Mulraj on his elephant and after him the gentlemen and Kahan Singh on elephants. They went towards the fort of Multan. On reaching the fort gate they got down from their elephants. I was with them. They went on foot into the fort. When we had got twenty paces inside, the soldiers closed the gate, and struck and pushed our people. At that time I said to Mr. Agnew : “ The Diwan has given up the fort, the guns may be brought if you wish.” The gentleman spoke to the Diwan, when Mulraj said : “ Let them come.” On which both the companies and their three officers came in. Mulraj with the gentlemen went and showed them the powder magazine and granaries and guns and powder and lead in the fort, and brought them to his own house in the fort, and then showed one room there and said : “ This is bomb proof, it was erected by Diwan Sawan Mai.” Mr. Agnew said it has a vaulted roof, but is not bomb proof; the people below had closed the door of the house. Mr. Agnew after going over the whole of the house came away. When he came down, nearly sixty gunners presented themselves ; their eyes were full of tears and hands shaking as if they would fight, when they made their presents. Mr. Agnew assured them and said to Mulraj : “ Let the sentries both on your part and mine remain.” Both the gentlemen came out, leaving tjie two companies inside. I was with the gentlemen as was Kahan Singh throughout the entire inspection of the fort. Mr. Agnew and Lt. Anderson were between the twro gateways, outside the inner and inside the outer gate. They were both on horseback ; Mulraj and Kahan Singh were on horseback, too. I was on a mare, a little outside the inner gate. When I came to the outer gate, I saw Mulraj riding fast towards the Am-Khass, and on reaching the outer gate I saw Mr. Agnew with three wounds on the left arm. He had been wounded before I arrived. _ I saw the gentleman strike a sepoy Amir Chand with a stick— the man who had wounded him. About eighteen or twenty men of Mulraj’s were standing with drawn swords near the gate. I and Uahi Bakhsh, trooper of the Lahore Government, were coming along with Karam Ilahi Khan, trooper. Ilahi Bakhsh wounded Amir Chand once with a sw'ord in my presence ; it was a very slight wound, a scratch ; Amir Chand jumped into the ditch ; and as many of the men with drawn swords as were at the gate went inside. Kahan Singh then put the gentleman’s cap on his head. Bam Rang was there ; he gave his head cloth (safa) to enable Kahan Singh to tie up Mr. Agnew’s wounds. I laid hold of the gentleman’s hand. Mr. Agnew went away on an elephant accom- EVIDENCE FOR PROSECUTION. 45

Qutb Shah (P. W. 2). panied by Kahan Singh. Wlien we reached outside the bazar, I saw that Mulraj’s people had brought out two guns from the Am* Khass, and that there was commotion ; they fired muskets and car­ bines at us, whilst (we were) accompanying the gentlemen ; we were too far off for them to do us any harm. When we came to the tents, I found Lt. Anderson lying with seven sword-wounds; his horse had four. I did not see him at the time of his being wounded. Mr. Agnew came and had Lt. Anderson carried on the bed into the mosque (Idgah) ; he then sat down and wrote one letter to Lahore, one to Bahawalpur, and one to Major Edwardes, and, having put them into a red bag, despatched them; he also had a dak of horses laid for the doctor said to be on the road. Mr. Agnew said to me and Karam Ilahi Khan : “ Go and ascertain from Mulraj what is the cause of all this.” They fired at us on this side of Shams Tabrez where the disturbance had first commenced, and where the dis­ turbers of the peace were first collected. On their firing on us I sent one of my umbrella-men forward to say I was a Vakil (mes­ senger) and to allow me to advance, not to injure me. The party creating the disturbance said : “ If you come on, we will kill you.” Whilst thus hesitating, a man of Earn Kang’s came to me and made me aware of a sepoy having given Earn Eang three sword wounds, because he said to Mulraj : “ This is an untoward affair, you had better go to the gentlemen and you will be forgiven.” He advised me not to advance. I made Mr. Agnew, who had sent for me, aware of all this. It was not twelve o ’ clock noon when I saw Ishar Singh coming slowly along with the two companies : no one was molesting or obstructing him. I sent a man to him to know why he was coming away ; he said the Multan people began to fire on him, on which he came away. I then went to Mr. Agnew ; Kahan Singh and the three commanding officers accom­ panied me. A man on the part of Mulraj arrived with a letter from him, disclaiming having anything to do with what had oc­ curred, or being concerned in it. Mr. Agnew wrote to him, saying that he knew the Diwan had nothing to do with it, but that he must send the people who had done this wickedness. It was about 8 o ’clock p . m . when Kahan Singh represented to Mr. Agnew that it was of no use the troops remaining between the fort and the Idgah ; that they should move nearer the Idgah. He, Kahan Singh, ordered the officers to arrange the troops round the Idgah. The officers and troops were employed all night in erecting batter­ ies, and in the city of Multan there was a cry of “ Akal, Akal.” The dawn broke ; camels and bullocks were sent out to graze ; the troopers of Mulraj carried them o ff; an elephant was taken 46 DIWAN MUL RAJ.

Qutb Sb«1i (P. W. 2). away going to water. On the 20th April, about a quarter to 9 o’clock a .m ., a cannon ball from the fort struck the tent, of Kalian Singh. I and Kahan Singh went to the gentlemen. The cannonade became very heavy. Some 17 guns from the fort, and from the outside were tiring ; only six discharges were made from our park, after which neither cannon nor musket was fired. A cannon ball came close to Mr. Agnew’s bed. 1 asked him if 1 should send a man toMulraj to ask why he was cannonading wounded persons who committed no fault *? Qazi Ghulam Husain was sent by the gentlemen. The Qazi had not yet returned when Mr. Agnew direc­ ted a thousand rupees gratuity to be given to the troops, and made them aware that any losses they might sustain would be made good, and a further gratuity given. I sent for the three officers and the troops, and gave them the thousand rupees. They all said : “ Give some sweetmeats, what do we want, with money.” I left the money with them and reported what they said. In obedience to the gentlemen’s orders, I sent Kahan Singh to call the command­ ing officers. On their coming he tried to persuade them. Whilst this was going on, Karam IJalii Khan whispered tome : “ What is the use of Kalian Singh speaking to them ? Th6y are in alliance with the enemy; it is no good Kahan Singh speaking to the offi­ cers.” Kahan Singli said : “ What is Karam Ilahi Khan saying to you ’? ” As I could not help it, I said : “ The troops are allied with the enemy.” Kahan Singh put his hands together before the officers, touched their feet with his hands and supplicated them not to be faithless ; they took the money, and agreed to fight. The Qazi had just come in. The troops of Mulraj were close on the ldgah. Mr. Agnew directed lshar Singh to fire grape. I went to tell him when I saw the troopers of the regiment had gone over to the enemy, and that the infantry had followed them. I asked Bhni I$har Singh what should be done ? He said “ Nothing can be done.” I told him to place the gun£ in the doorway of the mosque and fire grape, and that by to-morrow Balnwalpur troops would arrive. He again said: “ Nothing can be done.” I made Mr. Agnew aware of this. He sent for his sword and pistol, put his hat on his head, saying “ Have all gone over ? ” I said Kahan Singh with a few of his servants are present. About twenty-five minutes before sunset the troops of Mulraj were assaulting the place ; when they had come very near, Mr. Agnew said to Kahan Siiigh : 44 What is to be done 9 ” He said 44 I shall sacrifice life.” Mr. Agnew said : 44 What can you do with so few persons.” Two Servants of Kalian Singh went out and shook a sheet as asking for quarter ; this was done by the wish of the gentlemen. Whilst this was occurring they seized Kahan Singh, and got inside. I EVIDENCE FOR PROSECUTION. 47

Qutb Shah (P. W. 2) was then outside with Kalian Singh. In that attack they killed both the gentlemen. I went to where my property was and found it all safe. I knew two or three camel-gunmen of Mulraj’s army. They took me safely to their own quarters. Kahan Singh was con­ fined in the cantonments. The night passed. Early on the next day the people of Harbhagwan took me to the cantonments of Ram Rang. Karam Ilahi Khan had preceded me. They gave me a place of residence in a room. The third day, in obedience to Mulraj’s orders, I went with Karam Ilahi to pay my respects to Mulraj. He asked me what I advised ? I said : “ I am as dead in the hand of the living, and I had heard that any who speak of going away are to be confined.” Mulraj said : “ I will send a guard with you to Lahore.” I assured him I would not go away, and I said : “ Will you give me a pass to enable my family to join me in Multan ? ” Then returning to my quarters I had written out all that had occurred in English and Persian. I sent it through Qazi Ghulam Husain with the pass for the resident at Lahore. At this time there was an intention of Mulraj to go to Lahore, and the standards of the army had reached Buapur, two kos from Multan, and Mulraj had given orders for entertaining soldiers. After this I went to Leiah, and from thence escaped to Lahore. Before I went to Leiah, Mulraj sent 500 rupees as pay for me through Ram Das. I said : ‘‘ I have never been in the service of the Diwan, nor have I any property plundered, nor have I gone over to the Diwan, nor am I in service at Lahore that I can claim any pay.” Therefore I sent back this pay. Harbhagwan brought a proclamation addressed to the Lahore troops written in the Sikh character (Gurmukhi). I, from fear of being put in chains, affixed my seal to it. There is on that document the signature of Kahan Singh and Karam Ilahi.* Harbhagwan brought the pro­ clamation to me three days after the affair. A year has elapsed since I gave evidence in this matter before the Resident of Lahore ; perhaps I made some mistakes ; if so, I hope they will be over- looked.f Q.—When you were coming from the Idgah to the fort, did you hear from any of the people in the city of there being a dis­ turbance ? A .—No one came to us from the city ; our people, who went to purchase anything in the city, said : “ We hear from the people in the city there will be a disturbance.” The Court adjourned.

*This document is reproduced as Appendix E. It bears the seal of the witness and also Karam Ilahi’s signature but not Kahan Singh’s. fVide Appendix C. Third day— Saturdayy 2nd June, 1 8 4 9 . EVIDENCE FOR THE PROSECUTION— continued. Qutb Shah (P . W. 2)— continued. . Examined by the Counsel for Prosecution. Q.—When Mulraj came out of the fort of Multan with the gentlemen, who were there among his officers in company with l i t u l ( A .— Ram Rang, Harbhagwan, Misar Kuljas and a Pathan, whose name I do not know, with Bhai Sant Singh, governor of the fort, were with him at the time. Q.— Did Mulraj, or Ram Rang, or Harbhagwan, or Misar Kul­ jas, or Bhai Sant Singh, or anyone else, give orders to seize Amir Chand ? A.—At that time no one gave orders to seize Amir Chand.* Q.—Had any one given orders for his seizure : could he have been seized ? A.—He could have been seized. Q.—Under whose orders were the troops with Mulraj ? A.—I do not know who their commanding officer was ; there were Sikh as well as Pathan troopers, and Mulraj himself was there. Q.—Among these troopers do you know the name of any of them ? A .— I do not know the name of any among them. Q.—When you came, and saw Mr. Agnew wounded, where were the troopers ? A.—The troopers had gone away with Mulraj; among them Ram Rang remained there for a gharri (about 24 minutes). Q.— After this affair did you see Amir Chand, the soldier, and, if so, where ? A.—I saw him at that time. I did not see him afterwards. Q.—Did you send anyone to make enquiries regarding him ? A .—Once I sent two men to see the wound (of Amir Chand), and to ascertain how things were. Q.—What are the names of the men you sent ? A .—The name of the one was Wali Dad, the name of the other Sultana.

•MaioT Ed war dee says that Mol Raj left orden with Bhagwan Das to seize Amir Chand and bring him to the Am-Khass,—vide page 61, v o l/ii, of** A year on the Poniab Frontier.*'

48 EVIDENCE FOR PROSECUTION. 49

Qutb Shah (P . W. 2). Q.—How long after Mr. Agnew was wounded, was it that these men went ? A.—The fourth day (Sunday). Q.—Where was Amir Chand then ? A.— They told me they had seen him at the gate of the fort. Q.—Was Amir Chand, on their reaching it, at large or under restraint ? ^4.—He was at large, and was abusing Kahan Singh. Q.— On the day Mr. Agnew was wounded, did any officer of the Multan troops come to the Lahore troops ? A.— One Sayyad and one Pathan came in my presence ; they went and sat down at the quarters of Bhai Ishar Singh. Q.—’What did these men come for ? .4.— I did not know for what purpose they came at the time. Q.— Did any officer of the Lahore troops go to Mulraj ? A .—I heard that a non-commissioned officer of the Artillery and that an officer of the Gurkha regiment had gone, but I did not see them. Q.— After Mr. Agnew’s murder, did the murderers go to Mulraj or not ? A.— I was not present, but I heard that they went. Q.—After the murder did Mulraj say to you that the Lahore troops had entered into alliance with him before this affair ? A.—He told me they had done so previously. Examined by the Court. Q.—From all that you observed of Mulraj and his troops, taking all into consideration, what was your impression, that his troops would have acted without a hint from him ? A.—The impression on my mind is that the troops would not have acted without a hint from Diwan Mulraj. Q.—When you reached Multan, on the 18th or 19th April 1848 were all the troops of Mulraj entirely under his control ? A .—They were altogether. Q.—When you reached the gate of the fort of Multan, and saw Mr. Agnew wounded, and Mulraj riding rapidly, what interval was there between Mr. Agnew and Mulraj ? A.—When Mulraj was on horseback, he was a hundred paces from Mr. Agnew. Q.—How many of the troopers present were there with Mulraj, and how many turned towards Mr. Agnew ? Did they appear like two bodies, one with Mulraj, and one stopping at the gate, or did all accompany Mulraj, or did only a few enter the fort. State what you saw yourself. 50 DIWAN MUL RAJ.

Qutb Shah (P. W. 2). A.— All the troopers accompanied Mulraj, and no one remained of those of Mulraj except Ram Rang. Q.—When you came out of the fort at that time how many troopers were there with Mulraj, that is, how many accompanied him out of the fort ? A .— The troopers outside were not less than 50 or 60. Q.—When you came out of the fort how many footmen did you see with Mulraj ? A.—There were armed men, Hindus and Muhammadans, foot­ men carrying carbines, between a hundred and a hundred and fifty with Mulraj : when I saw him I saw them moving. Q.—When Mr. Agnew was wounded at the gateway, how far was it from the Am-Khass of Mulraj ? A.— As far as the Taksali gate from the hall of audience (court room) ; I cannot say exactly.* Q.—How many sentries were there at the gate of the fort when the foot and force accompanied Mulraj inside ? A .— I cannot tell the exact number, but the gate was of foot soldiers. Q.— Did you know Amir Chand, the soldier, previous tr A .— I did not know him. Q.— How did you know his name ? A .—His name had become well known, that’s how I came to know it ; even the children knew his name ; people said Amir Chand was ordered by God to kill the gentleman ; this was the cause of my knowing it. Examined by the Defence Counsel. Q.—When you went with Mr. Agnew and Kahan Singh Man, you were out of employ ; with what object did you go ? A .— I was a friend of Kahan Singh Man, and out of employ ; he took me with him to accompany Mr. Agnew in hopes of my ob­ taining service. Q.—When you ran away from Multan, when did you join the British troops ? A .—I came to Lahore to the Resident ; the evidence I then gave is in existence. Karam llalii Khan and I came to Lahore together; he, in obedience to orders, remained in Jhang, and I came to Lahore. Q.—How did you get away from the troops of Mulraj and come to Lahore ? A.—Harbhagwan was an officer of the army ; he had crossec the river with the army the first march ; the second night abom

*Note by the Court.—This distance may be 260 yards. EVIDENCE FOR PROSECUTION. 51

Qutb Shah (P. W. 2). eleven o’clock I went to him ; he relied on me ; the second march I joined the army, and Karam Ilahi Khan came on in the evening; the halt was at Pir Juggi, 10 or 12 kos from Leiah; he felt he could trust me. I said My people are behind and will come up after eating their food.” I stopped at Pir Juggi. In the morning Har» bhagwan marched to Leiah. 1 and Karam Ilahi Khan with his troops wrent on to Lahore, making the first march up to Uch, in the Jhang territory, and the regular marches afterwards. Q.—What answer did you get to the pass which you sent for your family by Qazi Ghulam Husain to Lahore ? A .—It was a trick of mine to give information to the Eesident of Lahore, and I did not write for my family, as no one could then leave Multan. Q.— Qazi Ghulam Husain was able to go to Lahore. How was it you could not go ? A.— I made it appear that Qazi Ghulam Husain was going for my family, that is how he was enabled to leave Multan ; had I spoken of leaving I should have been confined. Three days after the day J left cantonments, I got away to Lahore. Q.—When you came to Lahore, did you obtain any employ, or have you been without service since ? A .— I obtained no service, but remained at Lahore in obedience to the orders of the Resident there. Q.— How do you subsist at present, that is. for the last two or three months ? A.—1 wont to Shaikh Imam-ud-Din, at Pind Dadan Khan; be subsisted me for a month ; then I was sent for by the British Government, and during the last 25 or 26 days I received a sub­ sistence allowance; the month previous I lived on money borrowed in Lahore. Q.—When the Idgah was assaulted, were you armed ? A ,— I was armed. Q.—Did you oppose the attacking party ? A .—Had any officer fought I should have used my arms. I was out of employ and seeking for service ; had I been in com­ mand of 100 men or more, and had not fought, I should have been to blame. Q.—Did you or anv others make an effort to save the gentle­ men’s fives ? A.—Kalian Singh said this much when the attacking party, was near : “ I am the person in fault ; take me to the Diwat' ; place sentries over the gentlemen, so that they may not suffer.” The assailants seized Kahan Singh, and killed the gentlemen. The

e 2 52 DIWAN MUL RAJ.

Qutb Shah (P. W. 2). Lahore troops had gone over previously. I was not in service* nor had any troops, nor could I be of anjr use. Q.—When you went to Multan with Mr. Agnew, where did you have an interview with those camel gunmen in the service of Mulraj who gave you a safe conduct, and what are their names ? A.—When Mr. Agnew went to Multan I saw those camel gun­ men on the commencement of the plunder of the gentlemen’s pro­ perty ; they bad come for some. Sultana is a servant of mine, and those two or three camel gunmen are nephews of Sultana from Awan in the Doaba Bari District. Sultana met them where the plunder was going on ; through his relationship to them he saved my property ; at night we stayed at the camel gun bat­ tery. At nine o’clock in the morning they brought me to the cantonment of Bam Bang. Q.— Can you distinctly state whether the gentleman used his stick first, or the sepoy his sword ? A.— Neither did I see Mr. Agnew wounded by the spear or sword ; all I saw was the gentleman striking with the stick. Q.—You were only in hope of service; how was it you advised Mr. Agnew ? A .—:What I heard 1 mentioned to Mr. Agnew and Kahan Singh ; should this be considered as giving advice ? Q.—What was the number of troops with Mr. Agnew when he went to Multan, what number of infantry, cavalry and artillery ? A.—I know Karam Ilahi Khan had 60 troopers ; the army had preceded me by land ; I went by land ; the gentlemen went by water. I do not know the strength of the army ; I should say about fifteen hundred and six guns. I remember the names of the officers. Q.—In the fight at the Idgah how many of the troops of Mr. Agnew were killed ? A.—I saw one man of the troopers of Ilahi Bakhsh wounded by a cannon shot ; he recovered and came to Lahore. I know nothing of any killed or wounded ; nor did I see any myself. Q.—You sent your servant to enquire after Amir Chand, sepoy ; what object had you in doing so ? A.—My object was to ascertain whether Amir Chand has done the act himself, or by order. Q.—When two officers came to the Lahore troops, did you make Mr. Agnew aware of it ? A.— I made Mr. Agnew aware that both these men had come. EVIDENCE FOR PROSECUTION. 59

Qatb Shah (P. W. 2). Q.—How long after their coming did you make Mr. Agnew ware of i t ; and were they gone at the time ? A .—After a little while I intimated their coming, and when did so those two men were in the quarters of Bhai Ishar Singh. Q.—What did Mr. Agnew say or do on hearing this ? A .—The gentleman said to Kahan Singh Man : “ Find out vhy these two men have come ” 2 Q.—What did Kahan Singh do ? A .—I do not know. Q.—When you first went to the fort or city of Multan, what do you think was then the strength of Mulraj’s army ? A .—I do not know what the strength was ; had they been paraded before the gentlemen I might have known.

* V td e Appendix C. Fourth day — Monday, 4th June, 1849. EVIDENCE FOR THE PROSECUTION—continued. Mirza Asad Ullah (P. W. 3)—Duly sworn.* Q.— What is your father’s name ? A .— Munshi Aish Baba. Q.— What is your age ? A.—Forty-eight years, f Q.—What is your caste ? A .— Kashmiri Mughal. Q.—What is your employment ? A .— Formerly in the service of late Mr. Agnew. Examined by the Court. Q.—You accompanied Mr. Agnew to Multan; state all that you know ? A .— On the 17th April, 1848, on Monday I reached Rajghat with Mr. Agnew and Lt. Anderson. The property and servants were there disembarked and moved on, Mr. Agnew, Lt. Anderson, Kahan Singh and witness remained alone in the tents during the night. On the 18th of the month I preceded the gentlemen to the Huzuri Bagh. Outside the Lohari Gate, at one hundred paces, there was a shoemaker’s shop. I sat down there to purchase some shoes. The moment I sat down the shoemaker asked me with whom I had come ? I answered : “ With the gentlemen,” to which he replied : “ Are there any additional troops or only the usual number ? ” I remarked : “ More troops will come, there is no want of troops.” An apprentice of the shoemaker’s was sit­ ting there, and said : “ Then it may not be.” From thence I went to the Huzuri Bagh ; the gentleman was in the Idgah. I did not go to him, but looked after my property. Mr. Agnew and Lt. Anderson came to the Huzuri Bagh and remarked : “ There is no accommodation here, or at the Idgah ; remain here till we seek another place.” I remained alone in the Huzuri Bagh and the gentlemen in the Idgah. At the close of the day of the 18th April, Tuesday, I sent for a barber named Pir Bakhsh. Whilst he was shaving me he said something to me which 1 did not quite understand, but the pith

•Witness gave his statement in Persian. {Vernacular file records the age as 45 years.

6 4 EVIDENCE FOR PROSECUTION. 55

Asad Ullah (P. W. 3). of what I understood from him w as: “ At night at this place all the great people of the city were collected in Mulraj’s presence, and there will be a disturbance on Wednesday, on the morn­ ing of the 19th April.” I sent Nazim Khan to the gentlemen. After prayers, I went to pay my respects to them. I saw that the gentlemen and Kahan Singh were proceeding towards the fort, and I saw them near the northern entrance of the gate of the ldgah.* They asked me whether I had come to pay my respects. They said : “ Do you want to say anything,” to which T replied “ yes.” I went near and mentioned all that I had heard from the barber, namely, that the people met at Mulraj’s, and there will be a dis­ turbance. Mr. Agnew was angry with me and told me to go to my quarters. After the gentlemen had left for the fort I came to the Huzuri Bagh. About two hours had elapsed when Lt. Anderson’s groom came to me, and told me his master had been murdered. We all then went to the ldgah, on reaching which I saw that Mr. Agnew had three sword wounds, and Lt. Anderson five, and his horse had been wounded. At 12 o’clock (noon) Mulraj’s people brought a letter to the purport that he had made over everything to him, Mr. Agnew, but the people of the city and the army did not com­ prehend. Mr. Agnew remarked if Mulraj will come himself, there is no blame to be attached to him. On the morning of the 20th April, the guns from Multan fort began to fire, and continued to do so till the evening, when the head of Mr. Agnew was cut off and taken to Mulraj, but I did not see it taken. I heard so. After this I did not see Mulraj up to the time of my leaving, excepting when he came to see the rebellious army, at the thanah of Shah Shams. I remained fifteen or sixteen days at Multan at the tomb of Shah Shams ; parties were being taken into service on all sides. Examined by the Council for Prosecution. Q.— After this affair did you see the soldier who wounded Mr. Agnew with a spear? A .— I did not see him. Examined by the Defence Counsel. Q. — Do you know Wazir Ali Khan ? A .— I know Wazir Ali Khan, a Munshi, from the time he left Lahore for Multan : he and I were in the same boat together. Q.— Did you see Wazir Ali on the day the two gentlemen went into the fort ? A .— I saw Wazir Ali that day at the ldgah ; on the morning I went to my quarters ; he may have gone to the fort or not, I do not know.

* V id e Vernacular file. The printed English proceedings are rather confusing on this point. 56 DIWAN MUL RAJ.

Asad UlUh (P. W. J). Q.—After the gentlemen returned wounded to the Idgah, where did you see Wazir All Khan ? A.—I saw him in the presence of the gentlemen; Kahan Singh and Wazir Ali were there, and I went myself. Q.—At that time how was Wazir Ali Khan dressed ? A .— I was in a passion at the time; I do not recollect. Q.— On your oath and verity state, did Wazir Ali Khan accom­ pany the gentlemen into the fort of Multan or not ? A .— I do not know for a certainty whether Wazir Ali Khan went or not, nor did I ask Wazir Ali Khan whether he had gone or not, on account of my own state of suffering, even after the return of the wounded gentlemen.

Wazir Ali Khan (P. W. 4)— Duly sworn. Q --W ho is your father ? A .— Amir Khan, Pa than. Q.—What is your caste ? A.— Pathan. Q.— What is your age ? A.— Nearly forty years. Q.—What is your employment? A .— General service (at present without any employ).* ' Examined by the Court. Q.—State whatever you know about Mr. Agnew’s going to Multan from Lahore, his reaching that place, and his inter­ view with Mulraj ? A .— On the 5th April 1848, Mr. Agnew proceeded to Multan, and reached Tulamba on the 13th of April. After 12 o’clock, noon, Jwala Sahai, a trustworthy servant of Mulraj reached Tulamba, 40 kos from Multan. He presented 650 rupees compliment­ ary offering (sarwama) on the part of Mulraj. He received orders for his rukhsat (permission to leave) on the morrow. On the morn­ ing of that day, the following letter was written and given to him at the time of his departure :—“ It is not necessary for you (Mulraj) to come : when we reach Multan, then come out to receive us.”t On the 17th April we reached Rajghat, and remained there till the evening. Mulraj did not come to receive the gentlemen at the ghat (ferry), therefore I thought he was disinclined. On the evening of the 17th the property, Ac., was removed from Raj­ ghat to the Idgah, in Multan ; only two sentries remained with the gentlemen. •Vernacular file. fSee vernacular file. English proceedings are rather confusing. EVIDENCE FOR PROSECUTION. 57

Wazir AU Khan (P. W. 4). On the morning of Tuesday, the 18th of April, I went to Multan;. in front of the Lohari Gate was a raised terrace (chabutra) where some Muhammadans were sitting. I sat down to smoke; they asked me what troops accompanied the gentlemen. On my asking them why they made these enquiries, they said :— “ We have heard of Mulraj’s having a consultation at night, and that he will not give up the fort, but will fight with the gentlemen.” After this, I went to the Idgah, where Mr. Agnew made me write out two rubakars or orders ; the first as follows :—“ The custom duties at Multan will shortly be taken off by the Lahore 1 )arbar. Let Mulraj send a list to-day of the servants in the Customs with a Munshi (writer) to show the Customs stations, and on what articles duty is levied.” The second ruhakur to the following purport:— “ Sardar Kahan Singh Man, Governor of Multan, has arrived with me. It is necessary that he should inspect the fort and muster the troops outside the fort on the plain, the troops both old and new, which mav* be in the fort.” The rubakars, when written out, were sent by the gentlemen to Kahan Singh Man, whom I made aware of the contents. The Sardar remarked :— “ The rubakar about the Customs is correct, but my going into the fort to-morrow is not advisable. This Mulraj is a boy, wicked and mischievous. It appeal’s* to me there is mis­ chief in him and that he is traitorous. Tell Mr. Agnew he has not given him a salute, nor come to receive him.” 1 went and stated, all that to Mr. Agnew, who sent for Kahan Singh’s Munshi, Shaikh Mustafa. On his coming Mr. Agnew told him to make the Sardar aware, and to persuade him of there being no danger in going into the fort, saying: “ Why does the Sardar think it inadvisable.” Shaikh Mustafa went and brought back from Kahan Singh a message: “ That he thought the troops, whatever they might be in the fort, should not remain within it.” Mr. Agnew then had the expression “ army outside ” altered. I then mentioned what I had heard on the chabutra. Mr. Agnew said nothing on my men­ tioning it. The gentleman then gave me 25 papers of proceedings, in which the Multan people were parties, saying : “ When the parties con­ cerned in these cases appear they will be tried.” He also gave me 18 lists of stores in the fort of Multan, received from the Lahore authorities, saying: “ Let these be with me to-morrow.” in the meantime in the clean copies of the proceedings the original word­ ing remained. I represented that the expression “ troops outside the fort ” had not been inserted. The gentleman remarked there 5S DIWAN MUL RAJ.

Wazir Ali Khan (P. W. 4). was no necessity. I gave the two drafts of the proceedings to th& people who brought sweetmeats from Mulraj. Mulraj came in the evening, a little before five o ’clock, with 200 troopers and infantry, and had an interview in Kalian Singh’s tent. At the close of ft I arrived. I was sitting about 80 paces under the shamiana (awning) when I heard Mulraj saying : “ What do I know of papers for ten years ? I had the farm of the revenue for two years.” The gen­ tleman spoke mildly, saying : “ I do not want these papers as an account, but to enable me to understand matters.” As I was sitting I looked in at the door, when I saw Mulraj was sitting in a chair with his back to Kahan Singh and facing the gentlemen. Per­ son who accompanied Mulraj said : “ Whatever papers may be required I will give.” He also said to Mulraj: ‘‘ Do you give any papers which may be required.” Mulraj said nothing at the time. After a while he said : “ To-morrow I will send a box.” As to the interview in the morning, Mulraj did not come to the en­ closure of the Idgah. He may have had an interview outside, burt I am not aware of it. We all took rest during the night, the troops outside the Idgah, the gentlemen and native employees with Kahan Singh outside the enclosure. On the morning of the 19th, on Wednesday, both the gentlemen, Sardar Kalian Singh, and two companies of the Gurkhas, Colonel Kul Dip, Gulab Singh, Commandant of the regiment, and Bhai Ishar Singh, Commandant of the artillery, startechfor the fort. I followed shortly afterwards. The gentlemen had got inside the Sikki Gate where I saw the troops of Mulraj in great numbers, armed and evidently bent on mischief. One company of the Gurkhas was there and one had gone in. I went in too. Within the fort, near the Baradari, is a large court. There I saw Mulraj, with his hand clasping that of the gentleman, and the troops paraded on each side. Mr. Agnew said : “ The troops of the time ofMaharaja Kanjit Singh will continue in service on their present pay : Mulraj will pay you up to the month of Chet 1905, of the Hindu year. From the month of Baisakh you will be paid by the Government through Kahan Singh Man.” On the other side there were the new troops ; to them Mr. Agnew said : “ You are discharged and will be paid up to-day by Mulraj and go away. What arms you may have of the Government you will give up) retaining your own.” Mulraj stated the keys to be there* though no one was there with the keys at the time ; he only said so. Mr. Agnew told Colonel Kul Dip Singh to take the keys, and place a sentry wherever there might be one of

♦Vernacular file—“ Here are the keys (of the fort).” EVIDENCE FOR PROSECUTION. 50

Waiir Ali Khan (P. W. 4). Mulraj’s and not to take off his sentries. Mr. Agnew told Mulraj to remove any property there might be of his, leaving that of the Gov­ ernment. On this Mulraj was silent. The gentlemen after this were returning, accompanied by Isliar Singh, Kul Dip Singh, and Gulab Singh, Kumedan (commandant). The Subadars, Bbiwani Singh and Jaw Kir Singh, were detached from the rest. The gentle­ men, Kalian Singh, Mulraj and Ram Rang, mounted their horses, Mulraj on Mr. Agnew’s right hand, on the left Lt. Anderson, on his lefl Kahnn Singh. In this order they came out of the fort. I had preceded them to get on my horse. Jawahir Singh and Bhiwani Singh were saying : u How do these people seem to be incited by Mulraj, that they crowd on the gentlemen, and keep us back like people ready to fight.” Jawahir Singh remarked : “ The gentle­ man has hold of Mulraj’3 hand, should any such thing happen how will Mulraj escape ?” By this time I had emerged from the Sikki Gate. The gentlemen followed two or three paces to the rear. When the cavalcade had reached the bridge over the ditch in front of the Sikki Gate, at that very time a person sitting in a niche, on the right hand, struck a spear in this manner (here witness, sitting on the floor, raises himself as if striking with a spear). I myself saw Mulraj turn his head towards the man, and give him a sign, and hastened the pace of his horse, after which the party struck with the spear from the right, and wounded Mr. Agnew in the right rib. He struck with the spear after the sign had been given, and the horse’s pace increased. The wound was a slight one. Mr. Agnew struck the soldier once with a stick, and on the horse rearing fell off on the left. His cap fell off. Immediately he, Mr. Agnew, made another blow with the stick at the man’s forehead. The man, after being struck, threw away the spear and made a spring to the left, inflicting a severe sword-wound on the gentleman’s elbow ; the second blow was on the shoulder, not so severe.

After this many swords were drawn on both sides, Kahan Singh’s among the rest. I saw Nasim Khan (Pesliawari) and Ilahi Bakhsh Khan, of Karam Ilahi Khan’s troopers (whose name I ascertained afterwards), rush on the spearman with drawn swords. They had not struck him when the gentleman made the third blow at the sepoy, which took effect on Nasim Khan, who said : “ Do you not recognize me who am your slave ” ? Whilst he was saying this, Ilahi Baklish’s sword’s point reached the soldier’s left cheek. He fell into the ditch. A man on foot (I did not recognize him as Nasim Khan, Ilahi Bakhsh, or whether it was some third person) was about to jump into the ditch to kill Amir Chand, when 60 DIWAN MUL RAJ.

Warir Ali Khan (P. W. 4;. Mr. Agnew called out to him not to do so. When Amir Chand had fallen into the ditch, and many were collected around the gentleman, I saw Kalian Singh tearing up cloth to make bandages, when I fled. 1 then saw Lt. Anderson ; he passed close to and in front of me, one pace and a half off, on his horse, riding fast after Mulraj, 1 went in that direction. When he (Lt. Anderson) got close to Mulraj, I followed and saw Mulraj turn his head towards Lt. Anderson, and towards the troopers behind him, as a sign. Five of them detached themselves, and in my presence commenced strik­ ing Lt. Anderson with their swords. Lt. Anderson turned his horse towards the Idgah. The five troopers continued the pursuit, and wounded both him and his horse with their swords. Ten or 15 other troopers joined in the pursuit, keeping an interval of eight or ten paces. When Lt. Anderson was wounded, he was one hundred paces from Mr. Agnew, from the bridge over the ditch. The Am-Khass is six hundred paces from the Sikki Gate. Lt. Anderson was wounded outside the Daulat Gate of the city, and I was outside. When Lt. Anderson fell wounded from his horse, I saw the five troopers as well as the 15 (who followed) return to the Am-Khass. The Court adjourned. Fifth day— Tuesday, 5th June, 1849. EVIDENCE FOR THE PROSECUTION— continued. Wazir Ali Khan (P. W. 4)—con tin u ed . Examined by the Court. Q.— It is surprising to note that when Muhaj turned his head to give a sign to Amir Cliand, that you were able to see all this ’? A .— There is nothing surprising in it. I was very* near Mulraj and Mr. Agnew. I could see the whole thing. Moreover, such a thick neck could not fail to attract notice to whatever side it turned. Q.— Had you any suspicion that you looked behind ? A .— The account that I heard near Lohari Gate and that whac I learnt from Bhiwani Singh and Jawahir Singh as well as what I observed myself from the looks of Mulraj’s men near the gate of the fort, made me suspicious and I looked behind. Moreover, there were two men behind my Sahib's (Agnew's) horse which also raised suspicion in my mind.* When Lt. Anderson fell wounded from his horse, I, in a fright, turned my face from the Am-Khass to the Idgah. The Gurkha regiment beat to arms, and the cavalry got ready. When both the gentlemen reached the Idgah, I called Qadar Bakhsh, a surgeon (jarrah). He was a drummer in the Gurkha regiment, and had Lt. Anderson’s wounds sewn up. Whilst they were being sewn up, the tidings came of Qutb Shah, Karam Uahi and others, who had gone to the Am-Khass, having returned in conse­ quence of Mulraj’s people tiring carbines on them. Kalian Singh reported this to M r. Agnew, who ordered sentries to be placed around the Idgah and the troops to be on the alert. Mr. Agnew then had a letter written to Mulraj to this purport i “ I know this disturbance has not arisen with you ; seize and send the parties who have wounded Lt. Anderson and myself, and come yourself to me at once. If you do not comj I shall suspect you very much. There is one advantage in your coming, that people will know there is a good understanding between us; come to-day without fail : your coming will allay this commotion.” This letter was written before two o’clock, and a short time after the gentlemen had been wounded. No answer came till *The whole passage relating to the examination by the Court is taken from the vernacular •file. It is omitted in the printed Knglish-pcocecdinga.

01 (>2 DIWAN M I'L R A J.

Wazir Ali Khan (P. W. 4).

4 p . m.. at which time the confidential servant of Mulraj, Raizada TuKi Ram, came with a letter to the following purport:— “ I wished to have come to vou. The guard of carbine men with me have wounded niv brother Ram Rang. There is a great commotion of both Hindus and Muhammadans. Be on your guard. ” On hearing this Mr. Agnew advised Tulsi Ram. sav­ ing : “ By Mulraj’s coming our friendship will be preserved. Go. bring Mulraj, whether alone, or otherwise, as you can manage it ; should he not come our good understanding cannot, be enter­ tained. ” The answer to this letter, and to what Mr. Agnew had told Tulsi Ram to tell Mulraj and his coming, wer looked for till evening. No one came, nor any answer to the letter. This was on the 19th of April 1848. After Tulsi Ram was gone, the officers of the troops with Mr. Agnew came to represent that a large force was collected by Mulraj ; they are having a difficulty in obtaining supplies ; they are being surrounded within musket shot ; and Mulraj having sworn the Hindus on the Granth and the Muhammadans on the Koran to support him. The gentleman was then fitting in the entrance of the mosque and I was present. Qadar Bakhsh, the surgeon (jarrah), remarked : “ It is true, and the family of Mulraj are going to the fort and the guns are being placed in position in it,” He'added : “ I have gone and seen that Mulraj is ready to fight. ” About 5 o’clock p. m ., on the 19th, Mr. Agnew said to Kahan Singh and the officers of the troops : “ Bring the troops which are outside the enclosure of the Idgah within it, and make a battery at the wall round the enclosure.” By the middle of the night two guns were placed in position at each of the three gates. The troops and horses came within the enclosure ; noise and clamour were heard from the quarter where Mulraj’s troops were. About H o ’clock a . m . the orders of the Lahore Darbar to the effect that Mr. Agnew and Kalian Singh were to be obeyed, and not Mulraj, bad been sent to the address of the whole of the1'troops, and zamburchis* stationed at Multan. They had been sent through Ranjit Rai, a servant of Mulraj, and the troopers of Karam llahi Khan ; they came and reported that all the people had answered bv saying : “ We are under the orders of Mulraj, and his orders we will obey. ” On Thursday, the 20th of April, about. 8 a . m ., the guns in the f*»rt opened tire on the Idgah. One was fired from the fort first, then from both the fort and the Am-Khass. When they

*/mnburrhoi, men On carnela with gum on a swivel lixed on the camel. EVIDENCE FOR PROSECUTION. 03

Wazir Ali Khan (P. W. 4). had fired for three gharris* Mr. Agnew asked why his own men did not fire ? He called Colonel Ishar Singh and asked him why they did not fire ? Ishar Singh went and fired the guns. From this discharge a wheel of one of the guns in the Am-Khass was knock­ ed over, and a boy was killed by one shot. Either Ishar Singh or Jodh Singh came and told Mr. Agnew of this. Six discharges were made from the guns with Mr. Agnew, after which they fired no more, Mr. Agnew asked Kalian Singh what was the cause of this ? He went into the batteries, and I and others accompanied him. Kalian Singh enquired why the fire had ceased? The Commanding Officer, Gulab Singh, said : “ The cannonade (from Am-Khass) is very heavy and we cannot fight; why did not the gentlemen halt at Bakarabad, two kos from Multan ?” He also added : “ My troops are hungry and thirsty. ” After 12 o’clock (noon) Mr. Agnew sent for a thousand rupees through Kalian Singh Man, and through him sent them to the officers. Ishar Singh took the bag away. The guns bad ceased firing as usual. Gulab Singh went away first and subsequently all the froops went over to Mulraj. By 4 p. m . all had gone away leaving the guns. Whilst they were going away Kahan Singh said to Mr. Agnew : “ Shall I waive a sheet as a token of asking for quarter ? ’ ’ Mr. Agnew answered : “ I want no quarter.” Kahan Singh said : “ I will send Qazi Ghulam Husain, Salabat Khan and Ualii Bakhsh to ask for quarter. ” After obtaining permission from Mr. Agnew he sent them to ask for quarter. They had not returned when it was near sunset. At that time Lt, Anderson was lying stretched on the bed, and Mr. Agnew on a bed with a pillow under his right side and arm. I was driving away the flies. The sun had set wheii a body of men came on with a great noise, at least a thousand, if any thing more, and reached the Idgah. The guns were tiring from the fort ; in front of all were one hundred men of those Sikhs who wear quoits on their heads, and near them were Harbhagwan, Didar Singh and Jaimal Singh, officers of Mulraj’s troops. On first hearing the noise Mr. Agnew had given orders for bringing Lt. Anderson's bed near to his : this was before the attacking party had entered the Idgah enclosure. They had reached within five paces of the doorway of the mosque when some men laid hold of Kahan Singh. Seeing this 1 fled in a fright, and came round to the gentleman’s head, standing behind a kanat\ which was between me and him. The assaulting party came inside. A man (whose name I afterwards ascertained was Godar or Gujar

Viharri = 24 English minutes. f/iunat — screen. 64 DIWAN MUL RAJ,

Wazir Ali Khan (P. W. 4). Singh) abused Mr. Agnew, saying: “ Why have you come to Multan ? Become a Sikh. ” Mr. Agnew answered : “ I am a servant of Dalip Singh’s ; behold the hair on my head, your killing me will do you no good. ” The Sikh then gave him a cut with hie sword on the breast, then drew the sword twice across Mr. Agnew’s throat; one or two persons fired guns at him, one of whom was Bupa Singh, a man of Bam Bang’s, whose name I ascertained afterwards. First a Muhammadan fired at the gentleman, then Bupa They then began to cut Lt. Anderson with their swords, after which they threw down both the bodies into the enclosure of the Idgah, and again commenced hacking them. I had come to the other door of the mosque to escape, and stood and saw it. Previous to taking the bodies out of the mosque, Godar Singh had cut off Mr. Agnew’s head, and took it out. He cut it off n* my presence. On the 21st April 1848 I and Asad Ullah were sitting under a tree at a place called Baba Safra ka Nalahy near the dargah (shrine) of Shams Tabrez. About 9 o ’clock " a . m . I saw Godar Singh mounted on Mr. Agnew’s Arab horse, with the gentleman’s pistol at his girdle, coming from the Am-Khass, and going to the idgah, in the direction of the faithless Gurkha troops. After the murder of the gentlemen, eight days afterwards, X put on a disguise and went at sunset to the Am-Khass. Again twenty days after the murder I saw Mulraj with all his suite one day after I had been confined. The first time I went was early in the evening; the Darbar had broken up. I saw Mulraj in full authority, men of rank dressed in white with him, and men with carbines as he usually had as a guard. Again when I saw Mulraj with his suite it was at the Berhi Gate near the fort vthat gate was closed up). He stopped there and gave orders for the cleaning out of some place, and then made on. I was ir prison nine months and some days, but the day the fort was taken I came out. Food is not given to prisoners at Mul­ tan ; it is not the custom. The guards examined the bread which was brought me. I was in fetters. When confined 1 often saw Mulraj giving orders. Shaikh Mustafa, a Munshi of Lahore, who came with the Gurkha troops, brought me bread, and we ate together. Examined by the Court. Q•—When you reached Multan, in your opinion, were the troops so completely in the power and under the authority of Mulraj^ that thev eonM not in any way disobey him ? <1.— Before I was confined, and after my confinement, I saw that the troops were under the control of Mulraj; whoever disobeyed EVIDENCE FOR PROSECUTION. 65

Wazir Ali Khan (P. W. 4). him was confined. Four days after Mr. Agnew was killed, Colonel Ishar Singh and Kul Dip Singh asked leave to go to Lahore; Mulraj had just promoted them on their going over to him ; then, on their refusing to take service, he confined them. Colonel Ishar Singh, Jawahir Singh and his son, and Kul Dip Singh, with some ten or twelve gunners, were put in chains. Besides this he confined Mirza Jan, an artillery Jamadar, an old servant of his, three days after I was confined, because he had said : “ You will not gain a victory over the British ; you will not overcome these Kings though after a few days he let him out. He, previous to my confinement, gave Kahan Singh’s black horse to Asad Khan, and afterwards when he heard that Asad Khan had joined the Bahawal- pur Nawab, he put his wife and family into confinement in the fort. Q.— When the troops of the fort were mustered in the presence of Mr. Agnew and Lt. Anderson 'and Kahan Singh, within the fort of Multan, at that time in your opinion was every man among those troops under the control of Mulraj ; this refers to the muster of the 19th April ? A .— As far as I can form an opinion, and trusting to my eye­ sight and powers of forming a conclusion that day, I considered the army to be under the control of Mulraj. Examined by the Counsel for Prosecution. Q.—When you were in confinement in the fort of Multan, did you see the soldier Amir Chand, or not ? A .— I saw Amir Chand who wounded Mr. Agnew with a spear. Q.— How did you see him ? A .—When I was in confinement in Karam Narain’s house, Amir Chand too was confined there for a few days; he had been confined for a few days at Kahan Singh’s top * He was confined in the same place with me for five months and some days in fetters, about one or one-and-a-lialf pao~\ in weight. I and Shaikh Mustafa and Amir Chand were confined in Karam Narain’s bouse. Q.— Why was he confined ? A .— I asked Amir Chand, observing : “ You are a well-wisher ofth e(Sarkar) Government, why are you confined?” He said: “ The Banyast have complained against me to Mulraj that I had plundered their shops and hung them up by the heels. On the

*Top in Hindustani means gun. tseer Indian, or i lb. English, j Petty traders. F \ 66 DIWAN MUL RAJ. Wazlr Ali Khan (P. W. 4). day they complained Mulraj would not,listen to them. On thfc day he was going to the shiivala (Umple), the Banvas made a clamour and Mulraj ordered me to be confined. ” Food came once daily to Amir Chand from Bam Bang and once from the kitchen of Mulraj. Every month he got six rupees. Q.— Who wrote the orders, given by Mr. Agnew to Mulra to parade the troops ? A.— They were ruuakar* The draft was in my handwriting and the clear copy in Kanhaya Lai’s ; it was a correct copy of the draft. Examined by the Counsel for Defence. Q.— When the troops were paraded what was the strength of both the old and new troops ? A.— The old troops less than one hundred. The new ones near five or six hundred, both in service ana out of service. Q.— What do you mean by those not in service ? A.— Those who were armed were m service ; those without arms were not in service. Q.— How were those who were not in service paraded among the troops of Mulraj ? A.— All the people of the city, whether Hindu or Muhammadan, were under the control of Mulraj. There were many at the Sikki Gate outside the fort and a few inside the fort behind the new troops. Q.— When ivir. Agnew and you came out ! y the Sikki Gate, at that time, in what direction was Mr. Agnew proceeding ? A.— Mr. Agnew faced the Paula t, Gate. 1 do not know what direction that is. At the time I was in a state of great anxiety and want of collectedness. Q.— What is the breadth of the Sikki Gate ? A .— On that day I did not notice. After I came out of confine­ ment I ascertained that, it occupied less than four yards of space. Q.— How broad is the bridge over the ditch where the affair occurred ? A.— At that time there was a crowd of people ; how could I know ? Q.— That bari (small window or niche) from /Thich the man came out and made the stab with the spear, what bv't of a place is it ?

* Rvbakar L* l:terally a reoord of Magistrate's Court. EVIDENCE FOR PR08ECUTION. 07.

Wa*ir Ali Khao (P. W. 4). A.— Tho niche is in shape arched. I suppose a span higher than I am as now sitting, but I know not whether it was of masonry or not. It was out of repair. Q.— Was it even with the ground, or above it ? A .—I do not recollect whether it was high or low, as both men and horses weire passing. Q.— In what direction was the opening of this niche, and in what wall was it ? A.— The opening was in the direction of Mulraj *s house, and on his right. I do not recollect what wall it was in. Q.— You have recorded that you were looking * towards Mr. Agnew and Mulraj when they were behind and you in front and that you had suspicions. What was the cause of vour looking towards them ? A.— I had suspicions of Mulraj from whu. a heard near the Lohari Gate, and seeing the state of the troops outside the fort gate, and from having heard what Bhiwani Singh and Jawuhir Singh said. On this account I kept looking round to see what might happen. Q.— What was your intention ; in case you had seen, any real cause, would you have protected the gentlemen, or what would you have done ? Was it on this account you kept looking round ? A.— I had no intention. Q.— What number of troops reached Multan from Lahore with Mr. Agnew ? A.— I do not know the strength in detail. Some troopers of Gulab Singh, Kumedcm, and some companies ot Gurkhas, more than five hundred in all I should think. Q.— How many men were killed or wounded of the troops with Mr. Agnew in the fight at the Idgah ? . A.— Not one was killed, excepting the gentlemen ; one man of the Gurkha soldiers was wounded by a brick, struck by a shot. Certainly horses were killed by the shot. I do not remember how many. Q.— When you were behind the curtain (kanat) and the people were killing the gentlemen, what was your object in hiding yourself behind the curtain ? f2 68 DIWAN MUL RAJ.

Wazir All Khan (P. W. 4). A .—I went and hid myself behind the curtain from fear of my life, and when there I could not refrain from looking at the gentlemen through tKe opening. Q.—How did you escape from thence ? A .—There was a cart near the curtain. By getting behind it I got out at another door, and reached Shams Tabrez after getting out of the enclosure of the Idgah in the direction of Baba Sufra’s Nalah. Q.—Have you been plundered of all your property ? A .— Yes, plundered of all. Q.—You have recorded that when the Idgah was being attack­ ed, Harbhagwan and Didar Singh and Jaimal Singh were in the attack. Did these three come to the place where the gentlemen were lying wounded ? A .— At the time of the gentlemen being killed, they did not-; they were standing in the enclosure of the Idgah in my presence. Q.—You have recorded that you did not recognize at the time these three persons, but recognized them afterwards and ascertained their names. Did you know them by their dress or counten­ ances ? A .—By the appearance. Q.— Where did you see these people, and at what time, and who told you their names ? A .— I saw Harbhagwan three days after the affair in Bam Bang’s cantonments. I asked Kishen, his brother: “ Who is this ? This man was in front on the day of the attack on the Idgah.” He said : “ He is my brother and his name is Har­ bhagwan.” I saw him every day after this. I saw Didar Singh in the suite of Mulraj in the fort. Zalim Singh, Ganesh Singh, Fursat Singh Purbia, Sham Singh, Sikh Havildar, all pointed out this man to be Didar Singh. He was a Kumedan; now he is a Colonel. On a previous occasion Jaimal Singh was passing the Delhi Gate ; there were some soldiers, brothers of one Devi Das, a fakir (Bairagi) ; when I said this was the man who was in the attack on the Idgah, four or five from among them said : “ This man who was in the attack on the Idgah and wounded Lt. Anderson, his name is Jaimal Singh. ” Q.— Where were you in Multan previous to your confinement ? A .— Nine days in Bam Bang's cantonments with Qutb Shah and Karam Ilahi. Eleven days in a safe place in Makhdum Mahmud’s place of resort for travellers (musafar-khana) where I was seized. EVIDENCE FOR PROSECUTION. 69

Wazir All Khan (P. W. 4). Q.— How did you subsist during these nine and eleven days ? You had been robbed of everything you possessed. A .—For nine days I got food twice daily from Qutb Shah and eleven days in the place of resort for travellers. Four rupees I borrowed from Ishar Das, the treasurer, and two rupees I borrowed from Bansi Dhar, which he lent m e ; these I expend­ ed. When I was seized two rupees and some pice and some clothes were taken by the Kotwal (police officer) of Multan. Q.— During these twenty days why did you not get away ? A .—I meant to run away every day, and heard that it was Mulraj’s order to cut off the nose of every one found at the gate. I found no means of escape ; it was in my destiny to be confined. Q.— When you went in secret to see Mulraj, what sort of dis­ guise did you adopt ? A .— Tight pajamas or trousers called ghutanna, mirzai (short waist) to the waist, a sheet or dupatta like those worn at Lahore, one round my waist, one over my body, with a short stick in my hand. I gave myself out to be from the Gurkha regiment when a party on the road enquired who I was. I changed my appear­ ance in this way, cut my hair short, four fingers* length, and shorten­ ed my beard. Q.—How were you seized ? A .— Information was given, through Ranjit Rai, Durga Parsad and Gulab, farrash* of Qutb "Shah and Karam Dahi having escaped in the Leiah direction. The Diwan gave orders to seize these persons. Makhdum Mahmud, fearing disgrace, informed the Diwan of a man of Hindustan and a Shaikh being in his place of resort for travellers in case he should be blamed. On his pointing this out, Shada, Mulraj’s chobdar, f seized on both and confined us in chains in the fort. Q.—You have recorded the soldier Amir Ohand’s being con­ fined in Multan, and his receiving six rupees monthly from Mulraj when in confinement, and dinner daily from Mulraj’s kitchen. How did you ascertain this ? A .— Mine and Amir Chand’s bed were in one place; Sardul Singh brought food for Amir Ghand from Ram Rang, and in the evening the food came through Dal Singh, Janadar of Mulraj. When the troops were paid, he received his pay, and I used to see him take it through Dal Singh, Jamadar.

*Farrath is a carpet-spreader. fMaoe-bearer in waiting. TO DIWAN MUL KAJ.

Wazir \li Khan (P. W. 4). Q.— Where have you served, and in what capacity ? A.— First I was Deputy Kotwal at Bhartpur, then a writer in the Agra Oollectorate; Thanadar (police officer) in the Cawn- pore District, Superintendent of Collection of Revenue in the Allahabad District, acting Peshlcar in the Revenue Collections in Jasram, Peshkar of Settlement in Etawah, Assistant to Revenue Collector, Keepei of Records, and some time testing measure­ ments. In November 1833 I gave in my resignation and in ^larch 1848 I went with Mr. Agnew to Multan from Lahore. Q.— When Sardar Kahan Singh and Mr. Agnew and Mulraj went to the fort of Multan, in what way did they go, and where did they sit on going inside ? A .— Sardar Kahan Singh was on the elephant and Mr. Agnew on another ; until I saw him in the fort I did not see Mulraj. When they had returned irom seeing the fort, etc., I arrived, and they were then mustering the troops. y.—How often have you given evidence ? A.— Yesterday in Mulraj’s affair, but a statement of mine was formerly lodged with Mr. Hugh James and with Major Edwardes.* Examined by the Court. Q.— Did any Munshi or trustworthy person on the part of Mulraj come to the gentlemen at Raj ghat ? A .— I was asleep. I heard that some one came to tile gentle­ men on the part of Mulraj. I did not see him. Q.— After Mr. Agnew and L . Anderson were wounded, from that time, till Amir Chand was conhned, did you see Amir Chand in the interval ? A.— No, I did not see him in the intervening time. Q.— When you saw Amir Chand in confinement, how did you know him to be the man who had made a stab at Mr. Agnew with a spear. A .—When they brought Amir Chand to confine him, and I saw him at a distance, I asked who is this coming ? Hira Lai, Khatri, another prisoner, said : “ This is Amir Chand who made a stab at Mr. Agnew with a spear. ” I recognized him on seeing his face, saying : “ His beard ia longer, this is the Amir Chand who struck Mr. Agnew with a spear.” The Court adjourned.

• Vide Appendix B. Sixth Day— Wednesday, 6th June J 849. EVIDENCE FOE THE PROSECUTION —continued. Bansi Dhar (P. W. 5)— Duly sworn. Q.— What, is your father’s name ? A .— Jawahir Mai. Q.—What is your caste ? A .— Gaur Brahman. Q.—What is your age ? A .— About 25 years. Q.—What is your occupation V A .— General service. Q.—Where is your residence ? A .—Atrowali in Aligarh District; seeking employment in company with Mr. Agnew to Multan. Examined by the Court. Q.— State what you know about Mr. Agnew and Lt. Anderson going to Mnltan and having an interview with Mulraj ? A.— I went with Mr. Agnew in hope of employ. I went in a boat with him. When we reached Rajghat we remained there the whole day. None came that day on the part of Mulraj to the gentlemen. The next day we moved to the Idgah ; we arrived there about 7 o’clock a . m . ; remained there tha whole day. Mulraj did not come for an interview : at evening Mulraj came. The interview took place in Kahan Singh’s tent. I don’t know what took place at the interview. Mulraj went away. The day after this the gentlemen went into the fort of Multan. I was with them. Mr. Agnew, having looked at all the places in the fort with Mulraj, placed his own sentries. When they reached the Kamarkot Gate, which is outside the Sikki Gate, Mulraj touched his forehead with his hand, as a mark of respect. At that time when the hind quarters of Mulraj’s horse were within the Kamarkot Gate and the forepart of the horse and Mulraj himself outside, he nodded his head and advanced his horse of his own accord. Mnl raj was to the right of Mr. Agnew and on the left Lt. Anderson, and on his left Sardar Kahan Singh. A person abreast of the lintel of the gate was sitting on the ground towards the outer side ; his back was against the lintel; he stood up and made a stab with a spear at Mr. Agnew at his right side. Mr. Agnew went off his horse towards Lt. Anderson ; his 71 72 DIWAN MUL RAJ.

Banii Dhar (P. W. 5). left foot was in the stirrup and the right foot on the ground, after which the left foot reached the ground. He was now stand­ ing. He held firmly in his hand a stick, and the man had not time to draw his sword ; his hand was on the handle of the sword when the gentleman struck him with a stick on the chest. After this the soldier made a blow with his sword. The gentleman guarded it off with the stick. The sepoy, after this, again made a blow ; it took effect on the gentleman’s left elbow, the third blow on the left shoulder. Two blows of the sword took effect. After the gentleman was wounded, two foot soldiers, who were attached to Mr. Agnew, came from the fort of Multan on to the bridge out­ side the gate ; one of those two wounded the soldier with his sword ; it took effect slightly on his left cheek. The other sepoy was about to strike him when he jumped into the ditch. The soldier was about to jump into the ditch when the gentleman forbade him. I was three or three-and-a-half paces behind Mr. Agnew’s horse, on foot, unarmed. Sardar Kahan Singh was ahead of us on the bridge about two-and-a-half paces, with his sword drawn, on a rise in the ground on horseback. Having dismounted he tore up some cloth and bound up Mr. Agnew’s wounds and sending for two elephants got on one himself and put Mr. Agnew on the other. "When they had started and reached outside the Daulat Gate they turned to the left towards the Idgah. When they had moved twenty or twenty-two paces on from the turn of the Daulat Gate, from behind some one fired a carbine at the rear of the elephant; it did not take effect. Q.— When Mr. Agnew was wounded, what did Mulraj do ? A .— Mulraj had turned his head to the right and had ridden away fast after the spear and sword took effect. Q.— State what you saw when Mulraj rode away fast ? A .—The troopers waiting outside the bridge accompanied him and the foot I could not see owing to the rise in the ground. I saw the heads of about twenty horsemen ; they were riding fast. I could not see their horses. Q.— State what you know about Lt. Anderson V A ,—When I reached the Gurkha quarterguard in the direction of the Idgah, along with Mr. Agnew, at that time they had laid Lt. Anderson on a bed. He was wounded ; from the number of wounds he was senseless. I do not know anything about Lt. Anderson being wounded in the first instance. Q.—When you went into the fort at that time, what did you notice of the state of the people of the city and of the troops in the fort ? EVIDENCE FOR PROSECUTION. 73

Bao«i Dfaar (P. W. 5). A .—When I wunt into the tort of Multan, I saw the people of the city on my left hand in thousands. 1 had no communication, nor do I know what state they were in, but the soldiers of the fort, not allowing the Gurkha troops to come in, showe d mat they were ready for mischief. I had no communicalion with them. I do not know7 whether they got their orders from Mulraj not to let them in. I did not hear him give any order. Q.—What occurred on the 19th April after you reached the Idgah ? A.— Mr. Agnew wrote a letter to Mulraj to this effect:— “ Send those people who have wrounded me and come yourself.” He neither seized them nor came himself. The following day, at 9 o ’clock a . m ., the guns began to fire from the fort first and then from the Aw a near the Am-Kliass. The guns fired all day. Twto hours before the close of fhe day the Gurkha regh tent and the arfillery and others, having collected their baggage, went off to the cantonment of Baba Sufra. Q.—State what you know' about the attack of the Multan troops on the Idgah, and the gentlemen being killed ? A .— The sun had set when the assault wras made by fifty men from the direction of the Am-Khass and fifty from that of the cantonment of Baba Sufra. Those who came from the direction of the cantonment of Baba Sufra seized Kalian Singli. Kahan Singh said : “ I do not use any arms, take me and my son and the two gentlemen to Mulraj. We have been called by Mulraj, and sent by Maharaja Dalip Singh.” They seized Kalian Singh. I then ran away and hid myself behind a curtain (kanat) near Mr. Agnew7. I was peeping between the joinings of the two curtains. A body of men came, in front of whom w'as a Mazhabi Sikh, w7ho said to Mr. Agnew : “ You scoundrel, why did you come here ; was it an easy thing to take the fort ” ? Mr. Agnew7 said : “ I came having been called by Mulraj, and wTas sent by the Maharaja ; take me to Mulraj ; either kill me or let me go.” This man struck a blow w'ith his sword on Mr. Agnew’s neck, and drawing the sw7ord tw'icc across the throat cut off his head and put it into a handkerchief of Mr. Agnew, and taking his pistol he returned his sword into the sheath. There were a number of people around Lt. Anderson ; some struck him with spears, some w ith sw ords. I ran awray from the place. The night passed. In the morning I went to the Idgah and saw both the corpses of the gentlemen. Mr. Agnew’s body was on its bark, with many wounds on both shoulders ; there was one deep, large wound on n DIWAN MUL EAJ.

Banti Dhar (P. W.5'. the stom ach; the corpse headless. Lt. Anderson’s bod} was on its fa ce ; from the head to the feet with intervals of foui lingers, it was one series of wounds. After seeing these corpses I went to look at the Am-Khass which I reached at 7 o’clock. Th$ Diwan was there sitting in kachahri (court or council) in the gateway. I went and stood under a mangoe tree, some fifteen or twenty paces off. At this time the Mazhabi came with Mr Agnew’s head to Mulraj, who gave an order to some orderly “ Give the elephant on which Kalian Singh rode yesterday to tniff man.” The Mazhabi said : “ I cannot afford to keep an ele­ phant.” Mulraj said to some one : “ Give him that horse of Mr. Agnew. ” He told his orderly to bring the horse and rupees The orderly brought both. Mulraj gave the horse and rupees tied up in a handkerchief, about three or three hundred and fifty rupees, through the orderly to the Mazhabi. The Mazhabi tool up the head and I went with him. He threw the head dowr before Kahan Singh Man. Kahan Singh Man was confined in a garden of the Am-Khass. The Mazhabi said to him : “ Here is the head of your son-in-law whom you brought here. ” Kahar Singh wept and got up. The soldiers with him got up and took him away to another place. The Mazhabi took the head up to the great entrance of the Am-Khass, where the guns were, and wetted some powder in a cup, which he got from a bag of one of the gunners, and rubbed it on the head and beard and whiskers ; then putting some dry powder into the mouth he applied a match and blew it up. Residents of that place and soldiers were looking on as spectators ; they were kicking the head and were spitting on it and making water on it. About ten o’clock Mulraj sent a Jamadai and six or seven soldiers with two silk khes (bed spreads) of Multan to the place where the head was. A soldier took it up, and they all went towards the Idgah and I went with them. Having.taken up the two corpses, and having placed the head near the body, they put them on a bed and threw the silk khes over them and buried both bodies in a hollow in which the water lodged near the Idgah. I after this went and hid myself in Ganda Singh’s place of resort for travellers. The next day, at seven o’clock a .m ., 1 went to the place where the bodies were buried. The bodies were out )f the grave with no silk cloths on them, the head in the hole. I came back into the Am-Khass. Two or three labourers with a sepoy, who had two silk cloths of Multan, met me. I accompanied them. On reaching the place the sepoys had a hole dug as deep as the waist, in the hollow where the water was, and wrapping up the bodies buried them in it. About 6 o’clock a . m., the following day, I went tc whore the bodies were buried and found them both EVIDENCE FOR PROSECUTION. 75

Bansi Dhar (P. W. 5). outside and the head in the water. I went back to the Am-Khass and was sitting with the soldiers when I saw two beldars (spades­ men) and one soldier with a piece of fine linen in his hand coming towards me. The soldiers with whom I was sitting asked them where they were going ? The sepoy said : “ Some one has taken up the two bodies again. I am going to bury them. ” I accom­ panied them. The beldars on reaching took the head out of the water and wrapping up the bodies in a blanket dug a grave on the left near the Idgah, and, wrapping both the bodies and head in the fine linen, buried them both there. The sentries in the Idgah were told to watch the bodies. Q— -At the gate near the guns, where they blew up the gentle­ man’s head, how far is it from the place where Mulraj was in the habit of sitting in kachahri. A .—About one hundred and four paces. Walls and trees intervene and hide the view. Q.—When the Mazhabi took the head of Mr. Agnew to Kahan Singh, how far was Kahan Singh from Mulraj ? A ,— About fifty paces, and a wall intervening. Q.—When you saw a man with Mr. Agnew’s head come to Mulraj, how did you recognize him as the man who had killed Mr. Agnew in the Idgah ? A .— I knew him by this that both his hands were bent in. When he killed Mr. Agnew I noticed his hands as I did on seeing them again ; by this I recognized the Mazhabi ; Mr. Agnew’s pistol too was in his possession. He who struck Mr. Agnew with the spear, the people of Multan designated him as “ The first king in Multan, ” and the Mazhabi who cut off the head, used to go through the bazar and the army (lines) with a naked sword in his hand, mounted on Mr. Agnew’s horse, accompanied by the children of the city, who used to say : Victory to Guru Khalsa. ” They designated this man the “ second king. ” Q.— Did you ever see the man who was called the first king ? A .— I saw him once when he wounded Mr. Agnew at the bridge and afterwards after the murder of the gentleman. I was in the habit of seeing him during four months at the Lahori Gate where he was on duty. In my presence the people of the city and the troops called him “ King the first, ” saying he had protected the faith of both Hindu and Musalman. Q.—When the gentlemen were killed, how many were there with the gentlemen who did not run away ? I

76 DIWAN MUL RAJ.

Bans! Dhar (P. W. S). A.— The servant of the kachahri, private servants, chaprasis, * nearly thirty-five persons* were in the Idgah previously to the assault, after which not one was to be seen. Q.— At the time of the assault, who were the parties with Kahan Singh ? A.—At that time there were about twenty or twenty- five armed men. I do not know their names; after the assault not one was to be seen. I concealed myself and know nothing further. Examined by the Counsel for Defence. Q.— Where the man struck Mr. Agnew with a spear at the bridge, is there any niche in the wall ? A.— I saw no niche. Q.-—When Amir Chand struck Mr. Agnew with a spear, where was Wazir Ali ? A .—At that time Wazir Ali was two or two-and-a-half pacea in advance of Mr. Agnew and Mulraj’s horse. Q.— In the place where Mr. Agnew’s bed was in the Idgah* how far was the curtain where you w’ere concealed ? A.— The curtain was about fifteen paces from the gentleman’s bed where I was concealed on the left of the Idgah. Q.— At that time was there any one else behind the curtain except yourself ? A.— I was thinking of the gentlemen. I could recollect no dng else. I do not know whether there was any one behind the cut; ain or not. Q.— Why were you hidden behind the curtain ? A.— To save my life, and because the gentleman \\ »s yet alive, how could I leave him ? Q.— How was Lt. Anderson killed ? A .— Of the body of men which came among them, first one,, then another, struck. + i know not who they were. Q.— How did you get away and escape from the Idgah ? A.— It was the time when candles are lit wheft I came out of the Idgah; the soldiers of Mulraj challenged me at the inner gate. I got out by saying I was a servant. The artillery,

* English record states 36 men. f Vernacular record reads Khi nen kuchh mart, kisi nen kulch/t rnara— (Some struok witl* something while others struck w'.ch something else).— Vide statement of Bausi Dhar. EVIDENCE FOR PROSECUTION. 77 Bansi Dhar (P. W. 5). the regiment (cavalry), and the Gurkha regiment were at Baba Sufra. I went there; the servants of the hachdhri and private servants were there. I passed the night under a sentry of Mulraj. In the morning, under the plea of going out to obey the call of nature, I went away. * Q.— At the time when the gentlemen were murdered and the people were cutting the dead bodies and had cut off the head, at that time where were you, and how far off from the corpses ? A .— When the head was cut off I was sitting near the curtain ; after which I ran away and 3aw the bodies in the morning. Q.— When the gentlemen were killed, were any other weapons used besides swords, such as daggers, knives, &c. A .—When the man cut off Mr. Agnew’s head he had only a sword in his hand. I saw nothing but swords used in reference to Mr. Agnew and I do not know in reference to Lt. Anderson what weapons were used. Q.—Were you plundered of all your property ? A .— I was plundered of all my property. Q.— After the murder of the gentlemen until you were confined, how long were you in Multan *? A .—Four months previous to my confinement. Sometimes I wrent to Major Edwardes and Lieut. Lake, and they gave me money. Q.— Under what pretext did you remain in Multan ? A .—I am a Brahman ; my caste a begging one* ; sometimes a beggar, sometimes a soldier, sometimes passing for a Najib,f sometimes for an artillery man, I used to wander over the fort and live by begging ; this was my pretext for remaining at Multan. Q.— How came you to be confined in Multan ? A .— There was a man Banjit Bai in the service of Mulraj ; from his being a countryman of mine, he had given me a lodging in his own house ; when I began to go to Lieutenant Lake and Major Edwardes, Banjit Bai, as a faithful servant of Mulraj, told him of me. Bamji Mai too was a friend of mine. He confined us both in the jail near the Kotwali, fettering us together. I am not annoyed at having been confined. Q.— When did you come into the British camp or army ?

♦Vernacular record reads:— Sau'ali hona hamari zat hat (Begging is professional with -oar caste). ■fNajib literally means, noble, of high birth, n&njit Singn had two infantry oattaliona tfcnown as Najib battalions. 78 D1WAN MUL RAJ. Bans! Dbar (P. W. 5). A.— On the day the assault took place on the Aw a and the two large guns on the Kliuni bastion were broken, the Diwan fled to the fort; that day I escaped and reached Major Edwardes near the middle of the night. Q.— Since you escaped from confinement, have you received any gratuity ? A.—I gave a petition to Major Edwardes asking for fifty-nine rupees, nine annas on account of my losses in Multan. Major Edwardes gave it to me. Q.— Among the servants who ^ have sustained losses in Multan besides yourself, has any one received any gratuity ? A.— I know not whether any one else lias received any ; I don’t know. Q.—Are you in service, or out of employ *? A.— Out of employ, but my presence here lias been required. Q.—How often has your evidence been taken previously to this ? A.— In the affair of the Mazhabi who was hanged at Multan, I gave evidence once at Multan.* I am giving evidence to-day in the affair of Mulraj. Examined by the Court. Q.— On the day the gentlemen were killed, or any other day subsequent, did the people of Multan show in any way a feeling of rejoicing ? A.— For three days the people of Multan illuminated from joy, after the evening of the murder of the gentlemen, and all praised Mulraj. Q.— It has been mentioned that on the day the gentlemen were killed the guns fired (at Idgali) from ten o’clock till the evening. Those who made the assault on the Idgali, were they not killed by the shot from their own guns ? A.— The artillerv men took an aim in another direction, the shot did not take effect f ; but when the soldiers were packing up their property, the cannonade was less, and when they had cut off the gentleman’s head it ceased. Q.— You have before mentioned that when the crowd came out at the Kamarkot Gate, Mulraj turned his head. Why do you mention this, and what is the object of your showing this ?

•See Appendix A. fVernacular record reads gola yhavl t>>cv na laga ( shot did not fall on the mob). EVIDENCE FOR PROSECUTION. 79

Bansi Dbar (P. W. S). A .— I have shown this that Mulraj having turned his head, hastened his horse. I have said it to prove that whatever that soldier did was done by his order. Q.—You accompanied the gentlemen to Multan and remained three days with them. Taking everything thoroughly into consideration, in your opinion when the two gentlemen were wounded till the time when they were both killed, did Mulraj, at any time or in any way, show any kindness to or care of the two gentlemen or any compassion towards them ? A .— Mulraj sent Raizada Tulsi Ram to look after the gentle­ men on the day they were wounded. He said the Diwan is helpless. He is in the power of the soldiery and cannot get out; excepting this, there were no courtesies shown. The Court adjourned. Seventh Day— Thursday, 7th June 1849. EVIDENCE FOR THE PROSECUTION -continued. Ilahi Bakhsh (P. W. 6)—Duly sworn. Q.—What is your lather’s name ? A.— Zaman Khan. Q. —What is your caste ? A.—Janju (Rajput). Q.—What is your age ? A .— About 46 years. Q.— Calling ? A.—Commandant of 12 troopers, Irregular, paid by Gov­ ernment (Lahore)*. Q.—Village ? A.— Bheita, on the opposite side of the river Jhelum. Examined by the Court. Q.— First state, did you accompany Mr. Agnew to Multan ? A.— I did accompany Mr. Agnew to Multan. Q.— When the gentlemen went to the fort, were you with them ? A .—I was. ().— State whatever you may know of what occurred there? A.— Having said the morning prayers, I, with ten troopers, ami Salabat Khan, with seven or eight troopers in addition, in obedience to Sardar Kahan Singh’s orders given over-night., accom­ panied Mr. Agnew. When we started for the fort, Mr. Agnew ordered Kahan Singh to send a man to Mill raj to tell him to come to accompany him to the fort. He sent the man. We met Mulraj a little distance outside the city. He having joined us, we passed through the bazars and, entering the city by the Daulat Gate, reached that of the fort. Kahan Singh ordered us to halt within two paces of the bridge, saying : “ Let the officers come in.” *

•Vernacular record read* nnqdidnr (get.mg coah salary an distinguished from jngirdar.) EVIDENCE FOR PROSECUTION. 81

IU hi Bakhsh (P. W. 6). remained there. Shaikh Mahtaba, trooper of Karam llahi Khan's horse, said to me “ come in ’’ and laid hold of my hand. I entered with him the gate of the fort and joined Mr. Agnew there. Both the gentlemen and Mulraj had dismounted. Having inspected the guns and shells, they went into the western part of the fort. There was a large gun there. They having inspected the fort re­ turned and reached the gate. There was a great crowd there. 1 heard Mr. Agnew say to the Jamadar of Jazailchis* : “ You will get your arrears of pay from Mulraj, and in future from me.” t Lt. Anderson and Mulraj had gone on. By their moving on the ^rowd was diminished about Mr. Agnew. Mr. Agnew too came out of the gate. At the end of the bridge to the outer side of it, I saw Mr. Agnew’s horse without a rider, and Air. Agnew on the ground, and a soldier wounding him with a sword when on the ground. I saw the soldier give him one blow, on which the gentle­ man struck the soldier on the head. 1 was behind on foot. On reaching the gentleman 1 struck the soldier with my sword in the face ; he shook his head, and stepped back, falling into the ditch, ^ome other soldiers of Multan, some eight or nine, who were there with drawn swords ran away, some outside, some into the fort. Mr. Agnew was standing there, and Kalian Singh and his orderly with Salabat Khan, Qutb Shah and Nasim Khan were standing near him. Earn Rang too was in the midst of them ; lie took off his saja (covering of the head) and bound up Mr. Agnew’s woi ids. Mr. Agnew sent for an elephant; he got on to one elephant and Kalian Singh on another, and went towards their quarters. I looked to the right towards the Am-Khass in going along home, and saw that the soldiers were dragging out the guns outside the Am-Khass. At that time Ram Rang said : “ I will go and forbid them after saying which he went; the gentlemen avoiding the Am-Khass road got out of the city by a lane. Ahead there is a canal. There I saw Lt. Anderson lying on the ground, the troopers Shaikh Mahtaba and Jawahir Khan were standing near him, having placed the gentleman on a bed agreeably to Mr. Agnew’s orders. Whilst they were carrying him towards the Idgali, a carbine was tired on us, from the place where they were dragging out the guns ; it did not take effect on any one. Examined by the Prosecution Counsel. Q.— When Mr. Agnew was coming out of the fort, do you know who, among the kachari servants or private ones, were with him ?

*Jtzailch'vs—(limners attached to heavy guns, fromjazaiZ—a heavy gun of a large bore, t Vernacular record adds naukri badastur rahegi (you will continue in service). 82 DIWAN MUL RAJ.

Dahi Bakiuk (P. W. 6). A .— I do not know any of the kachari or private servants of the gentlemen ; they proceeded in boats ; I went by land. Q.— When Mr. Agnew was wounded what did Mulraj do ? A .— Mulraj had gone away before I reached the gentleman. Q.— Do you know who wounded Lt. Anderson ? A .—I do not know. Q.—When the guns were firing on the second day on the Idgah. do you know that Qazi Ghulam Husain was sent bv Mr. Agnew to Mulraj to ask for quarter ? A .—Kahan Singh sent me and Ghulam Husain and Salabat Khan and Shaikh Mahtaba to Mulraj about 4 p . m . to ask for quarter. We four met Mulraj in the Am-Khass. Harbhagwan, who belonged to the troops who were firing the guns on us, went with us to Mulraj. The soldiers took our swords from us. After searching us, we went inside to Mulraj, and said: “ Hear what we have to say, aside.” Mulraj having sat down aside, said : “ How have you come ? ” I have a message from Kahan Singh as follows :—“ We came at your bidding, what fault have we committed that you should have treated us in this way ? ” Mulraj said : “ I have no power ; what has happened, has happened by the will of God.” I said : “ What­ ever has taken place has passed ; now do what you can to remedy it.” Mulraj said : “ There has been a general rise, and that has happened which should not have happened ; give up the English gentlemen, the guns, and whatever there is of Government proper­ ty ; you soldiers can go away.” We said : “ Where shall we sol­ diers go ? Give up our bullocks, elephants, ponies, servants and whatever you have seized of ours, and promise that when we go away from here that no one shall obstruct us, and trustworthy person of your’s accompanying us ; if not, we will die where we are.” The soldiers of Mulraj, whilst we were sitting there, came and said to him: ‘‘ You may speak a hundred thousand times, we will not obey you in one thing, these are our victims.” Q.— Did you say anything to Mulraj about stopping the can­ nonade ? A .— That is what we went for. Harbhagwan and Jwala Sahai, who were sitting by Mulraj, said : “ With whom have the English kept faith ? Raja Lai Singh brought them to Lahore, what have they done to him ? And to the Queen ? ” Finally, Mulraj sent with us Bahadur Shah, Vakil of the Amirs of Sindh, and Asad Khan of Sungur, and Hakim Rai, Adalati, and Harbhagwan, saying: “ Bring us a document signed by the officers of the EVIDENCE ^OR PROSECUTION. 83 II.hi Balchth (P. W. 6). Lahore troops and the gentleman’s countersignature to this pur­ port : ‘ We will leave the Multan territory*, then take away your property.” I said: “ Stop the cannonade. I go to the officers of the troops and will state all you have said, and bring you whatever they may write and will receive from you our elephants, camels, & c.; should they not write anything we will come and inti­ mate what order we may receive ; send these four persons with us to stop the cannonade and conduct us to the Idgah.” We started with these four to where the guns were firing near the Awa. These four ordered the troops to cease firing, as “ These people are going to the Idgah, therefore leave off.” There were seven guns there ; one was disabled, one was stopped, the five were firing from the mound, and the fort guns too. Harbhagwan said to me: “ The adjutant of the Gurkhas has joined Mulraj from the Idgah, and has stipulated for service on the terms existing in the time of Maharaja Kanjit Singh ; so these people will not stop the guns at my bidding; come to Mulraj.” Again we all returned. These four went inside to Mulraj and sent sepoys with us to take us into the Am-Khass to give us water and smoking pipes (hukka) whilst they spoke to Mulraj, and were to inform us what he might say; we were sitting in the Am-Khass when all the officers and men of the army, both cavalry and infantry, came from the Idgah and joined the troops of Multan stationed at the mound ; but Karam Ilahi, with thirty or thirty-five troopers (Muhammadans), remain* ed in the Idgah ; so much I know. Q.—When you first went into, the fort, at that time did you suspect there would be a disturbance ? A .— God alone knows what is not divulged ? I lo not know what Mulraj *s intentions wrere ; but so far when some servants— fanashes—went into the fort of Multan, the Jamadar of Jazail* chis struck one or two of them with the open hand. Examined by the Counsel for Defence. Q.—When the soldier struck Mr. Agnew with the spear, where was the soldier ? At the Sikki or Kamarkot Gate, or on the bridge ? A .— At the end of the bridge .to the outside. Q.—Did you hear any talk of stores of grain in Multan ? A.—When I went into the fort with the gentleman, he said to Mulraj, on seeing a number of laden camels going outside, “ Where are these going ? ** He answered : “ They are not the property of the Maharaja but mine.** The gentleman said : “ Do not sell it, but I will pay you for it.** 84 DIWAX MUL RAJ. Ilabi Bakbtb (P. W. 6). Q.— When you first went into the city and fort, how many guns do you think you saw *? A .— I did not go into the citv. In the fort I saw about 15 or IS guns. I did not accompany the gentleman all over the fort. G-— Were all these guns in position, or dismounted ? A .— 1 did not see any dismounted. Q.— Do you know Wazir Ali or Bansi Dhar, who were with Mr. Agnew. A .— When Wazir Ali came to the cantonment of Ram Rang in Multan, I saw him after the affair. I did not know Bansi Dhar up to the present moment. Q.—When you went to Mulraj, as a messenger to the Am* Kliass to ask for quarter, how was Mulraj sitting ? Had he any sen trie* round, or who were sitting with him ? A .— At every door the sentries were at their posts ; we four went through three doors; there saw Mulraj sitting ; there were servants and people, soldiers, about him ; I do not know who they were or how many. Q.— When you came away from Mulraj, how far was the place where you separated from where lie sat ? A .— He was sitting in a baradari (open hall) ; there was a hall close by where we sat separate. Q.— Besides you four and Mulraj, how many more were there within hearing ? A.— There were five or six men besides Mulraj ; afterwards others came ; his servants I conclude, but I don’t know. Q.— When, in obedience to Kahan Singh’s orders, you stopped a little while outside the fort gate, what orders wrere given to the company of Gurkhas as to moving or halting *? A.—The Gurkha company was ordered to halt. When the order came from inside they moved into the fort gate. Q.— After Mr. Agnew was killed, did you see the gentleman’s head or body ? A.— The day after the murder of Mr. Agnew I saw it outside the gates of the Am-Khass on a plain. I saw his head lying on the ground, and I heard that a Mazhabi Sikh had cut it olf and brought it. Q.— What happened to that head V EVIDENCE FOR PROSECUTION. 85

Karam Ilalu Khaa (P. W. 7). A .— From fear I did not go out. I do not know what nappened to it. Q.— When you saw the head, were there any marks of its being burnt by powder or did any one make water on it in your presence ? A .— In my presence no one made waiter on it. I saw it at too great a distance off to distinguish any marks of burning ; people said the Mazhabi Sikhs had burnt it, and treated it with every indignity.

Karam Ilahi Khan, (P. W. 7)— Duly sworn. Q.— What is your father’s name ? A.— Misri Khan. Q.— Caste ? A.— Awan. Q.—Place of residence ? A.— Hnfizabad, over the Ravi. D — Age ? A.— 07 years. Q.— Occupation ? A .— Commander of troopers, 05 troopers, naqdidar. Examined by the Prosecution Counsel. Q.—When you went to Multan, on what day did you arrive ? A .— When Mr. Agnew came out of Multan wounded, I met him on the road there. Q.— Relate what you know of the affair. A .— Kalian Singh reported my arrival. Mr. Agnew, through Kalian Singh, gave orders to me and Qutb Shah to go to Mulraj and < tell him : “ Whoever may have done this foolish thing shall be punished. Do not you be alarmed.” I and Qutb Shah started ; then we saw Xihangs with their guns going up the Awa (mound). They fired twice at us. I said : “ The gentleman has sent us to assure the Diwan, why do you fire at us ?” The Niliangs said : “ W e will not let you go to the Diwan. We will treat you as we have treated the gentlemen if you do not go back. Go back the way you came.” We returned and reported this to Kahan Singh. I think this was between 8 or 9 o’clock a.m. + Q.— State what you know of what happened on the 2nd day, on the 20th April ? A.— Sardar Kahan Singh, on the 2nd day, said to me : “ Send the written orders of the Lahore authorities to the officers of the Multan troops.” There was a nakarchi (drummer) of mine kt) DIWAN MUL HAJ •

Kuun Uahi Khu (P. W 7) Khushal Khan. 1 gave him the written Orders to go and give them. Khushal Khan came and said the officers say : “ When it was the proper time to send these orders, they were not sent; now we are at war ; now whatever orders Diwan Mulraj may give we will obey.” About 9 o’clock a .m . the shot began to reach the Idgah from the fort; one of my soldiers had his leg broken by a shot. Thir­ teen guns opened from the fort and six guns and thirty camel-guns from the mound. On the Idgah, there were six guns which were fired once. From a shot of ours, the carriage of one of their guns was broken ; from.another of ours the head of a Nihang’s son was carried o ff ; he was near the Shah Shams. Four of the guns were tired without effect on the cavalry of Mulraj ; they were too far off. After which, excepting these six discharges, the guns were tired no more. The cannonade continued till about 4 p .m ., when Ilahi Bakhsh came to me and said : “ Messengers of the regiment and Gurkhas and people of the artillery are going to the mound, and messengers from the opposite party come to the troops at the Igdah.” I said : “ Tell Kalian Singh of it.’’ Ilahi Bakhsh took Salabat Khan with him and reported this to Kalian Singh about the messengers of both parties. Sardar Kalian Singh said : “ No one dare do such a thing ; keep in yoiu entrenchments/’ Sardar Kalian Singh sent a man to ascertain the truth of this, and found it true ; he reported it to Mr. Agnew, wdio said : “ Assure the troops. Take a thousand rupees from my toshakhana for distributing (sweets),* and give to the troops and tell them not to act in a coward­ ly manner ; we shall soon obtain help ; whatever losses are sustained I will repay.” Kalian Singh took one thousand rupees from the gentleman, and sent it to Bhai Ishar Singh’s quarters ..through Qutb Shah. Bhai Ishar Singh called Kuldip Singh and Gcdab Singh and myself. Bhai Ishar Singh said : ‘’ Distribute these rupees and assure all.” Gulab Singh said : What shall we do with the rupees ’? Send some sweet-meats that we may eat them. Every horse is without food (since yesterdayjf ; send for grass and gram.” Bhai Ishar Singh said : ” Go to Sardar Kalian Singh and tell him wdiat you have to say.” Qutb Shah tQpk away the rupees j all these officers accompanied him. -They went to Kalian Siiigh w'ho was sitting at the gentleman’s door. Kalian Singh assured all and said : “ Distribute this money among the troops.” 1 whispered to Kuldip Singh: ” What is the good of wasting the money ; the troops are f a it h le s s S a r d a r Kalian Singh said to me : ‘‘ What

•Vernacular recurd add* u«i«/e matfuii la (fur diaWibuuug aweei.-). tVernacular record add* k

Kmrmm Ilahi Khan (P. W. 7). did you say ?*’ I at first made excuses. Then I spoke out what I had said and besides added : “ The troops are not under the control of the officers.” Kahan Singh said to Kuldip Singh : “ Wh&l does Karam Ilahi Khan say ? ” Kuldip Singh said : “ He speaks tin* truth ; the troops are not under our control.” Q.— Do you know who among Mulraj’s troops came to tamper with the Lahore troops ? A .— I do not know who came or went. Ilahi Bakhsh said : Messengers on both sides are going about.” Q.— Among the officers of the Lahore troops did any receive any gratuity from Mulraj.” A .—I did not see. I heard of an Adjutant of ours who, having tampered with our troops, received from Mulraj a pair of bangles ; the Diwan promised two months * gratuity to the Lahore troops, and pay and commission as in the time of Maharaja Ranjit Singh. Q.— When the Idgah was attacked, were you present or not ? A .— I was; but they seized me and took me outside. They killed the two gentlemen afterwards. Q.— During these three or four days has any man of Mulraj’s come to you or not ? A.—Mohkam Chand. Chopra, is in confinement at Multan; his son the day before yesterday, and four days ago made enquiries about his father’s being released, but in this affair of Mulraj’s said nothing to me. Examined by the Counsel for Defence. Q.— When you were seized and the two gentlemen were killed, where were Wazir Ali and Bansi Dhar ? A.— I did not then know either of them. I do not know where they were. Q.— Did you see the gentlemen's head or body after they were killed ? \ A.— I did not see them. \ Q.— Examined by the Court.—Did it in any way strike you that previous to your arrival the Lahore troops were corrupted ? A.—A do not know. The Court adjourned. Eighth Day— Friday, 8th June 1849. EVIDENCE FOR THE PROSECUTION— continued. Qazi Ghulam Husain (P. W. 8)— Duly sworn. Q.— What is your father’s name. 0 A .—(lliulam Muhanunad. Q.— Caste ? A.— Kliuttana. Q.— Age ? A.— Forty-one. Q.— Residence *? A.— Ivol Qazi, near Gujranwala. Q.—Occupation ? .1.— General service, unemployed (at present). Examined by the.Prosecution Counsel. Q. Did you'go with Mr. A’gnew to Multan ? A.—Yes, I went to Multan. /' * Q.— When the guns were tiring on the Idgah from the fort of Multan, did Sardar Kalian Singh send you as a messenger to M ulraj? / ’ V A.— Yes, he sent me. Q.—State wnat took place then ? 4 A .— About 4 p.m. on the day the gentlemen were killed Sardar Kalian Singh sent Gulab,/arras/i, to me and said : “ Go to Mulraj and tell him : you of your own free will gave in your resignation to Mr. John Lawrence and repeated it to Sir Fred. Currie, who, at your request, in consultation with the counsellors of the Darbar, i>ent Mr. Agnew and Lt. Anderson and Sardar Kalian Singh to settle affairs at Multan. Notwithstanding your own request, for them to come/ this clamour and cannonade, and treating the gentlemen with disrespect, is cause for astonishment ; it becomes you to stop this.” Sardar Kfthan Singh, when he sent me, said : “ Do not mention my name to Mulraj ; give the message as from the gentle- men.’V I said : “ I cannot go alone. Send some one with me.” The Sardar said : “ Take with you one or two men from Bhai Ishar

88 EVIDENCE FOR PROSECUTION. 39

Q aii C h aU m Husain Khan (P. W. 8). Singh, the Commandant of artillery* to accompany you.” When I went to Ishar Singh at that time he^Kuldip Singh, Gulab Singh, and Karam Tlahi were consulting to send some one to Mubaj to speak on the matter, as opposing him was inadvisable. I said : “ The Sardar has sent me to arrange the affair with Mulraj ; he has ordered me to take two or three officers with me.” They sent Salabat Khan, Ilahi Bakhsh and Shaikh Mahtaba with mo. We started from our quarters and reached the batteries of Mulraj’s troops. Harbhagwan, officer or Jamadar, a confidential man of Mulraj, coming forward some thirty paces, took me away to Mulraj in the Am-Khass. We four went and paid our respects immediate­ ly, on which Mulraj, said : ‘‘ You were saying should any one light a lamp we will join with him. I have lit the lamp, do you now supply the oil.” It was known that the troops who accompanied Mr. Agnew from Lahore had said : “ If any one will light the lamp- we will supply the oil this was the reason why Mulraj used the- expression, supposing me to be one of the part}'. I said : “ Neither do I know anything about lighting a lamp or supplying oil ; the gentleman has sent me with a message, hear it aside.’* Mulraj, on my saying this, got up with seven or eight of his asso­ ciates, came and sat in a hall, and calling for me, said : “ State the gentleman’s message.” I repeated the message frbm the gentleman which Sardar Kahan Singh had told me. Mulraj smiN ing said : “ Now I am powerless, a general outbreak has arisen.’* I said : “ Though there is a general outbreak, do you attend your­ self ; your attending will cause the gentlemen to treat you with kindness and they will appreciate your attendance.” Mulraj said: Raja Lai Singh attended at Ferozepore, in return for which he was confined at Agra, after which the Queen came and gave up Lahore ; she was confined in Sheikhupura : again Shaikh Lnam- ud-Din came in. at Tlianah ; lie is now walking in the streets of Lahore a ruined man ; should I now attend I feel certain I shall be transported beyond seas.* I have no children.t I will fight in this fort and sacrifice my life.” I said : “ To stop this affair now will be very advantageous to you.” Mulraj said : “ The troops are insubordinate and out of my control.” I said : “ What do your troops wish ? ” He answered : “ They desire that you should march away from here.” I thought in my mind it is well to escape from this tyrant’s clutches, and then by the help of my masters get him punished. I said : “ We agree to

*Kala Pani (Black waters). tMul Raj had only one sou Diwan Hari Simrh jrho was born in September 1848. SO DIWAN MUL RAJ.

Qazi GhuUm Husain Kliai (P. W. 8). this.” First Mulraj’s officers, then Mulraj himself said : “ Give up the gentlemen and Government guns to me.” I answered : “ The troops who have accompanied the gentlemen from Lahore and have brought the guns will die ere they give them up.” Mulraj answered : ‘‘ Do not rely on those troops, they are in alliance with me.’ We four said : “ Borne scoundrel has come over to you, the guns have been firing since tlie morning up to the present moment, no one of our troops has gone over.” When we four saw affairs getting worse, we said : ” Putting a stop to it would be advantageous to you, and that you will repent not doing so.” Mulraj said : “ This moment march away with all your baggage.” I rejoined : “ Your troops have plundered our camels and bullocks ; when we get them then we may be able to move.” Mulraj ordered Harbhagwan to have them given up. Mulraj then said to me : “ Get an agreement written for me on the part of the Sardar, and the gentlemen, that they will move out of the Multan territory, and not halt till out of it.” I said : “ I will get that done, but you must write an agreement as follows : That when we move from here that your troops or people do not in any way obstruct us.” Mulraj agreed. I said : “ The time is urgent, cause your troops and guns to retire, and stop the fight, that we may move away with our baggage.” He then sent four confidential servants with us and said : “ Let our guns and troops retire behind the batteries.” The four confidential servants were Asad Khan Sungurwala, Mr. Hassan Ali Shah, a Sindhian, Harbhagwan and Hakim Rai. We, accompanied by these four, reached the batteries of Mulraj. They told the soldiers and artil­ lery men to stop the attack, as we have come to an agreement and they are going away. At their first saying this, the troops drew their swords and abused the four confidential servants saying : 44 Who are you or who is Mulraj ? We will not obey either.” At last Harbhagwan and Hakim Rai quietly persuaded them ; they caused one gun to cease tiring. We then went to the other guns, and the confidential servants of Mulraj spoke to the artillery men. Just as we were speaking, the whole of the Lahore troops, who came with Mr. Agnew, came over from the Idgah to Mulraj. The fighting men had left the Idgah. Mulraj’s troops seeing that, they stormed the Idgah. Harbhagwan then placed us four under surveillance and took us away to their cantonments. We stayed there and all our propeity was plundered. The Lahore troops, who accompanied Mr. Agnew, joined the troops at the (Awa). Mulraj was in the Am-Khass which is more than a quarter of a mile and less than half a mile apart. It was about sunset EVIDENCE FOB PROSECUTION. 91

Qaa Ghalm Hatjun Rhit (P. W. 8)* when the troops of Lahore left the Idgah, and at that time the troops of Mulraj attacked it. Examined by the Counsel for Defence. Q.— When Raja Lai Singh, and his being confined, and the Queen weie alluded to, and mention made of Shaikh Imam-ud-Din, who talked in your presence of these persons ? A .— once Jwala Sahai spoke first of them, and twice Mulraj himself ; all those who were with him, some seven or eight persons, were none of them strangers, but were all under his control, obeying him in everything, and Mulraj used to consult with them in everything he did. Q.— Mention the names of the persons with Mulraj ? A .— I never before went to Mulraj’s meetings nor subsequent­ ly. I will tell what names I know : Jwala Sahai, Harbhagwan, Hakim Rai, and I think Kuljas Rai— I do not know him well— Asad Khan Sungurwala, Mir Hassan Ali Shah (the Sindhian). There were one or two more Muhammadans whose names I do not know. Q.—Were there any of the people of the army there at that time besides these persons ’? A .— In the place where we sat apart there were no others. In the place from whence Mulraj got up to retire there were other people. I do not know how man}', or who they were. Q.— What sort of place was this where you retired *? Was it separate from where Mulraj sat ? Was it an open place where other people might be present *? A .— The place was a house ; we were sitting first in a hall ; we retired to another hall ; people were sitting ten paces ofi and could be seen. Q.— When one gun was stopped, and the troops came trom the Idgah, did you go to the Ain-Khass to Mulraj ? A .— I did not go to Mulraj. I was under surveillance for five or six hours in Ram Rang’s cantonments. Karam Ilahi with his troopers, Qutb Shah and Shaikh Ghulam Mustafa, came to Ram Rang’s cantonments and stopped at his house. As Karam Ilahi and Harbhagwan were fellow-countrymen of his, we four were then released. Q.— Was this message sent on the day the gentlemen were killed ? Was any message sent to Mulraj or not before this, aftei the gentlemen were wounded '? 92 DIWAN MUL RAJ,

GhuUir, Mtutafa (P, W. 9), A. -The gentleman when lie returned wounded, sent Qutb Shah and Karam Ilalii to Mulraj ; he, Qutb Shah, returned saying the soldiers had fired on him, and would not let him Q.— Do you know Wazir Ali and Bansi Dhar ? A .— I did not know them previously. On the day the gentle­ men and Sardar Kahan Singh 'went to the fort of Multan, after­ wards 1 saw them, Wazir Ali Khan, Shaikh Mustafa and Mirza Asad Ullah in the Idgah, and had an interview with each alone, and told them of my affairs, I did not make the* acquaintance of Bansi Dhar it Bnmjimal. Q.—What lime was it when you wrent to see those three per­ sons m? A .— When tne gentlemen and Kahan Singh were going to the fort, I and Shaikh Mustafa went towards the Sardar; we were standing when the Sardar left 'with the gentlemen for the fo r t; after which Mustafa went to his quarters ; two hours after which I went to Wazir Ali Khan and Mirza Asadullah ; and sat two hours with Wazir Ali Khan. When the Sardar returned and the gentle­ men had been wounded and there v*as a great clamour on their nearing the Idgah, we (namely), self and Wazir Ali and Shaikh Mustafa and Mirza Asadullah and others of the kactiari, getting up from our quarters, joined the party outside the Idgah enclosure. Mr. Agnewr vras on an elephant, Mr. Anderson on a bed. Examined by ihe Court.— Did the Multan troops in your pre­ sence make any arrangements for gaining over the Lahore troops with Mr. Agnewr ? A .— I do not know'.

Gbulam1 Mustafa (P. W. 9) — Duly sworn. Q.—What is the name of your father ? A .— Nasir Din. Q.~- Caste ? A .—Bnjput Sirohi, popularly Shaikh. Q.—Arc ? A .—About fifty.two (52) years. Q.— Place of residence ? A.— Jullandhar over the Beas. — ( ’(tiling ? EVIDENCE FOR PROSECUTION. 93

Gbnlam Mnttafa (P. W. 9/. A .— General service, writer in Ain* Regiment, attached to Arnrik llai, Pay Master of the Regiment oi Cavalry and Gurkhas and Artillery of Ishar Singh which went to Multan. Examined by the Court. Q.— From the time you went to Multan with Mr. Agnew and Lfr. Andeison, whatever you may know state *? A .— On the 17th April we reached Raj gh a t; on the 18th the ldgah at Multan. About nine o’clock a .m ., Mulraj came to have an interview; a trooper gave the news of his coming. Mr. Agnew said wait a while, till the tent is pitched. The tent of Kahn n Singh was then pitched in the compound of the ldgah, where the interview took place. After about two hours;* Mulraj went to the Am-Khass. The second time the same day, about 5 o ’clock p .m ., Mulraj came again. Ishar Singh went out and brought him into the enclosure. The interview took place in the same tent. I was sitting behind Kalian Singh’s chair. Ten chairs were set, eight in a line, two in front. Mulraj sat on Mr. Agnew’s left hand and on Mulraj ’ft left Kahan Singh. Conversation ensued between Mulraj and the gentlemen. Two chairs were infront, on one a person was sitting. Mr. Agnew asked “ who is this ” ? Mulraj said he is my Daftri (Record-Keeper) Devi Ditta, my brother.J He asked who the other man was sitting on the other chair ? Mulraj said, he is my servant, a Muhammadan. He was dark, short and marked with small-pox. Mr. Agnew said : “ Give me a statement of the collections for ten years from the beginning of the Hindu year 1895 to the year 1905 (1838— 48 a .d .), according to the assessment roll of the Multan villages which has come from Lahore.” Mulraj said : “ Whatever papers there are during my time of tenure I will produce, and those pre­ vious to it, of the time of Sawan Mai, I have not.” At this Mr. Agnew was excited and said to Kalian Sifigh : “ Bring your chair in front, and hear what Mulraj has to say.” Kalian Singh having sat down near the gentlemen said : “ Give whatever papers the gentleman wants.” Mulraj made the same reply. Raizada Tulsiram, who was behind Mulraj, said something in his ear, on which Mulraj said to Mr. Agnew :— “ All papers that I have with me I will give you, and those which I have not with me, I will

*Ain literally means regulation. The ain troops or Fauj-i-Ain stands for regular army of the Sikhs, trained in European methods of drill. This designation of .4in Fauj was given to distinguish it from the Ohair Ain or irregular cavalry popularly known as the (Jhorcharrah fauj. For a detailed description of this army see author’s Catalogue of the Khlasa Durbar Records, Volume I, Lahore, Government Printing Punjab, 191°. f Vernacular record reads do gharri, i.e., 48 minutes, j Diwan Mulraj had no brother of this name. 94 DIWAN MUL BAJ.

Ghulam Mustafa (P. W. 9). search for, and give you to-morrow.” He then went away The gentleman said : “ Come in the morning to show me the fort.” I heard nothing about a box. Q.—The next day you went with the gentlemen to the fort. When you came back what did you see ? A .—I accompanied the gentlemen. After seeing the fort, we had got outside the Sikki Gate on the bridge. At the time Mulraj was on horseback on Mr. Agnew’s right, and on the left Lt. Anderson. Kalian Singh was behind Mr. Agnew. When they reached a rising in advance of the bridge, a man struck Mr. Agnew with a spear on the right side and ran away. The umbrella man took up the spear. Amir Cliand struck Mr. Agnew with his sword on the shoulder, and again on the elbow. After receiving these two wounds the gentleman dismounted, and struck Anur Cliand twice with a rattan. Two troopers got off their horses— Nasim Khan, a wilayii* servant of Mr. Agnew, the other Ilahi Bakhsh, one of Karam Halms troopers. Tliej' both struck him with their swords. I do not know which of them gave him the wound on the left cheek, from the end of the nose to the whiskers it was scratched. Having received this wound he jumped into the ditch. There was a great clamour, the people clapping their hands and saying :— ‘‘ Bravo Sawan Mai’s son, you have given them a good installationf”. Mulraj rode fast away towards the Am-Khass, when the gentleman dismounted from his horse. What­ ever servants there were of Mulraj’s, I do not know how many, accompanied him. When the man struck Mr. Agnew with the spear, I was ten paces behind the gentleman. Kahan Singh put the gentleman on an elephant sitting with him in the howdaliy and went towards the Idgah. When they got outside the Daulat Gate two guns were fired at the gentlemen from the Am-Khass; no one was wounded by them. Q.— In your opinion was there any one coalescing, and in the secret with the party who gave the sword-wounds ? A .— I sawr no one with him. Q.—Did you ever see the man who wounded the gentleman with the sword afterwards, and if so when ? A .— After three months I saw him when confined with me in Karam Narain’s house. His wras a light imprisonment, a chain of one pao (about \ pound in weight) on his fe e t; twice a day food

•The term vnlayali is applied to those who are of the foreign country. fW’ords actually used are:— “ AJurin Smniv Mai kt hele achchi iothuhtri di **—ride (ihulani Mustafa. EVIDENCE FOR PROSECUTION. 95

Ghulam Muitafa (P. W. 9). came for him from Mulraj’s house ; he had a bed to sleep on, and he got what he wanted, bhang* or opium and post (poppy seed) through the bearer who brought him food ; beside which he got four rupees monthly through Dal Singh, Jamadar of artillery. My confinement was very severe ; twice daily Sant Singh, Thana- dar, came to look at the fetters ; sometimes we got our food after sixteen or eighteen hours. Q.— Do you know why Amir Chand was confined ? A .— I never heard the cause. Q,— When was he released ? A .— Three days after the taking of the city, and twenty-two days before the fort was taken. Examined by the Counsel for Defence. Q.— When you went with Mr. Agnew and Mulraj into the fort, who was with Ghulam Husain when you saw him again ? A .— No one. Q.— Did Wazir Ali go with you that day to the fort ? A .—He did not go with me to the fort. He remained in the Idgah. Witness afterwards says : He resided there, he did not go with me to the fort, he may have gone afterwards, but I don’t know. The Court adjourned

* Bhang—cannabis sativa, deoootion of hemp. ninth Day— Monday, 11th June 1849 * EVIDENCE FOR THE PROSECUTION— conta. Khunjan Singh (P. W. 10)— Duly sworn. Q.— What is your father’s name *? A.— Sultha* Singh. Q.— Caste ? A .— Gouv Rajput. Q.—Residence ? A .— City of Bareli, old city. 0 .— Age ? A — 00 years. Q.—Occupation ? A ,— General service, Havildar, 3rd Uurkha Battalion, in ser­ vice of Lahore Government. Examined by the Prosecution Counsel. Q.— Did you go with the Lahore troops which accompanied • Mr. Agnew to Multan *? A .— 1 did. Q.—When the gentlemen went to the fort of Multan, were you with the two (Gurkha) companies which accompanied Mr. Agnew? A.—No, I was in the cook-room of the gentlemen. I did not go with them. Q.—State whatever you may know of the Lahore troops which accompanied Mr. Agnew, going over to Multan ? A.— I know nothing about it. Q.—Did any officer of Mulraj’s troops come to the Lahore troops *? A .— 1 saw no one. I do not know. — Were 3*011 examined at Multan ? A .-—There was one Fazl Ali, a Munshi of Mr. Agnew’s ; he against mv will made me depose what he dictated : he was a stout dark man. (?.- Were you examined before any gentleman ?

*1 he couri henceforward lu l

Khunjan Singh (P. W. 10). A .— I made my deposition before the gentleman, but half an hour before, ihis Munshi persuaded me, near the small tent, saying if you do not depose, it will be worse for you. i deposed as lie desired. This was after the fort was taken.* (,K— What did you depose about the tampering with the (hirklia regiment ? A .— Fazl Ali, Munshi, told me to record the names of Bhagwan Singh and Didar Singh as having gained over the troops and taken them away. Q.— If the troops had not been tampered with, how did they go over ? A.—The Colonel and General had gone over; the troops too went over. I also went over and took service. Q.— Did you tell Mr. James, or any other: in authority, about your being compelled to give evidence ? A.— I told no one. Examin ed by the Counsel for Defence. Q.— Are you still in confinement ? A.—Yes, I am. Q.— What charge ha s been recorded against you ? A .—I came out of the fort with Mulraj; this is my fault. Q.—Have you been examined as to the charge of vour having joined the Diwan ? A .—I have not been examined. Q.—Just now, or since you came to Lahore, has any gentle­ man asked you any question ? , A.—About fifteen or twenty days ago, some twelve of us were sent for to General Ventura’s house, t Near the magazine twelve men were called at one time together, and then each man sepa­ rately. The gentleman’s name was Bowrring. Five or eight days afterwards four men were sent for to that place and my

* Vide Appendix B. f General Ventura was one of the best knowD of Ranjit SiDgh’s European officers. He joined the Sikh service in 1822 and was entrusted with the duty of organising the Sikh infantry on the French model. For his dwelling, General Ventura was assigned the building known as the tomb of Anarkali— at present occupied by the Record Office. Subsequently the General built a beautiful mansion close to it. This building was, in 1847, turned into Residency and at present is occupied by the Secretariat offices of the Punjab Government. A tablet has lately been set up by the orders of the Government to commemorate the history of the building. 98 DIWAN MUL RAJ.

Klrnsjan Singh (P. W. 10). evidence was read out to me, when I was told to go away ; the last time when I accompanied the four men, my evidence was read to me. Q.— Who read over your evidence to you V A .— The gentleman was sitting there, and the Munshi jead it over. Q.— This man, whom you call Fazl Ali, is this his name or has he anv other ? A — He accompanied Mr. Aguew to Multan. I do not know whether his name is Faiz Ali or Fazl Ali (after which witness said recollecting himself),his name is Wazir Ali. Q.—Do you recollect where Wazir Ali was when the gentle, men went to the fort ? A .— I did not see him ; the cook said he had gone with the gentlemen. | Q.—When the gentlemen were killed, where was Wazir Ali ? A .— I was at the time in the cook-room, and did not see Wazir Ali. Q.—fWhen the gentlemen returned wounded where did you see Wazir Ali then ? A .— One gentleman on that occasion was brought in a lioivda on an elephant, the other on a bed. I did not see Wazir Ali then. Q.—*Do you know when the gentlemen were killed, where Wazir Ali was ? A .—I do not know anything about what occurred then.

The Court adjourned. Tenth Day— Tuesday, 12th June 1849. EVIDENCE FOR THE PROSECUTION— voncld. Mr. John Lawrence, C.S. (P. W. 11)—Duly sworn. Examined by the Court. . Q.— Can you clef ail the tenure by which Mulraj held Multan previous to his resignation, and the circumstances of his resigna­ tion *? A.—Yes. He was what is called the Xazim (Governor) of the province ; he had general power over the revenue and civil administration ; (he moons also were under his command ; he paid quit-rent of something under twenty lakhs of rupees and did not account for what he collected ; in fact it was a farm ; the profit or loss in management was his own. The arrangements for the lease were made, about October, 1840, for the Hindu years 1901, 1905 and 1900 (1840— 48 A.D.). He had held the province formerly, and on much more favourable terms. Raja Lai Singh, early in 1846, wished to oust him from the nizamat ; there had been a feud between the two for some years. I believe Raja Lai Singh called on him to pay the nazrana or relief which he was said to have promised to pay on succeeding his father, Sawan Mai (September 1844). This had not been paid, and owing to the general disorganization of the country, and the Sutlej campaign (December 1845— March 1846), this sum was due, as well as a portion of the revenue of the year. Lai Singh sent troops against him, who were met by his troops near Jhang (June 1846), and >vere beaten by them. The Govemor-Generars Agent interfered and with the consent of the British Government mediated between the two parties. I was sent down to Lahore in August of that year. A correspondence took place between me and Mulraj, which ended in my sending him a safe conduct to come tG Lahore. The terms were that I guaranteed his safety, going and coming, and would do my best to arrange a compromise between him and th«- Minister. At his request I sent down Diwan Dina Nath to bring him up ; he came accordingly to Lahore (9t.h October 1846) and, after a considerable delay and a greai deal of trouble, it was finally arranged that he should give up something less than third of his charge. His revenue payment, on the remaining two-thirds, wa3 raised from one-fourth to one-third. He also agreed to pay 99 h2 100 DIWAN MUL RAJ.

Mr. John Lawrence. C. S. (P. W. 11) somewhere about twenty lakhs of rupees, a portion of the new ana and his arrears of revenue. He expressed himself ex- ceecjjngly pleased with the arrangement, for on my remarking his having lost so much, he replied : “ I should have lost my life too but for you ; Lai Singh never would have left me alone.” He leturned to his post and paid his arrears very regularly and his instalments. I never had the slightest trouble with him. I left Lahore in December 1846. In July 1847 I returned and re­ mained there the rest of the year. In November Mulraj wrote up to say he had heard the Resident was going to England and that he, Mulraj, was desirous of waiting on him. A reply was written to come by all means but quickly as the Resident was to leave Lahore by the 1 st December. He did come, but two days after the Resident had left. On his arrival I received him very kindly, and told him I was sorry he had not seen Colonel Lawrence, to which he replied : ‘‘ I can do what 1 require equally w'ell with you, though I am sorry at not having an interview.” On the lirst visit he said nothing further; on the second or third he told me he w’oulci like to resign. 1 told him to think well of the affair ere he did so, and to consult with the Darbar and particu­ larly with Dina Nath, his friend, and a leading man. Some time elapsed, wdien one day in Darbar Raja Dina Nath got up and read out the form of a resignation on the part of Mulraj, to the terms of which I at once objected—one of the conditions being his re« signation to be accepted at once, and his instalments for the winter crop credited to him, and his collection from the country debited against him. This would have been a ruinous arrangement for the Darbar, involving an interminable revenue account, and giving no time for arranging the administration of the country. 1 re­ marked that if he w ished to resign, which I did not desire, I would accept it on his giving fair warning, and not in middle of a harvest. All the members of the Darbar agreed with me that his proposal was unreasonable and inadmissible, and the impression was that it was proffered as a feeler, and was insincere. He came to me a day or two after saying he wished to see me entirely* aloire. We had a long conversation about his resignation, I trying to persuade him to retain his post, and he giving reasons for giving it up, the chief of which were two. One was that the new' arrange­ ments in the Punjab for the customs, which did not include his charge (in which he had no right thus to interfere), caused him great loss. He said, we have taken off duties on so many thing> that his people w ould not pay him willingly the old dues. I said : “ Why not introduce our system of customs, you will really EVIDENCE FOR PROSECUTION. 101

Mr. John Lawrence, C. S. (P. W. 11). nearly as much V ” This he did not like. This was the first, reason. The second was, he seemed to think that he had not his former power of coercing the people, in consequence of the appeal to Lahore, which, subsequent to the treaty of Bhairowal* had been introduced. He was very strong on this point, distinctly stating he would hold office if I did not interfere. I said 1 could not make any absolute promise, would not hear petty or frivolous cases, but in matters of great importance 1 must interfere; that we could not have any Nazim in the country who was not subordinate to the Govern­ ment. He remarked that, these appeals caused him much loss in every way, &c., that it would not pay him going on unless he were independent. Not many cases came up against him, but there was a general feeling about that time that he was rather exacting. One or two cases decided against him gave him great dissatis­ faction ; there was one investigation in summary way by Lieute­ nant Nicholson, or Bowring, in which he had put a whole family of bankers in jail on account of balances due from a firm'in Multan which had failed. The bankers were dissatisfied and complained to the Governor-General, when orders were received for a full in­ vestigation. I then took up the case, an extremely intricate one, involving the inspection of a large number of bankers’ books and proposed to the representatives of both parties to abide by the decision of a Lahore Banchayat chosen by themselves ; to this they agreed and the Panchayat inspected the books in my pre­ sence and unanimously gave the case against Mulraj, involving a claim of his, I was told, to the amount of about five lakhs of rupees. This annoyed him ; however, he released all the prison­ ers. This case was decided about two months before he arrived. There was one too about some Muhammadan soldiers and their arrears of pay which went against him. In fact his feeling was that any one might appeal against him, and he would be obliged to show cause for what he had done. Mulraj had not any bond or agreement, being independent previous to the treaty of Bhairo­ wal. Tor instance during the reign of such a chief as Ranjit, Singh, he or anv other Nazim would have been accountable for the rent. In fact any Nazim's power consisted m his influence at court, his own strength in connection with the weakness or otherwise of the Government. The result of the interview was his deciding to give up the province ; he seemed quite positive about

*This treaty was concluded on 22nd December 1846, between the British Government and, the Lahore Darbar. For the terms of the treaty See Appendix X X X V II of Cunningham’s History of the Sikhs, edited by H. L. O. Garrett, page 407. 102 DIWAN MUL RAJ.

Mr* ) « k i U w rta ct, C. S. (P. W. 11). it. All my arguments were against it, bat he was firm, and in my belief entirely sincere in his wish to give it up on finding that he could not hold it on his own terms. He required two stipulations from me, to one of which I acceded, and the other 1 refused. He wished me to guarantee him a jagir on his resignation, which I could not do, but I said I doubted not it would be taken into consideration ; that the good servants of the Government had been rewarded and nrobably he would be. The fact was that the Agent to the Governor-General, previous to giving over charge, had remarked its being a good plan to place Mulraj (in the event of his resignation) in the Da rbar Council, when he would have received a jagir. I could not of course tell him this, as I would have to consult the British Gov­ ernment, and the recommendation must have been dependent on the way in which he made over the country. He was quite aware, I believe, of my being personally well disposed to him. His second request wTas my keeping his resignation a profound secret, not mentioning it to any one, and above all not to any of the Darbar. I made him a promise, with a reservation of making my own Govern* ment awrare, and those officers at the Residency, such as the assist' ants who must necessarily be made aw are of it, but I said it could not be a secret, for I doubt not he consulted Raja Dina Nath on the subject. He asked me to give him a writing in English to that effect, which I -did in my own handwriting. The agreement betw een us was this, that he should pay his instalments of revenue up to the end of autumn crop, the instalment ending about April (1848) and the Darbar being responsible from about May, the spring crop. I said that two officers would go down, two or three months previously, so as quietly to take charge of the country, and gradually get acquainted with the state of the province before their responsibilities commenced. He agreed cheerfully to this, and on my remarking that the gentlemen, in going there, w’ould betray what his intentions were as to resigning, he did not seem to think so. He'said: “ Gentlemen went and came here and there in different parts of the Punjab to enquire after matters with no particular observation. The gentlemen were in the habit of making settlements as those at Jhang by Mr. Cocks ; they might come and do the same at Multan and no one would be the w iser/’ He said his object in secrecy was to prevent a 113” commotion or resistance on the part of his own people, remarking that he would gradually make the necessary arrangements and slip away at the critical time. I wrote down a day or two afterwards detailing all to the Government, mentioning whom I had arranged to go, EVIDENCE FOB PROSECUTION. 103

^ Mr. Job Uwriaco, C. S. (P. W .11). and requesting instructions. I received for answer that nothing must be done in the matter until Sir F. Currie arrived. Question by the Court. Q.—Can you state why the course of secrecy recommended by Mulraj was not followed ?

A .— The fact was Sir F. Currie did not join so soon as might possibly have been anticipated, having been detained by circum­ stances in Calcutta. He arrived about the 6 th March. In the meantime Mulraj’s intended resignation was rumoured all over the country. When I was certain Sir F. Currie was coming, I sent for and told Mulraj of this, and explained to him, in a way which he could thoroughly understand, without using the actual expression, that he could withdraw his resignation and retain his charge ; that it would be an open question and that I would state the circum­ stances to the new Resident. Mulraj answered that he abided by his former act. Whilst Sir F. Currie was en route, I wrote to him on Lahore affairs demi-officially, and amongst, many others on that of Mulraj, saying it was the most pressing matter at Lahore. Immediately on arrival the subject was entered on, when he said I will consult the Darbar. When reminded in turn of the secrecy, specially requested by Mulraj, he replied that it was known all over the country, that it was the common talk, and that he had heard it at Agra. I rejoined that I had mentioned it at Mulraj’s particular request, and that there was the difference in the pub- licitv ; in one case it seemed merelv a rumour, and in the other a fact. The Resident seemed to consider it quite necessary to consult the Darbar, and was of opinion that the fact of consulting them in an arrangement so publicly rumoured could do no harm. The Resident was, I believe, sincerely adverse to the resignation, and wrote down to Mulraj, repeating what I had told him, and again giving him the option of retaining his charge. He also sent for His Vakil (Agent) in my presence, and asked him what his master’s views were; on which the Vakil mid he did not know what was referred to. Sir F. Currie’s offers reached Mulraj by express, and the answer returned by express (while I was at Lahore) re­ peating his wishes to resign. This was read in the Residency in my presence, and in that of all the members of the Darbar Council at Lahore, or majority of them, and accepted by Sir F. Currie h}' their advice and with their concurrence. Q.—Had you any reason to suppose that Mulraj previous to Mr. Agnew’s arrival at Multan had undergone any change in his feelings about resigning his charge ? I'M- DI'VAN MOL RAJ.

Mr. John Lawrence, C. S. (P. W. 11). A.—No. As far as my knowledge and belief go, none. r do not know what may have happened on the road going down. I never even heard a native remark that Mulraj had changed his mind. 1 am not aware of any circumstances which would have induced him to recall his resignation. It was notorious that he was rich. He mentioned to me as one of the reasons of his resig­ nation (what I omitted to record in the first instance) that lie was at onmitjr with his brothers, and in bad health. He pulled up his sleeve, showing his arm, and saying, that is not the arm to rule a province. Q.— Can you speak as to the disposition of Mulraj being humane or ot herwise ? A .— I can sav that I do not believe him to be a cruel man. I think he was the most popular Governor in the Punjab, perhaps with (he exception of Sardar Lelma Singh* in the Kohislan. Q.—Can you give the Court any information on the subject of the demand of accounts from Mulraj at the time of the resig­ nation *? A.—Yes. I perfectly recollect mentioning to him that account for some years previous would be required, for, without them, I said, we cannot arrange the future settlement of the revenue satisfactorily. I do not. recollect his answer precisely, but the tenor of it was that he would not object to what was right and reasonable. 1 think giving the accounts was one of the conditions which I alluded to as likely to affect his succeeding to a jagir. I mentioned it, as 1 am aware that the asking a native for accounts is a tender subject; at the same time it is perfectly just and always done. Q.—Did you, in your conversation with Mulraj, intend to convey to him the impression that no demand would be made by the Lahore Council on account of the Multan territory for the time during which he held it previous to 1904 of the Hindu era, or on account of his father’s tenure ? A .— There was no conversation between us, except of general nature regarding the accounts, but I think he must have known from what occurred between as that we had no object in getting up a claim against him. I believe he thought, when he paid up the nazrana in 1846, that no claim remained against him which was certainly the case.

♦Sardar Lehna Singh Majitha was the Sikh Governor of Kangra. He succeeded his father 8ardar Deea Singh to the governorship of the province in 1832. Both father and son rank among the best administrators of the Khalsa Government. The Maharaja bestowed upon Lehna Singh the title of— Namm-ud-daula (the sword of the State). EVIDENCE FOR PROSECUTION. 105

Mr. John Lawrence, C. S. (P. W. 11). Q.— In your opinion could any remarks of Mr. Agnew, about giving up the detailed accounts, have caused Mulraj to suppose that he could be made to refund any sum of money, or would the remarks simply affect him as disclosing what he wished to conceal, or otherwise cause annoyance? A .— J do not think that any remarks of Mr. Agnew (who was very straightforward honest-minded man) were likely to make Mulraj think that he had any object than that expressed by that officer. On the other hand it is possible that the way in which the accounls were asked for may have annoyed Mulraj. He may have felt his honour affected by the way in which it was done, or the people about him, or about Kalian Singh, may have alarmed Mulraj with the object of extorting money from him. Examined by the Prosecution Counsel. Q.— Was there any difference in the arrangements proposed by you to those carried out by Sir F. Currie ? A.— Yes, there was one essential difference. I selected Mr. Cocks and Mr. Agnew. The Resident could not spare the former officer, and sent Mr. Agnew as principal and Lt. Anderson as his Assistant, and again I would not have sent a Nazim ; whoever I had sent should have been subordinate to the British officers, who should have been both in reality and appearance the rulers of the province. The Resident’s feeling was that there should be a Nazimy the representative of the Darbar, who, though not inde­ pendent of the officers, woulcT have had exercised substantial power. Q.— Did you inform Mulraj of the arrangements you proposed to make regarding the management of the country ? A.— Yes, generally; I mentioned two British officers and I think by nam e; I am certain, that I said that two would go, and I made no mention of a Nazim. Q.— Was Mulraj informed that Nazim was to be sent to relieve him ? A .—I am not certain, but I believe the Darbar wrote and told him, and if they did not as a body, Dina Nath would have informed him privately, an*1 his own Vakil would have done so as a matter of course. Q.—In your opinion did the appointment of Kahan Singh, Sardar, to relieve Mulraj as Nazim, in any way affect his -wish to resign the charge he had ? Mr. John Lawrence, C. S. (P. W. 11). _1 .—I do not see that it should have done so. It might, however, have done so, but it did not strike me at the time that it \\ mild have any such effect, or I should have mentioned it. Examined by the Counsel for the Defence. ' Q.—Can you mention in what part of the country generally i lie greater part of Mulraj’s property was deposited or in exis­ tence ? A.—No. I cannot to a certainly. Q.— Do you know what number of troops accompanied Mr. Agnew to Multan ? A.—Yes, I do. The arrangements were made in my presence ; there was a Gurkha Regiment of upwards of 600 men, said to he the strongest of the two then at Lahore, a troop of artillery, and 5 or 0 hundred horsemen, of whom I think 100 were Regulars. Q.— Was it intended that this force should take the place of the troops employed under Mulraj ? A.—The chief object -was their forming an escort; but they were eventually to supply the place of' a portion of the Multan troops. I think one Regiment of Mulraj’s men wras to come to Lahore, and the other to remain, and some to be reduced. Q.—Can you state to what extent the reduction was to be made ? A.— N<}fc-*abso]utely; that depended on the opinion of the officers after their arrival at Multan. Q.— Can you state the description of troops which were to be disbanded ? A.— 1 believe the new levies would have suffered m ost; gar­ rison of forts end bodies of men with Kardars.* Q.—Can yon state what was the amount of troops in the pro­ vince, and at the city of Multan, at the time of the outbreak ? A.—I can make a very fair estimate. Mulraj told me he had 12,000 men during the Sutlej campaign ; that he had 6,0 0 0 at the end of 1846. I know after he left Lahore in December 1847,f he made reductions, for I heard complaints on the subject. A con­ siderable number of his men must have been at out-stations such as Lemli and Dera Ghazi Khan. On the whole I do not think he could have had more than two thousand men when Mr. Agnewr

• Kurd or v u a district collector of revenue*. +He bad submitted his resignation on the 18th December 1847, though he had actually to hand ove, the charge in May 1848. BVIDBNOH FOB PROSECUTION. i o n

Mr. Jotin Lawreoce, C. S. (P. W. 11). and Lt. Anderson reached Multan ; natives have told me less ; still it is to be held in mind that, on very short notice, large bodies of tumultuary levies can be collected together. Q.—Do you know anything of a correspondence that took place between Mulraj and the Darbar concerning his selling stores ? A .—I do not recollect any such correspondence; the impres­ sion on my mind is that no such parwana was sent, first because the Darbar would have no object in concealing it. Secondly, I distinctly understood that the stores in the fort of Multan were the property of the Lahore Government; however, should such a par- mam have been despatched, a copy of it will be forthcoming. The Court adjourned.*

it-

* Evidence for the proeeeution closed, and the prisoner was pot on his defence on the lot' loving day. Eleventh Day— Wednesday, 13th June 1849. EVIDENCE FOR THE DEFENCE. Tulsi Ram (Q. W. 1)— Duly sworn. Q.— What is your father’s name ? A .— Jamiat Rai. Q.— Caste 9 A.— Khatn. Saihgal. Q.— Age 9 A .— 63 years. Q.— Occupation ? A.— General service. Q.— Present calling 9 *5.—Letter-writer in the time of Diwan S.awan Mai and Mul raj. Examined by the Counsel for Defence. Q.— When Mr. Agnew reached Mill tan, were you there 9 A ,—I was there at that time. When Mr. Agnew started from Rajghat on Tuesday, the 8th Baisakh, Hindu era 1905 (18th April 1848), and reached Multan, Diwan Mulraj went out to receive him. When he reached his own garden near the Huzuri Bagh, the Diwan saw the gentlemen coming; he told me to go and represent that Mulraj had come out to receive them and bring them in. I told this to Lt. Anderson as I knew him. He told Mr. Agnew who said : “ He, Mulraj, has put hinfrself to much trouble. ” Both parties now had met, and the Diwan’s sawari was on the right of Mr. Agnew. Lt. Anderson asked me what place the Diwan had arranged for the gentlemen 9 1 said : “ The Bagh-i-Begi has been cleared out, and the Huzuri Bagh ; any place you may order is available.” , Lt. Anderson asked if the Idgah was unoccupied, to which I replied that it was. The gentlemen came to the Idgah; when they dismounted at the idgah, Mulraj was 150 paces off on horseback. A man of Kahan ingh came and said : “ Make an interview' with the gentle- ien, and pay your respects at once ; anything which may have to be said can be done at the interview at 3 o ’clock p. m.”* Ishar Singh and another officer came and took the Diwan to the gentlemen. He made his salam, both the gentlemen treated

•Vernacular record reads tiera pahar (third watch or afternoon). 108 EVIDENCE FOR DEFENCE. 109

Tulti Ram (D. W. 1). him with civility, they sat on chairs for a very short time when the Diwan got permission to retire. No conversation was entered on. The Diwan went away to his new garden near the Huzuri Bagh and sent orders to the Kardar to provide sweat meats, presents, grass, beds, etc*., whatever might be required by the gentlemen. Devi Sahai, Tahsildar of the city of Multan, Lala Hakim Rai, Kardar of the country around, Mansukh, Kotual of the city, received orders to attend at the gentlemen’s quarters and earry into effect all their orders. These three attended at near 12 o’clock. The Diwan having mounted came to his ow;n residence at the Am-Khass, gave us our dismissal, saying: “ lie present at 4 p. m.” We were all in .attendance at that time. The Diwan having mounted, attended on the gentlemen at the Idgah. The tent (kalandari) w*as pitched in the enclosure of the Idgah. The gentlemen came to the verge of the carpet toteceive the Diwan, and Mr. Agnev shook his hand. Lt. Anderson sat on Mr. Agnew’s right and the Diwan on the left of Mr. Agnew ; mutual enquiries after health were made. The Diwan said : “ I am your slave and that of the Government, I am highly fortunate in your having come here. This fort, this country, this army are all yours, and whatever orders you may give, it is my privilege to obey.” The Diwan is hard of hearing of one ear. He told me to stand near his chair, so that in case he should not understand anything the gentleman might say, I might aid him. I stood behind the Diw*an’s chair. Mr. Agnew* said : “ To-day is Tuesday. To-morrow Wednesday is the auspicious time for Sardar Kahan Singh’s going into the fort. I too will go to-morrow, do you accompany me, and give the Sardar an introduction into the fort.” Mulraj said: “ 1 am your slave, and ready to obey any order you may give me.” Mr. Agnew asked the Diwan to get. ready ten years’ statement of collection of each village separately. The Diwan said: I have ready the papers of the three years of my incumbency. The papers of the time of Diwan Sawan Mai are destroyed by the insects, they $tre in the boxes, you can see them. ” The gentleman said : Do not hold a. suspicion of my making any demands against you, T only want the papers that I may be acquainted with the assessment of the country by seeing the former papers.” The Diwan said : “ The papers will he in the possession of the patwaris (village accountants). I will obtain them from them and submit them, though I should go to each zamindar separately, and having got the papers from them submit them. I in no way wrould make any excuses. ” I said : “ The production 110 DIWAN M U L R A J .

Tulti Ram D. W. 1). of the former papers will be attended with delay/* Mr. Agnew said : “ Give the papers of collection for six years. Three of your own time, and three of Diwan Sawan Mai/' The Diwan acquiesced. Mr. Agnew said: “ From the commencement of the three years of the Diwan’s government he must be res­ ponsible for the settlement of any complaint made/' Mulraj represented: “ I according to the custom- of the country have fined parties for any wrong act or acts of violence, such as murder or thefts from grain stores, or other thefts. I gave in my resigna­ tion to avoid giving an answer in these very cases ; you now order me to do so, and you are supreme.” Mr. Agnow said I “ Complaints to the extent of one year shall be heard, and who­ ever complains his case shall be made over to you to meet your wishes for adjudication. " The Diwan agreed to this. It was near evening, the interview was concluded. Mr. Agnew told the Diwan to attend to-morrow, Wednesday, the 9th of Baisakh (19th April), about 6 a .m. I attended in the morning; the Diwan said : “ Distribute 25 rupees worth of karah (sweat-meats) on this joyful occasion of my desire being accomplished.” Hav­ ing told this to Kuljas Misar, the Diwan wTent to the gentlemen and accompanied them to the Sikki Gate of the fort of Multan, Mulraj, on reaching the gate, told Sant Singh, the Governor of the fort, and Salar Khan, Jamadar of Jazailchi

Tolsi Ram (D. W. 1). men.,” I too said this is the best thing you can do. The Diwan said : “ You precede me as you are on foot. I am coming.” When I readied the plain of Pir Shams at the Kufsi* bridge and looked behind, I saw the Diwan behind me, seven paces from me. Ram Rang was four or five paces behind him. He was about to mount his horse when one of the carbinemen of the Diwan’s orderlies gave Ram Rang a blow with a sword. He had given him one sword-wound previously; this was the second in ray presence which I saw ; the third I heard was given by the soldier on Ram Rang’s falling from his horse. At this time the Diwan’s horse reared, and he fell off over the tail. The carbinemen sunounded the Diwan. The Diwan made a sign with his hand for them to retire. I said: “ This is not the time to be angry.” The soldiers said : “ Go like a good man to your place.” In this way they brought the Diwan on foot to his house. Ram Rang went to his quarters. The Diwan was sitting in his house, the carbinemen on guard at the door, and a great clamour outside the house. The Diwan went away to make water. I went with a water-pot with him. The Diwan said : “ This is a great mis­ chief.” I said : “ What are now your wishes ? ” The Diwan said : ‘‘ Go and tell the whole affair to the gentlemen.” I said : “ Should my life be spared, I will go and tell them, and should I be killed, reward my faithfulness.” I started, saw the gate (of the city) closed, and got out at the wicket of the gate; a car- bineman abused me, asking me where I was going? Another said: “ Do not obstruct him, he attends on me, and is my doctor.” I went by a round-about way, and reached the Idgah. The curtain (kanat) was at the d oor; Kahan Singh was on this side of it. He asked me who I was ? I told him my name Tulsi Ram, that I was sent by the Diwan. Mr. Agnew, hearing my voice, called me in. I went in ; the gentleman had a carpet spread for me on which I sat. I represented that the Diwan had sent me to say—“ That he had started to kiss the gentlemen’s feet, when the scoundrels wounded Ram Rang, and having surrounded him made him keep indoors. This is the state of the case. I am ready to obey whatever orders you may give me.” Mr. Agnew said : “ Go and assure the Diwan in every way not to be frightened, as I myself saw he had nothing to do with it; it was done by the scoundrels. Now tell Mulraj that his exculpa­ tion consists in this, that he should confine the man who wounded

*A small stream. 112 DIWAN MUL RAJ.

TaUi Ram (D. W. 1). the gentleman with the spear, and the man who wounded Ram Rang, and that the commotion be quelled.” I said: “ The Diwan will not credit what I may say, be pleased to have it written.” Mr. Agnew had it written and signed it. I reached the Diwan, who, again, under the pretext of making water, got up. I said : ‘‘ 1 have come from the gentleman, here is his order and his writing signed by him. ” He took the paper from me. At that time the Pathans were swearing on the Koran some five or seven paces off Mulraj, and the Sikhs on the Granth. The Sikhs were fastening a “ kangna ” (bracelet) on Mulraj’s wrist. The Diwan dismissed me to my house. Q.— When Mulraj returned from Lahore, after giving his resignation, what arrangements did he make on returning to Multan ? A .—He began to sell his stores, the grain and powder; as there was a great deal of it it was not sold ; but molasses, lump sugar, clarified butter, oil, coarse sugar, pieces of linen, articles of grocery, carraway seed, pepper, shoes, earthen pots, and some lead and iron were sold in Multan. He sent in boats to Akalgarh for (building) his house iron and chob tahli (a fine kind of wood) selling the horses and buying mares for his buggy. He dis­ charged a considerable number of soldiers. Q.— Did he dismount any of the guns ? A .—Some guns were dismounted and gunners discharged., I do not know how many. Q.— After his resignation where did Mulraj intend to go ? A .— Once I asked Mulraj what he would do after resigning? He said : “ I will send my family to Akalgarh, and go myself to wait on the Lard Sahib (Governor-General) at Simla. Colonel Lawrence, my patron, is there and Mr. Mackenson is near Simla ; he knows me from the time of Diwan Sawan Mai. I will take him with me and through these gentlemen represent my case to His Lordship and obtain a grant of land (jagir). ” Q.— W hen the gentlemen reached Multan, was any revenue due from Mulraj to the Lahore Government, or had he paid up ? A,— W'hen the gentlemen got ready to move to Mi^tan from Lahore, Mulraj for his own credit sent the instalments : three or four days before the gentlemen were wounded, the instalments reached Lahore. EVIDENCE FOR DEFENCE. i la

Tul-i R#nj (D. W. 1). Q.— Had Mulrai any ca.-h or property of any kind anywhere but at Multan ? A .—Ho had a house at Akalgarh near Kamnagar, fioin the lime of Diwan Sawan Mai, and there was a person rained Ganedi Das, a banker of Mulraj at Amritsar. Of other property, I know not.

Q.— Do you know whether the troops at Multan ever mutinied previously in the time of Sawan Mai ? A .— They had mutinied once in the time of Sawan Mai. The Kigali' regiment mutinied. Diwan Sawan Mai in the night attacked them and confined eleven of the mutineers. Another time, the ldgah Kegiment and that of Sarfaraz Khan mutinied in the time of Mulraj He, assisted by the Pathans and iiohilas, attacked (hem. There was a fight ; the powder in the ldgah belonging to both regiments was blown up. A third time there w^s a, commotion cm a bullock being wounded bv some liohilas ; it was a slight affair and was quelled. Q.— When you went to Mulraj, and the Musalmans were swearing on the Koran and the Sikhs and Hindus the Grantli, and they were fastening a bracelet on Mulraj’s wrist, was this all done by his wish, or contrary to his desire ? A .— It was against his will. The Diwan’s countenance was changed and turned pale. Q.— Was the Diwan then a free agent, or in confinement ? A.— The child does not go t> school except they drive him. Whatever they were doing was by force. Q.— When Qazi Ghulam Husain and Salabat Khan and others were sent by Mr. Agnew to Mulraj, were you present then *, A.— No, I was not. Q.— When the gentlemen were killed, did the people in the city show any sign of joy ? A.—The people of the city did not, they did not illuminate ; they were frightened and said : “ This is a very bad business.*’ Q.— Betore the gentlemen were wounded, had Mulraj am meeting of parties or consultation? A.—No, he had not. Q.—Do you know whether any written orders came from Lahore about selling the stores ? i 114 DIWAN MUL RAJ. Tulsi Ram (D. W. 1;. 4 .— When Diwan Mulraj waited on Mr. John Lawrence, the Diwan represented that he would sell his own property. On this the gentleman said he was not to sell any Government stores ; only his own. When Mulraj began to sell his stores in Multan, the news-writer wrote to Lahore a detailed account.' I dr* not know whether there was any order from Lahore or not. y.— I)o you know Sadiq Muhammad Khan ? A .— 1 know him. Q.— Did he in your presence have anything to do with the swearing on the Koran ? A .— 1 do not know. y .— Are you at targe or in confinement ? A .— 1 am in confinement. Q.—Since when are you in confinement? A .— Three days since the capture of the city of Multan. y.—What wer$ you charged with ? A .— With being Mulraj’s Munshi. Q.— Were you examined on this charge ? .1.— 1 was examined. Diwan Jwala Nath, a Munshi of Mr. 0>rtlandt, two months after I had been confined, took down inv evidence. Q.— When you were examined, was the affair concluded or under investigation ? A .— The affair was not settled. y.—Since you have come to Lahore, have you been to any gentleman to give any evidence, or to answer any question ? A .— One day Mr. Loring Bowring sent a chaprasi to me, find sent me with Kanhaya Lai, the nazir, to Mulraj to get me to be Mulraj’s advocate. J declined. Then Mr. John Lawrence st*nt for me. I and Devi Ditfca and Fateh Muhammad went. Major Herbert Edwardes was there. He said: “ According to your evidence written at Multan Mulraj is guilty. ” * Mr. John Lawrence 9aid : “ Speak the truth if you wish to be re­ leased. This which happened to the gentlemen was it by the Diwan’s wish or how ? ” We all three said it was destined, a Sudden calamity. Major Edwardes said to Fateh Muhammad :

*Kur this evidence of Fateh Muhammad, Devi Ditta and the witness see Appendix B. EVIDENCE FOR DEFENCE. 115

Tulsi Ram (D. W. 1). “ You recorded at Multan that Mulraj was a free agent. ” Fateh Muhammad answered: “ 1 recorded that had Kara Rang and two or four officers supported him he would have been a free agent.” Q.—How long is it since you three went, and the conversa­ tion took place ? A .— Six 0r seven days ago. Q.— Did you ever ask to be released on security ? A .—-I have given security, and am still in confinement. Examined by the Prosecution Counsel. Q.— When the mutiny of the troops* occurred in Mulraj V time and he quelled it, what was the origin of if ? A .—The Lahore troops had got twelve rupees monthly, and a Ituptha* Mulraj’s troops wanted the same. “ If you do not, we will turn you out—You a petty dealer, ’’t so they said. Q.— When Mr. Agnew reached Multan, were there any signs of dissatisfaction among Mulraj’s troops ? A .—They were dissatisfied at the reduction of the cavalry and infantry of Mulraj’s troops, which he had made. Q.—Was this dissatisfaction previous or subsequent to Mr. Agnew’s arrival ? A .—Five or six months previous to his arrival this dissatis­ faction had arisen in consequence of the reduction of the infantry and cavalry which Mulraj was carrying out. Q.— Did Mulraj make Mr. Agnew aware of this dissatisfec- tion ? A.— No, he did not. Q.—When the gentlemen were wounded, did any troopers accompany Mulraj to the fort as orderlies ? A.— When Mulraj had gone into the fort with the gentlemen, the troopers who had not joined his tfuite remained outside (with) those on duty. Q.—After the gentlemen were wounded, when you went. • Mulraj, was there anyone with him, besides Ram Rang ? A.— There was no one else.

* Kantha is a gold necklace. f Vernacular record reads Kirariujk« /Hiknr ke l*Mr den g*. lit) DIWAN MUL RAJ.

Tulti Ram (D. W. 1). Q.— Iliil any one accompany you to the gentlemen ? A .—1 alone, excepting a bhedical (shepherd), a servant of mine. (J. When you returned to Mulraj and they were affixing their seals. what officers were present? .'I. Glmlain Mustafa Khan Khakwani, Ghulam Mustafa Khan Suddozai, Ahmad Khan Seibzuge, Nur Muhammad Khan, Asad Khan Xutkuni, Haq Nawaz Khan, Nur Khan, Babar and other officers ; Warvain Singh, Uttam Singh, Kalian Singh, I .a I Nngh, Slier Gir Sanayasi, Nandgir, Jaimal Singh, and some eurbim men and sharpshooters. ((>.— I>id you See the sepoy who used the spear; did you see him alter lie had done it ? A .—Outside the Lohari Gate, there was a shop of a dyer. Amira, with live or seven Sikhs, had gone in the day time to plunder the shop, heat the dyer with shoes; he plundered his shop and house. The dyers came to complain to Mulraj. The Diwan told Kalian Singh, officer of Nihangs, of this oppression of the people oi the country. Kalian Singh went and seized Amira, brought him to Mulraj, who confined him in the fo r t; this was 15 nr 20 days after the gentlemen were killed. This Amira used the spear. Q.— After the gentlemen were killed, was there any proclama­ tion made to the troops in the Sikh script (Gurmukhi) ? A .—Many were written. Q.— Who wrote that proclamation in the Sikh script ? A .— Kwanda Mai, a Munslii of the store. He wrote it, that in the hikli script. (>.— Who had it writ ton ? .1. -The 1 \inth.* (t). You had described Mulraj’s being coerced. How long di«l thi' last ? A. The soldiers conlined Mulraj three days in the house— one day on which the gentlemen were wounded, one day the day they were killed, and one day after it.

*A religious council or body of thcSikha is c a lle d “ Panth.” EVIDENCE FOR DEFENCE. 117 Tulsi Ram (D. W. 1). Q,—Did t]ie Diwan send anyone to Major Edwardes as an ambassador ? A .— The Diwan had a letter written by me to Major Ecftvardes’ address to the purport that Ghulam Mustafa, Khakwani, will speak to him. Q.— What was the answer ? A .—I do not know. Q.— On what account have you lodged security ? A .— In lieu of being confined in chains Examined by the Court.— When Ram Rang was wounded, did Mulraj give any order or take any measure for stopping the commotion ? A .— At that time Mulraj was powerless. The Court adjourned. Twelvth Day— Thursday, 14th June, 1 8 4 9 .

EVIDENCE FOR THE DEFENCE- -continued.

. Ram Rang (D. W. 2)— Duly sworn.

Q.—What is your father’s name ? A,— Ganda Mai. Q.— What is your caste. A.—Khatri, Kapur. Q.— Where is your residence ? A .—Hafizabad across the Ravi, Rechna Doab. Q.— What is your agi ? A.— 36 or 37 years. Q.— What is your occupation V A.—General service. Commandant of one Regiment of artillery and twenty-live troopers in Multan under the authority of Mulraj. Devi Dayal is my brother-in-law. Gurmukh Rai, Devi Dayal’s father, was the real brother of Diwan Sawan Mai.* Examined by the Counsel for Defence. Q.—When Mr. Agnew reached Multan, were you there ? A.— Yes, I was. Q.—Did you accompany Mr. Agnew, Lt. Anderson, Mulraj and others on the 19th April when they went into the fort ? A .—I went with them into the fort ; the true state of the case is that when Mr. Agnew had entered the Sikki Gate, h^asked M ulraj to show him the stores and munition of war in the fort. Tien or twenty gunners, and ten or twenty soldiers, came to Mr. Agnew between the Sikki Gate and the Khankah of Shah Baliawal 11 aq. Mr. Agnew said : “ You will remain in service, be as­ sured of that and go to your quarters. ” Mr. Agnew went from this to the Khizri Gate and passing the Mori Tujran went into the bastion of the Ramban gun. From thence he went to Divan’s dwelling house ; there the Diwan produced the keys of the fort and stores, when Mr. Agnew gave orders to the Colonel of the Gurkha companies to place, his sentries wherever those ofMulraj might be : after having placed the sentries the gentle- jggflmoved to ctirie out. Five or seven Jamilehis, with Salar * To mrfku the relation look oimplu, Mulraj and Devi were first con sine on si<^. tDtvi Dayal’e ouster « uh married to Ham Hang.

118 EVIDENCE FOR DEFENCE. 1 19

Ram Rang (D. W. 2). Khan, Jamadar, and five or seven soldiers, Rohila Musalmans, with their bundles packed up, were about to go out at the gate ; Mulraj told them that they were now servants of the gentlemen and Mr. Agnew assured them. This occurred between the Sikki Gates, i.e., between the inner and outer Sikki Gate or the Ivamarkot. When they had reached the outer of the Sikki Gates (my horse being restive I had held him back) at that time Mulraj was on Mr. Agnew’s left, and Lt. Anderson on his left. From thence, after passing the bridge, there is an ascent of about ten paces. When Mr. Agnew reached that spot, Amira stuck him with the spear. I did not see him in the a c t; the gentleman struck Amira with a stick ; this I saw, on which Amira struck the gentleman with a sword; this too I saw. The gentleman was at the time dismounting ; Amira struck him with the sword from the left. I then dismounted and came to Mr. Agnew. Amira, on seeing me dismount, went down into the ditch. Mr. Agnew said: “ This is bad, bad,” and asked me for a safa (handkerchief)* to tie up the wounds : taking my safa from my waist, the gentleman bound up the wounds in his side himself, and I bound up those on his arm. In the meantime Kahan Singh came up with twro orderlies. The gentleman asked for another safa and made guljindra or a sling of it. When the gentleman was wounded, Mulraj and Sardar Kahan Singh, and Lt. Anderson and Ishar Singh, and the Commandant and Jamadar of troops, had all moved on rapidly on horse back. After making the sling, Mr. Agnew called for the sawari or equipage. In obedience to his orders Kahan Singh got on to the elephant, took the gentleman’s hand ; I supporting him under the armpits, we put him on the elephant. The gentleman sat in front and Kahan Singh behind him. I accompanied the elephant to the Daulat Gate ; there I asked for my dismissal, saying — “ Your suite of horse and foot are now with you, some one might kill me. ” Mr. Agnew said : “ Do not fear, no one will say anything to you. ” When Mr. Agnew and suite had emerged from the gate and approached the Am-Khass, the guns were outside the canton­ ments and some two or three hundred soldiers assembled, footmen and gunners ; after the tumult had begun the gunners had brought out the guns to the outer entrance of the cantonments. Mr. Agnew said to me : “ Assure the troops, tell them I will entertain them and give them a gratuity. Go and tell the Diwan I know he is without authority, but if possible to quell this disturbance. ”

*Sa]a is not exactly a handkerchief. It is about two yards in length worn round the waist. 120 DIWAN MUL RAJ.

Ram Rang (D. W. 2). I went and said to the soldiers : “ What are you doing ? ’* The old soldiers remained silent, but those who were bent on mis­ chief said : “ Whatever had been done is the gentleman’s own doing. We will fight. ” Mr. Agnew went on to the Idgah avoiding the direction of the guns, passing through the ravine Lolla by the road of Babu Rai’s garden which was on a low level. I asked the soldiers : “ Where is the? Diwan ? ” One of them said : “ There he comes. ” I heard I hat the Diwan had ridden rapidly, on the gentleman’s being wounded, to the city. When I wa,s asking where he was, he was coming from the eastern part of the cantonments, on foot, accompanied by two armed men. When he reached me he said : “ What is this which has hap­ pened ? ” 1 said: “ It is the will of God. ” The Diwan asked me where I had been, to which I replied that I had been tying up the gentleman’s wounds. The Diwan asked what did the gentleman say ? I replied, he said : “ This matter is not under the control of the Diwan. ” I said : “ These /soldiers will not let us alone. We will go to the gentlemen ” The Diwan started with me on foot, when we had got as far as Babu Rai’s garden (we were telling the soldiers not to accompany us) when the Diwan’s horse arrived as well as mine. I suggested our mounting and riding fast to the gentlemen, otherwise these troops would not let us go. While in the act of mounting my horse, one foot was in the stirrup, when Bhagirath, one of the carbineers, gave me three wounds with a sword on the right arm. (The witness here displayed his arm with three severe wounds and a slight one, a scratch on the forehead from the point of the sword, which wrounded him on the arm on his turning round and raising it.) The soldiers, i.c., the carbineers who were with the Diwan, seized his horse which reared, and I saw him come to the ground. I, from fear of my life, rode home rapidly to my quarters in the cantonments of the Am-Khass. I heard from the man (on my reaching the cantonments) who bound up niv wounds that the soldiers had seized and taken the Diwan inside his house. Lehna Singh, jarrah (Surgeon), told me the carbineers and the artillery men and the soldiers were asking if I had been killed or not, and some one said, I had ridden away on my horse, another said “ He deserved to be killed. ” I was laid up after this for two months with in}' wounds. Q.— When Mulraj returned from Lahore to Multan, after giving in his resignation, did he reduce the army ? EVIDENCE FOR DEFENCE. 121

Ram jftang (D. W. 2). A .—He reduced the army, for out of five hundred men of my regiment 175 were only retained. The rest were dis­ charged. Q.— Did Mulraj sell any stores ? A .—He did sell stores of grain; previously the market price of ata (flour) was high, either 16 or 17 seers for the rupee; when the sale of stores of grain commenced the market price cheapened to 20 or 21 seers. The cause of the fall in the price of the grain was the sale of the stores. Ho forced the-market to realize the price sooner. Q.— Did he sell any iron or lead ? A.— I heard that iron and lead was sold. I received five maunds of iron shot for nails and other purposes for building. Were any guns dismounted ? A.— I do not kn ow ; I spoke to the Diwan about the repairs of the gear of six guns under my charge, when he said they were not required. Q.—How broad is the Kamarkot Gate ? A.— It is broad enough for a buggy or carriage horsed, not for two ; it is seven or eight cubits, of the measure from the end of the middle finger to the top of tnte elbow. . » Q.— Is there a lintel in the Kamarkot Gate? A.— There is a lintel. Q.— What did Mulraj mean to do after giving in his resigna­ tion ? A,— His first intention was to place his case before the gentle­ men to obtain a grant of land, then go on pilgrimage and return and engage in trade. Q.—After the gentlemen were killed, did Mulraj consult you about getting out of the fort ? A.— Two or three times he consulted about escaping frdm the fort, but could not do so on account of hi§ family. Q.—Have you previously to this given any evidence ? A.—No, I have not. Q.—How long have you been confined ? A.— Since the fort of Multan was taken up to present time. Q.—What charge has been preferred against you ? A .—In the opinion of the gentlemen, I am guilty in being in the service of Mulraj. Sher Singh plundered my property at Hafizabad. 1 2 2 OIWAN MUL RAJ.

Ram Rang (D. W. 2). Q.— Have you been before any gentleman on this charge ? A.— No, I have not. Q.—Before Mr. Agnew reached Multan, had Mulraj any night consultation ? A.—He had a consultation and said to me tht gentlemen are coming frrm Lahore. I was surprised, he asked me why, remarking— “ 1 of my own accord have given up charge of the country. If I get a jagir I will give you something to live on out of it. ” Examined by the Prosecution Counsel. Q.—Previous to this occurrence, was there any commotion among the troops of Multan ? A .— In the time of Mulraj, atter the death of Diwan Sawan Mai, two regiments mutinied ; they were reduced to obedience. Q.— Who settled that affair V A.— Mulraj did, as the Rohilas and Pathans and the Musal* man troops were supporting him, and the guns in our possession. Q.—Did you see Amir Chand after the gentlemen were killed ? A.—On the day the gentlemen took the city of Multan I saw him. Q.—Did you know anything as to how Lt. Anderson was wounded ? A.— I have heard, but did not see it myself. Q.—When Mulraj went outside the fort, were there any troopers with him ? A.— There were live or six troopers with him. Q.— Do you know whose troopers they were ? A .— Two wore troopers of mine, I was one, and two of Sham Singh of Khem Karan. Sham Singh was not there himself. Q.— Do you know the names of those troopers ? A .—One of my own 1 know, his name was Bhup Singh. I do not know the names of the others. Q.—After the gentlemen were wounded, and you went to Mulraj, were there any officers with him ? A .—WheL Mulraj wras coming to me from an opposite direction, no officer was with him ; when he went, off to the gentle­ men there w^re some with him, Amir Khan, Abdul Khhlij Khan, Jamadar, Khalijdad Khan, Abdul Rahim Khan. These four were Jaznadars and Partab Singh, Adjutant of my Regiment, and ^andgir, Adjutant of the sharpshooters (Bhanrni). EVIDENCE TOR DEFENCE. 1 2 8

Ran Rant (D. W. O* Q.—Was Tulsi Ram, Raizada, with you then ? A.— He was. Q.—Did Mulraj make any arrangements for quelling this disturbance ? A .—He made the arrangement to go to the gentlemen. As all the people were banded together they were out of his control. Examined by the Court. Q. -W hy did the soldier strike you ; what was the particular reason ? A.— He struck me because he thought I would take the Diwan to the gentlemen, and that afterwards they would all be confined ; there was no enmity between us. Q.—-Mulraj was your master; on your taking him away was the question mooted, or did Mulraj show any disinclination to g o ? A .—From my remaining behind to bind up the wounds, and' ftom my taking Mulraj away, the troops thought I was coalescing with the gentlemen; Mulraj was willing to go as he accom­ panied me. They wounded me to prevent my taking him away. I did nothing in the way of coalition with the gentlemen, excepting binding up their wounds. Examined by the Counsel for Defence. Q.—Did you know a person named Wazir Ali ? A.— When the troops which accompanied Mr. Agnew ran away# he came among the rest, but I did not see him the next day; 1 do not know where he went to. Q.—When Mulraj, Mr. Agnew and Lfc. Anderson were on horseback and were coming by the Kumarkot Gate from the fort, who were there in front of them ? A.— There were two or three orderlies of Sardar Kahan Singh, in front of him, and two orderlies of Mulraj’s and a carpet- spreader (jarrash), a servant of the Lahore Government, was in front of Sir. Agnew ; this was when after passing the bridge they were going up the ascent. Q.—Among those orderlies in front were there any mounted or on foot ? A.— At that time these orderlies were on foot, and there was no one on horseback in front of the gentlemen. The Court adjourned. Thirteenth Day-—Friday, i 5th June, 1849. EVIDENCE FOR THE DEFENCE— continued. Budhu Mai (D. W. 3)«—Duly sworn. Q.—‘What is your father’s name ? A.— TillaM al. Q.—What is your caste ? A .— Kh atri, Malhbtra. Q.— Wliat is your age ? A .— Thirty years. * Q,— What is your occupation ? A.— Trade. Q— Where is your residence ? A.— Multan. Examined by Ike Counsel for Defence. Q.— Were you at Multan when Mr. Agnew and Lt. Anderson and Kahan Singh reached t hat place ? A.— Yes, I was. Q.— Did you go to have an interview with the gentlemen ; if so, state how ? A .—On Tuesday, I don’t remember the date, the gentlemen rearlit'd the Idgali. I and Tej Bhan and Amir Das and a Marwari (banker) went to l)iwan Mulraj to ask if we should go and see the gentlemen. He assented to our going, saying: “ I am their servant and you their subjects.” At night there was a consulta­ tion ; on Wednesday morning about one hundred and lifty persons* proceeded with presents and sweetmeats. When we reached the Daulat Gate ; we heard that Mulraj and the gentlemen had gone to the fort, we went on to the Sikki Gate. A sentry of the gentle­ men stopped us at the bridge, saying: ” When the gentlemen return you will have an interview.” We sat down there; after four or five ghari'f the gentlemen returned from the fort. I saw them on the bridge on horseback, the two gentlemen in front, behind them Mulraj, behind him Kahan Singh and Rem Rang. When they reached the ascent beyond the bridge, Amir Chand was standing there and struck one of the gentlemen with a spear from the right. On the gentleman falling off the man struck him with a sword once or \ wire; a clamour arose. The spectators began to run.

• From vernacular record it appears that the quostion regarding the number of men wm disallowed I y the court, it is scrawled in ink. t Ot$ari is equal to twenty-four minutes. 124 EVIDENCE FOK DEFENCE. i2 5

Budhu Mai (D. W. 3). I observed and heard Kahan Singh, who was standing on the bridge, say : “ Mulraj is going, kill him.” I saw Mulraj with three or four troopers going out of the Daulat Gate. I then ran away, and came to my house. Q.— After this what did you see of the state of things in the city ? A.—What I have described above I saw ; afterwards I heard that the people of the city were grieved. Q.—What were they grieved at ? A .— They were grieved at this that Mulraj had made over the fort to the gentlemen, and had sold what stores were saleable : “ A soldier has done mischief, it remains to be seen what will be the result ” was what they said. Q.— Do you know anything about Mulraj selling the stores ? A.—I know that as many shops as there were in the city, linen clothes, thread, grocery, clarified butter, oil, and iron were purchased by them through Munshi S&hib Rai, and grain and aia (Hour) of old grain was sold in the grain market. Q.— After the gentlemen were killed, did the people of the city show' any signs of joy, or illuminate ? A .—They did not show any signs of joy, nor did they illumi­ nate. Q.— After, this disturbance did Mulraj send any bills through you or others to Amritsar, or any other place ? A.—-He did not remit after the disturbance. £he bills which were drawn on Mulraj by Ganesh Das at Amritsar were paid by him after the disturbance ; I received payment for one or two drafts. Q.—In your opinion, did this disturbance in the city of Multan arise with his wish ? A.—From what I saw myself I did not consider it to be by Mulraj’s wish that the disturbance arose, for he sold his stores and was sending timber and property from his house at Multan to his house in "Akalgarh. Bills reached daily from Amritsar, which he paid; therefore 1 consider that he was getting his cash and pro­ perty out of Multan. Q.—Do you know Wajrlr All ? A.— I know him, I have been with him on the road. Captain J ines told me to go with him. £ 2 6 DIWAN MUL BAJ.

B m t h m Mai (D. W. I). Q.— You were with him on the road ; sbte any conversation you may have had with him ? A .—A day before we started from Multan, I was standing near Wazir Ali’s tent. Gur Sahai, Chaprasi, said to me : “ Wazir Ali is going to Lahore, have an interview with him.,, I went into the tent to him. Wazir Ali said : “ You and T will travel together, and be together. The gentleman has given me my pay, remit it to Delhi and get me a receipt.” i remitted rupees five hundred on account of Wazir Ali to Delhi, and one hundred rupees of Bamji Mai’s. We started from Multan and reached the first march at the village Gagraon. Wazir Ali Khan said : “ Do you know with what object Mr. James directed you to go with me ?” I confessed my ignorance. Wazir Ali Khan said : “ This is the reason why the gentlemen sent you with me, that you may say what I direct you.” He asked what would I say ? I answered: “ Seven generations of my family have passed as honest men ; what I have really seen I will state, L will not falsify anything.” Wazir- Ali rejoined : “ You will suffer much.” I answered : “ Though I may suffer I will not declare anything falsely.” When we reached the Sarai Sidhu about 2 o ’clock p.m.,* Wazir Ali Khan said to m e: “ God has rewarded me in giving me in this world my re­ venge of the base Mulrai. I was in confinement some nine or ten months, he gave me no help ; in lieu of one oath taken, 1 will take ten in Lahore, and have my revenge.” I said:—“ Do as you like.” Q.—Where did you see Bansi Dhor ? A .— Wazir Ali, Bansi Dhar and Bamji Mai were together on the road ; 1 saw him with them on the road from Multan to Lahore. Q.— When the gentlemeri were coming out of the fort of Multan by the Sikki Gate, and were coming to the Kamarkot Gate over the bridge, were there any other men on horseback in front of the two gentlemen ? A .— There were no other persons on horseback in front of the gentlemen. Q.—Did you see either Wazir Ali or Bansi Dhar, with the gentlemen on that occasion ? A .— I saw two or four orderlies, and one or two carpet -spreaders (farrash). I did not see Wazir Ali or Bansi Dhar.

* Vernacular record reads &awa paliar din' ba-fi thn (il»ouf« three-and-a-half hours* be for^s unset). EVIDENCE FOR DEFENCE. 127

Budha Mai (D. W. 3). Q.— Did Mulraj give any present to the Mazhabi who brought Mr. Agnew’s head ? A.—Neither did Mulraj give any, nor did I hear of it. I was in the city, had he given anything I should have heard of it. Examined by the Prosecution Counsel. Q.—Are you a banker, or a banker’s clerk ? A.— I am a banker, and eight months previous to the gentle­ men coming to Multan I was Mulraj’s cash-keeper on account of the province of Bhakhar, and the custom duties of Leiah in the taluqa Sitpur. Q.—When the gentlemen were killed, had you any cash of Mulraj in your keeping ? A.—About six or seven thousand rupees. Q.—What became of the money ? A .—A month, or month and a quarter, after the gentlemen were killed, I paid it into Mulraj’s treasury through Jaismal and Ranjit Rai. Q.— On the day the gentlemen were wounded, what headmen (panchayat) accompanied you to see the gentlemen ? A.—Radhu Mai, Phiraya, a Chowdhri, Daryai Mai, Malik, Kirpa Bazaz, Sham Singh and others whose names I do not recollect. Q.—What number of troops were there at the gate, either Lahore or Multan troops ? A .—We were sitting on the right of the ascent on this side of the bridge; the ascent is on the left on coming out of the fort ; at that time I saw three or four sentries of the gentlemen. At the Kamarkot Gate, and on the side of the ditch, troopers of Lahore were drawn up in line more than I could number. Under a her tree there were four or five troopers of Mulraj. Q.—You have recorded having heard Kalian Singh say “ Kill Mulraj what do you mean by this ? A .—:At the time-of the tumult he said : “ Kill Mulraj ”— 1 do not know why. Q.— Did Mulraj fly before the spear was Struck or afterwards ? A.— He fled after the spear was struck. Q.—How far off was Mulraj from the soldier when he struck the spear ? A .— Three paces off. 128 DIWAN MUL RAJ.

Budhu Mai (D. W. 3). Q.— How far off was Mulraj from the sepoy when he w ounded the gentleman with the sword ? A .—It might he a space of one or two paces. Q.— Did Mulraj give any orders for seizing the soldier ? A.—I did not hear Mulraj give any order.* 1 heard that the sepoy, a pahar (three hours) afterwards had come out at the Lohari Gate of the city of Multan w7ounded. He had come along the ditch, and some one got him out. Q.— Can vou see the Daulat Gate from the Sikki Gate ? A.—You can see the Daulat Gate from the Kamarkot Gate, they are forly-five or fifty paces apart. Q.—Had you ever seen Wazir Ali Khan and Bansi Dhar previous to your going to the fort ? A-*-1 had not seen them previously. Qs When Godar Singh’s case was under investigation at Multan, were you there? A .— It was not investigated when I was at Multan ; I was at Bal^awalpur. Q.—Since you came to Lahore, have you ever mentioned to any one the conversation you have had with Wazir Ali ? A.— 1 mentioned it to a Brahman (whose name I do not know) who is in the place of the resort of travellers w'here I stay. There- is one Jasa Mai too there, to whom I mentioned it. Sham Singh (D. W. 4).—Duly sworn. Q.—What is your father’s name ? A .— Darbari Mai. Q.— Caste ? A.— Khatri, Chopra. Q.—-Age ? A.— 51 years. Q.— Calling ? A .— Trader. Q.—Residence ? A.— Chiniot. •In fact Mulraj did five in>traction*, ee Major Fdwarde* tella us, to Dhagwan Dee to bring Amir Chand before him at the Aio-Khaas. See Edwarde* " A year on the Punjab. Frontier*, ” Volume II, page 61. EVIDENCE FOR DEFENCE* 129

Shun Sin*h (D. W. 4). Examined by the Counsel for Defence. Q.—When Mr. Agnew and Lt. Anderson reached Multan, were you there ? A.— I was there then. Q.—When the gentlemen went to the fort, when you were going i o have an interview7, what, circumstances you may have seen, state 9 A .—I was there when the respectable people of the city went to wait <.tf* the gentlemen ; we were about 100 or 150 persons, we took witlr us trays of sweetmeats. When we got within the Daulat Gate, people remarked that the gentlemen and Mulraj are inside, on which the whole body moved to go inside ; when we got near the bridge we were stopped by the sentry of the gentlemen ; he said: “ When the gentlemen come out you will have an interview.” We sat down near the bridge on the side of the„d&ch ; after three or four ghari the gentlemen came through to the bridge. Mul­ raj was behind the gentlemen, Kahan Singh and Ham Rang were a little behind Mulraj ; a sepoy named Amira was sitting at the. side of the bridge ; he struck the gentleman with a spear which J saw myself, on wrhich the gentleman (when the horse had moved on two or three paces) fell o ff; a tumult arose and many of us ran away to our houses, some remaining behind ; this much I saw. Q.— Were the people of the city pleased at this tumult or nof 9 A .—The people of the cityr remarked Mulraj had given up the fort, but this soldier has done much mischief, they were in grief, not knowing what might happen to them. y.— Did the people of the city illuminate 9 A.— Neither did I see or hear of such a thing. Q.— Do you know anything of the circumstances of Mulraj selling stores ? A .— Two or three months previous to this tumult, clothes, lump sugar, molasses, clarified butter, oil and grain, military accoutrements, and shoes were sold by Mulraj. Q.— In your opinion was this- disturbance by Mulraj’s wish 9 A.—Mulraj had sent off his revenue instalments, sold'his stores ; therefore it did not appear that he was desirous of creating a disturbance. Q.—Did you hear of Mulraj having made a present to,the man who brought Mr. Agnew’s head ? A .—I never heard in the city that he-did. 130 DIWAN MUL RAJ.

Sham Singh (D. W. 4). Examined by the Prosecution Counsel. Q.—Did Mulraj go away before or after Amira made the stab with the spear ? A .— After the spear was struck. Q.— Did you see the soldier striking with the sword ’? A.—I did not. Q.—Were you there at the time of Godar Singh’s . trial at Multan ? A.— The day the British took the city I left Multan., and did not return to it, therefore I know nothing of Godar Singh’s case. Q.—Are you a banker or a banker’s clerk. A.—A clerk of Mian Qutb-ud-Din of Chiniot. Q.—Have you had any dealings with Mulraj ? A.— My man took the revenues of Tulamba, Sura, and Sardar from the managers and gave bills on me. I paid the money agree­ ably to the drafts into Mulraj’s treasury ; my servant got from the land-holders 4 annas per hundred rupees, which they paid in as their revenue. Examined by the Court. Q.—Were the people of Multan fully satisfied with the Government. A.—Yes, very much satisfied for there was no oppression in the time of Diwan Sawan Mai and Mulraj. Q.—When the people heard of Mulraj’s resignation, were they very sorry ? A .—-When the gentlemen arrived, then it was known that Mulraj had given up the government of the country, the troops were sorry as they wTere servants, others were indifferent. Q.— Was there the same firm government in the time of Mul­ raj that there was in Sawan Mai’s time ? A.— No, there was not, because there were disturbances among the soldiery. Q.—Was Mulraj’s power weakened by cases in appeal being heard in the British Court of justice at Lahore ? A.— I am not versed in such matters. Mob k am (D . W . 5).—Duly sworn. Q.— What is your father’s name ? A.— Abdullah. Q.—What is your caste ? A.— Shaikh. f*-

EVIDENCE FOR DEFENCE. 131

Mobkam (D. W. 5). Q.— What is your age ? A .— Thirty-five. Q.— Where is your residence ? A.— Lahore.

Mohkam (D. W. 5). Q.—When the gentlemen went to the fort of Multan, who of the Munshis and other servants went with them ? A .—One was Qutb,Shah, Shaikh Mustafa, Munshi Bhagat Ram, I, Abdullah, jarrash, Gifu, umbrellaman of Kahan Singh’s,. and Yarn, Jarrash of his, and Talok Singh, his table servant. These were servants and Munshis. % There was Jshar Singh of the Artillery, Gulab Singh, Comman­ dant'of the Regiment, Kuldip Singh, Colonel of the Regiment, Ilahi Bakhsh, brother of Karain Ilahi; these were officers of the Lahore troops. Q.—When the 'gentlemen were killed in the Idgah, where were you ? A ,—There are arched openings in the Idgah. In the middle of the centre one under the dome was where the gentlemen put up (here witness had a plan drawn according to his description of the Idgah and enclosure). Yhen the assaulting party reached the gentlemen, Kahan Singh told me to go and take care of my jarrash khana (the place where carpets and furniture were kept) and see if there was any guard with his son or not. When the gentle­ men were killed I was in the Jarrash khana ; on hearing the report of a gun I went towards where the gentlemen were. 1 saw them taking Kahan Singh awa}', and the bodies of the gentlemen, Mr. Agnew’s outside and Lt. Anderson’s on the bed ; both were den'1 Q.—At that time where was Wazir Ali ? A .—I do not know whether he was with the gentlemen or in the toshakhana ; I did not see him then. Examined by the Court. Q.—When did you go to the Am-Khass ? A.— On the morning of the next day after the gentlemen were killed, about 6 o ’clock a .m . I saw Mr. Agnew.’s head tying outside the'northern entrance of the Am-Khass on the right hand side, fifteen paces off. I heard afterwards that Diwan Mulraj had the bodies wrapped in linen (khes) and buried. After this, when f went again at 7 o ’clock, I did not see the head. * Mulraj’s dwelling house is within the Am-Khass; 150 or 200 paces from there, ihe head was tying. Q.—Had the hair of the head of Mr. Agnew the appearance of having been burnt. A .—The hair was perfect, and had no appearance of having been burnt. The Court adjourned. Fourteenth Day—Saturday t 16th June, 1649.

EVIDENCE FOE THE DEFENCE— continued. Asa Nand (D. W. 6)— Duly sworn. • Q.—What is your father’s name ? A .— Jamiat Eai. Q.— Caste ? A.— Khatri, Saighal. < j— Age ? A .— 56 years.* Q.—Besidence ? A .— Multan. Q.— Calling ? A.— General service. Examined by the Counsel* jor Dejcnce. Q.— Do you know when Mulraj, after giving in his resigna­ tion, paid up the residue of the revenue of Multan ? A.— I was the Vakil at the Residency when the revenue of Multan came in. Jais Mai, the Vakil of Mulraj present with the Lahore Darbar, was in the habit of informing me. In obedience to the orders of the Resident. I obtained an English letter or pass. Jais Mai paid the cash into the Moti Mandirj* and brought a re­ ceipt : four instalments of the spring crop (rabi) and three on account of the autumn crop (kharif). The spring instalments had been paid up, and two had. also been paid into the Lahore treasury on account of the autumn crop, and the third payment on account of the Hindu year 1904, after the resignation on the 1st or 2nd of the month of Baisakh, of the Hindu year 1905, corresponding with the 11th April 1848, had been made, in all one lakh twenty-five thousand rupees, more or less. Q.— Do you know whether any of Mulraj’s confiscated property has been received at Lahore ? A.—As soon as the news of the Multan occurrence reached Lahore, the Darbar placed me under surveillance without any fault on my part. I heard, when in confinement, that Ganesh Das, Mulraj’s banker at Amritsar, had been put in confinement, *I

♦Vernacular record gives 54. I Moti Masjid or Pearl Moeque in the Lahore Fort. It is made of Marble and was used as a treasury in the Sikh times. 188 134 DIWAN MUL RAJ.

A*a Nand (D . W. 6). and that seven lakhs and twenty thousand rupees of Mulraj’s had been confiscated by the Government. I heard, too, that cash and propert3r of Mulraj as well as that of his family, found at Akalgarh, had all been confiscated by the Government, but I do not know the sum. Q.—Was any property of Mulraj found at Lahore ? A.— In Lahore, in the house of Jais Mai, Vakil, silver elephant lioicdah* and a horse which had been given to the Diwan with a khila't. conferred on him by the Sarkar (Government), and somei carnets and satrangis were taken away by Salig Earn Bog, servant of Eaja Tej Singh, and Bakhshi Bhag Mai, and these articles were confiscated by the Government. Some coins also, which Mulraj had sent to Phagu Shah, banker and resident, of Lahore, for sale, were confiscated, and some money due in the account to Mulraj was recovered from Phagu Shah. Asu (D . W. 7).— Duly sworn. Q.—What is your father’s name ? A .— Tikkan Mai. Q.—What is your caste ? A .— Khatri, Malhotra. Q.— What is your age ? A.— 28 or 29 years. Q .-rWhat is your calling ? A.—Bazaz (cloth-dealer). Q . —Where is your residence ? A — Multan. Examined by the Counsel for Defence. Q.— When Mr. Agnew and Lt. Anderson and Kalian Singh Man reached Multan, were you there ? A.— Yes, I was there. Q.— Did you accompany the Panehayat when they went to wait on the gentlemen ? A.—Yes, I did. Q.— What did you see on that occasion ? A.— When we reached the gate at the bridge, the sentries of the gentleman wete posted, two or three; one of them stopped

•Vernacular record add* mat jhul (together with trappings). EVIDENCE FOE DEFENCE. 136 Asa (D. W. 7). us. The whole of the assembly (Panchaytt) sat down by the side of the ditch. After four ghari (about one-and-half hours) the gentlemen returned from the fort, two gentlemen on horse­ back in front, behind them Mulraj on horseback, behind him Kalian Singh and Bam Bang. Wher the gentlemen reached the bridge and were on the ascent, a sepoy named Amira was standing there and struck the gentleman with a spear from the right. L,saw this myself. The sepoy then drew his sword and 1 saw two blows. Then the soldier, Amira, jumped into the ditch. When the tumult arose the whole assembly (Panchayat) ran away ; I too ran away to my house. Q.— When the people of the city saw this tumult were they pleased ? A.— No, they were much grieved, saying the gentleman, the ruler of the country, has been killed, it is to be seen what will be the end of this. Q.— After the gentlemen were killed, did the people of the city illuminate ? A .— They did not illuminate ; they were all in grief. Q,—In your opinion did this disturbance occur by Mulraj’s wish ? A .— I do not think it was by his wish ; the sepoy was mad, he used to drink two htas (brass pots) of bhang daily. Q.— Were you acquainted with the sepoy Amira ? A .— I know him. Before the occurrence I used to see him sitting at the Lohari Gate, as a soldier.* Q.— Did you ever see him after the affair ? " A .— I saw him wounded two or four days alter this at the Lohari G ate; he had one wound on the cheek and one on the leg, the bone of which was broken, so I heard from others who said it was broken ; it was bound up. Q.—After this what happened to him ? A .— First he was wounded ; after he got well he put on clean clothes and went to Mulraj, to ■ horn he said “ What a bold tiling I have done, reward me.” Mulraj at this got very angry with him and gave him two or four pushes. I saw this myself, as I went to look about and see whether Amira would be rewarded

♦Vernacular record adds * Utsi sipahi nen faasad kiyya ’ (The mischief was done l« this vety sepov). 1 8 6 DIWAN MUL RAJ.

Atu (D. W. 7). or not. After this Amira came to the Lohari Gate and sat down there ; he had a quarrel with a wa German of Multan. Mulraj ordered him into confinement in the fort, as he was daily having some row. He was confined in the fort twenty-five days after the affair; when he recovered from his wound he went to Mulraj, who kicked him o u t; about a month after the affair he was con­ fined. About a month after wounding the gentleman he was confined. Q.—Where in the fort was Amir Chand confined ? A.—I heard in the bastion above the Deh Gate of the fort. Q.—Did you ever hear of Mulraj rewarding the man who brought Mr. Agnew’s head ? A.— I never heard or saw that he did so. Had he done so, I should have heard of it or seen it ? Examined by the Prosecution Counsel. Q.—How did you come to Lahore ? A.—To make a representation ; to get a remission of the fine imposed on the city of Multan and which has been imposed to the amount of many lakhs, with no means of paying it. Q.—Were you a friend of Amir Chand ? A.— No. Q.—When the sepoy wounded the gentleman with the sword, where was Mulraj, and what did he do ? A.—Mulraj was behind the gentleman when the gentleman fell from the horse and a tumult arose. Mulraj pressed on his horse towards the Daulat Gate. Q.—Who were with Mulraj ? A.—He went by himself, he had none with him. When I heard Kahan Singh say : “ Here is Mulraj, kill him,” then he pressed on his horse. Kahan Singh was behind Mulraj. Q.—Where was Lt. Anderson, the other gentleman ? A .—When the great (senior) man fell, and Kahan Singh said “ Kill Mulraj,” he pressed on his horse from fear of his life ; Lt. Anderson who was on the left of Mr. Agnew, followed on his horse after Mulraj. Q.—Did you ever ask Amir Chand why he struck with the spear ? A ,— I did not ask him. EVIDENCE FOB DEFENCE. 187

G od h a Misar (D . W . 8).— Duly sworn. Q .—What is your father!s name ? A .— Nanak Chand. Q.— What is your caste ? A.— Taknawat Bramtiin. Q,— What is your age V A.—Fifty-two years. Q.—Where is your residence 0 A —Lahore. What is your occupation ? A .— General service ? at present Munshi of Megh Raj, treasurer. Examined by the Counsel for Defence, Q.—Do you’ know from the treasury papers when the arrears of revenu.. . ayment were received from Mulraj ? A.— The arrears of instalments, one' lakh seventy-three thousand four hundred and forty rupees, the currency of Nanak Shahi,* were-received into the Moti Mandir treasury on the 1st day Of Baisakh of the Hindu year 1905 (11th April 1848 A. D.). Q.—By the treasury account of the Hindu year 1904, had the arrears of that year been paid by Mulraj ? A,— These payments were the last instalments. Q,—Do you know what was received, into the treasury on . account of confiscated, property of Mulraj f A ,— On the 18th of .Baisakh. of the Hindu yeatf 1905 (28th April 1848), there was received from Jais Mai, Mulraj*s Vakih trappings and howdah of an elephant, worth about rupees five hundred, a carpet and satrangi, a circular cloth made of thread on which Hindus sit to worship (English hassock) worth about one hundred rupees. On] the 19th Baisakh of the Hindu year 1905, from the account book there was due on account of jMulraj from Phagu Shah rupees thirty-six thousand and eight, ten annas (36,008-10-0). This was received into Megh Raj’s treasury. From the shop of Ganesh Das, Mulraj’s banker at Amritsar, re­ ceived on the first day of Jeth, of the Hindu year 1905 (10th May 1848), seven lakhs, fifteen thousand, three hundred and twenty- four rupees, four-and-a-half annas ; the same date of golden buSsi

•The standard currency—a Nanak Shahi rupee contained 11 ma t h a t and 2 ra ti* of silvnr. fOoid duasfk. 138. DIWAN MVL BAJ.

Godtia Misar (D. W# 8)* valued at nine thousand and eighteen mpees, eleven-6 nd-hal annas (9,018-11-6). On the 23rd Baisakh 1905, Hindu year (3rd May 1848), cne thousand seven hundred forty-two rupee* worth of 140 pieces of silk, total rupees seven lakhs twenty-six thousand one hundred and eighty-five. Received in all from Akalgarh, property of Mulraj’s, to the amount t)f cash one lakh sixty two thousand and forty rupees, five annas. From the 8th of Jeth to the 28th Sawan 1905 Hindu year, rupees six hundred and fifty from Hari Singh’s orderly ; from the same man mpees one thousand nine hundred and ninety-eight and twelve annas (1,998-12-0), property of Devi Ditta, a follower of Mulraj, from Akalgarh on the 13th Har 1905 Hindu year (22nd June 1848) Grand total both cash and property, ten lakhs seventy-two thousand four hundred and thirty-one rupees, eleven annas. This much has been received into Misar Megh Raj’s treasury; whatever more may have been received is known to the people of ’ the Darter. Examined by the Prosecution Counsel.—This seven lakhs of rupees which came from Amritsar, did Ganesh Das, Mulraj’s banker, send it, or was it recovered from information given ? A .— The people of the city of Amritsar, Jodh Singh, adalti, and Nabi Bakhsh, Kotwalf and Misar Shiv Das,, son of Misar Megh Raj, these three pointed oi;t Ganesh Das as the banker of Mulraj. Jodh Singh, adalti, and Nabi Bakhsh found out and sent the sum for which good service Sir F. Currie rewaH«d them. Jasu (D. W. 9).—Duly swum. Q.—What is your father’s name ? A.— Gopal. Q.—What is your caste ? A.— Khatri, Vij. Q,— What is your age ? • A .— 43 years. Q.—Where is your place of residence ? A.— Multan. Q.— What is your occupation ? A .—Agent of Wilayti merchants.* Examined by the Counsel for Defence. Q.—When Mr. Agnew reached Multan, were you there *? A .— I was. •The phrase iff applied to merchant* from Central Asia. EVIDENCE FOR DEFENCE. 1 3 ?

Ju« (li. W. $). Q.— When the Panchayat (assembly) went to wait on the gentlemen, did you accompany them, and what did you see ? A .—We proceeded to the fort; the sentry of the gentlemen stopped us. The whole body remained standing under a pipal tree by a well. After two ahari the gentlemen came. When they had passed the gate and got on the bridge and were at the ascent, I saw Amira was standing with a spear. I also saw Amira draw his sword. He struck the great (senior) man on the right with the spear. I also saw Amira draw his sword. He jumped into the ditch and we fled from fear, saying what a disgraceful thing this is. I ran away a few paces and then came up and stood behind. I saw five or ten of the troopers of the gentlemen and not one of Mulraj’s followers. I saw the gentleman coming along wounded too. I also saw that Ram Rang and Kahan SingL tied on bandages when I went to my house. Q.— Did you see Amir Chand, the soldier before V A .—I often went and came through the Lohari Gate. I saw Amira was alwrays drinking bhang day and night; he was like a mad man. There was a shop near the gate where he stayed. Q,—After the circumstance of the gentleman being wounded, did you see Amira any where ? A .—I did not notice him again. Q, -When the gentlemen were killed, did the people show joy or illuminate ? A.— They did not express joy, nor did they illuminate; they were sunk in grief. Q.—Did you ever hear of Mulraj rewarding the man who brought Mr. Agnew’s head ? A.— Neither did I see nor hear, nor did I go out. Examined by the Prosecution Counsel, Q.—When you went to the fort who were there of the Panchayat ? A.— Kirpa, bazaz, Daryai Malik, Budhu Malik, Sham Singh* Tej Bhan of Shikarpur, so many names I remember; there wore others there, near one hundred or one hundred and fifty. Q, —Were you thinking paiticularly of Amira ? A.—I was looking to the door to see when the gentlemen might- come: Amira was standing there with a spear; I saw him. 140 DIWAN MUL RAJ.

)mu (D. W. 9). Q.— Did you see Amira talking to any one there ? • A .—I did not see him speaking to any one. Q.—When Amira used his sword, where was Mulraj ? A —At that time Mulraj was on the left of the gentlemen. I saw Kahan Singh make a sign with his hand. I saw Mulraj turned palp. I do not know how Mulraj was noLto be found.* Q.— Did you-hear Kahan Singh say anything? A. —I did not hear him say anything. Q>—Why did you come to Lahore ? A .— To get the fine on Multan taken off. Q.— On what date did you leave Multan ? A .—When fifteen days had passed of the month of Chet of the present year. Q.—When Godar Singh’s case was under investigation, were you in Multan ? A ,—Mustafa Khan Khakwani confined me on account of the fine on Multan to make me pay. The Court adjourned.

'Vernacular record reads kiatarrh Mulraj gym ho g a g a (I do not know how Mulraj ^disappeared). fifteenth Day -Monday, 18th June, 1849 . EVIDENCE FOR THE DEFENCE— continued.

Sayyad Ijaz Husain (D. W. 10).— Duly sworn. Q.—Wliai is your father’s name ? A.—Muhammad Kuli. Q.—What is your caste 9 A .— Sayyad. Q.— Where is your residence ? A .— Kantur in Lucknow District. Q.— What is your age ? A.— 28 or <80 years. Q.—Wliat is your calling 9 4.— General service ; at present keeper of records to the Hoard of Administration. Examined by- the Counsel for Defence. Q.— Do you know Wazir Ali 9 A .—Yes, I d o; he went from Lahore with Mr. Agnew. Q,— Within the last two or three months had you any dis­ putes with him ? A.— I had no dispute with him, but a conversation. Q —Had you any conversation with him respecting his giving evidence in the case of Mulraj ? A .— One day in the dajtar (office) I have an impression that it was previous to Wazir Ali’s giving evidence I said so much to Wazir A li:— “ It is not right without reason to make exertions to destroy the life of any one, you should speak the truth, the rest is in the power .of the rulers ” ; he answered : “ He, Mulraj, is an infidel, to destroy hint in any way is right.” :<

141 142 DIWAN MUL IiAJ.

Sayyad Ijaz Husain (D. W. 10). Q.— What was your object in saying what you did ? A.— 1 heard from parties* that this person is going about- to destroy Mulraj’s life.: I gave him.ad vice as a friend to speak the truth. Q.— Do you know anything of his former circumstances ? A.— I do not. Q.—Do you know in what capacity he accompanied Mr. Agnew ? A .— I heard that he w7as going with Mr. Agnew, but had no fixed appointment. Q.— Do you knowT Bansi Dhar ? A .— I do not. Examined by the Prosecution Counsel. Q.—When this conversation took place between you and Wazir Ali, wTas any one else near? A .— People vrere sitting in the office when this conversation arose ; I do not know whether they heard it ; they we?e occupied in their duties. Q.— Did you afterwards mention it to any one, this conversa­ tion ? A .—I do not recollect well’ to whom I spoke of it, but I did certainly afterwards speak of it. Question by the Court— Recollect it well; did Wazir Ali evef say to you that he had not gone into the fortf with Mr. Agnew and Lt. Anderson? A .— He did not mention such a thing. The Court adjourned.f

' * Vernacular record reads logon «e (from people). t Vernacular record reads Qila men gayn ya nabin gaya (whether he did or did not go into the fort). X The Defence was closed. The Court reopened on Thursday, the 21st June, when the Advocate of the Prisoner delivered hie address. Eighteenth Day — Thursday, 2 1st June, 1849 . DEFENCE COUNSEL’S ADDRESS TO THE COURT. Captain Hamilton—Advocate of the prisoner, addresses the co u rt:— Gentlemen— It is a rare occurrence for a British officer to appear in the position I now occupy, but a few words will suffice to explain the causes which led me to undertake the office of advocate to the distinguished but unfortunate individual now arraigned be­ fore this court. On my arrivnl at Lahore from a distant province, I was informed by authority* that although the circumstances of the prisoner at the bar—who was not only totally ignorant of the forms otjustice observed in British courts, but also (from his limited in­ tercourse with Europeans possessed little knowledge of our customs and character), peculiarly required the assistance of an adviser— it has been found impossible to procure the services of a competent person. This information was accompanied with a request that I should undertake the office. I am no professional advocate, and I cannot pretend to say that the study of law has ever been my favourite pursuit. It may, therefore, appear presumptuous in me to undertake the task I have assumed, but as I am not im­ pelled by any motive, save (in accordance with the wishes of my superiors) that of rendering to an unfortunate and friendless stranger the imperfect aid I can afford, I trust I may meet with favour and indulgence. I have been but a remote spectator of the stirring and eventful scenes of which these regions have been the theatre, but t^iet cir­ cumstance is not without its advantages. I am not prejudiced in favour of any party, and I am not bound to support any parti­ cular policy. My first enquiries into the case of the prisoner were sufficient to interest me in his behalf, and to incline me in his favour, and the subsequent investigations have led to my full conviction of his entire innocence of the crimes charged against him. This convic­ tion has lightened my labours, and has given me hopes that my endeavours to exculpate him, in the opinion of others, will not be unavailing. The prisoner at the bar is no ordinary individual., and the charges preferred against him are of no common character. A few

♦Captain Hamilton was appointed by the* Punjab Board of Administration to ■ onduefc the defence. 143 144 DIWAX MUL RAJ.

Captain Hamilton. months since lie \vas at the .head of a determined garrison, engaged in the defence of a celebrated city, whose government had almost become his legal inheritance,* and offering an effective resistance to one of the bravest armies of the mightiest power in Asia. He is now arraigned as a criminal, charged (most erroneously I believe) with the foul and cold-blooded murder of two brave young officers,- who had gone in to him (in full confidence in his fidelity) in the sacred character of guests and envoys. I hope to show that, however that prisoner may have swerved from his allegiance in other respects, he is guiltless of the foul treachery imputed to him. Although the prisoner has met with the full justice, and all the consideration from this court; in other quarters, and especially in the public prints, efforts have not been wanting to misrepresent his station, his character and even his personal appearance, and attempts have been made to rouse our sympathies • against him, and to condemn him untried and unheard, as the treacherous murderer of our countrymen and our comrades. Gentlemen, the prisoner is how before you, ana in one xespect you can judge of the -truth of these statements. For myself I can see nothing of the truculence of the* assassin, or the obesity of the pampered trader ; I see a man of mild aspect and gentlemanly presence, with pleasing features, and an eye which, though some­ what dim from rigorous confinement, still beams with spirit and intelligence. Look there, gentlemen; see you aught of cruelty and ferocity ? I trust to show, gehtlemen, that the more serious charges against- the prisoner are as ill-founded as the sarcasms at his person. The prisoner is of a highly respectable mercantile class, and his family is of some standing in this part of India. His grandfather held a confidential situation under the late ruler of this kingdom.f On the conquest, by Maharaja Ranjit Singh, of the great commercial city of Multan, Sawan Mai, the father of the prisoner, a man of great ability and integrity, was selected by his sovereign to fill the responsible and important office of governor of that city and territory 4 Sawan Mai held the government of Multan for neany 30 years, and by his strict justice and good policy, he endeared himself to

•Mulraj’s father was Governor of Multan for 24 years (1821 —44), and Mulraj, who succeeded his father, retained his charge till his resignation,'April 1848. tThis statement is not historically accurate. Mulraj's grandfather, Hoshnak Rat, was-’ in the service of Sardar Dal Singh, Chief of Akalgarb, and died in 1797, two years before Ranjit 8ingh established himself as ruler of Lahore. However, Mulraj’s two uncles and his cousins held important posts at the Lahore Court under Ranjit Bingh. {R anjit Singh conquered Multan in 1318 and Sawan Mai was appointed governor in 1821. DEFENCE COUNSEL S .ADDRESS TO THE COURT. 145

Captain Hamilton. the inhabitants, and, under his administration, the city continued flourishing and prosperous. In 1844, he fell by the hand of an

assassin,' one of the turbulent soldiery «s whose misconduct was hereafter to prove so fatal to hia son. The Court of Lahore, either as a matter of policy, or perhaps from necessity, conferred the vacant government on his son Mulraj. Mulraj, like others of his class, was peculiarly a man of peace, and, from necessity, a friend to a regular and stable government. In India it is not as in Europe ; the man of commerce never becomes a territorial proprietor, and the banker, whose capital could equip armies and move empires, still continues a mere man of money, and intent on securing his wealth ; he dreads revolution and anarchy. If Mulraj had been ambitious, it is possible that in the convulsions which preceded the downfall of the Sikh empire, favoured by his extensive wealth and hereditary influence, he might have rendered himself independent of the government of Lahore, and like a great feudatory of that State, have secured for himself a kingdom and a throne*; but if he had any passion, it was that of adding to the already accumulated wealth of his family, and he must have hailed with joy the re-establishment of a regular government in the Punjab. It required some circumstances of more than ordinary character, some sudden event, like those commotions which even now are rending in pieces the framework of society in almost every country in Europe, to convert the lover of peace and order into a soldier and a hero ! On the re-organization of the Government of Lahore in 1846, Mulraj readily tendered his submission, and, in spite of the bad example shown by others, he continued Arm in his allegiance. The arrangements then made by the Darbar with the prisoner have been fully detailed in the clear and satisfactory statement of Mr. Lawrence, who, I may remark, bears ample testimony to the fair character of the prisoner, to his obedience and fidelity to the State, to his worth and popularity as a governor, and to his obligations and gratitude to the British Government. Prior to this, the troops under his authority, seduced by the example of the armies of Lahore, had, on two or three occasions, broken out into open mutiny, and even attempted his life. He succeeded, however, in suppressing the mutinies, and, in pursuance of the system adopted for the pacification and security of the country, he dismissed a number of his unruly followers ana reduced his military force. But these reforms appear to have been injurious to his authority, and the new system of administration was so

•Reference is to Maharaja Go lab Singh of Jammu and Kashmir. L 146 DIWAN MUL RAJ.

Captain Hamilton. different from what he had been accubtomed to, that he found he could not retain his office with satisfaction to himself or to his superiors. Accordingly he tendered his resignation of his goverft ment, which was finally accepted by the Darbar in March 1848, and Messrs. Agnew and Anderson, in company with Sardar Kahan Singh, were deputed to receive charge of the office from him. Thej proceeded to Multan with a considerable military escort, and arrived there on the 17tli of April 1848. A few days after, that city was the scene of the unfortunate events which led to this trial. The charges against the prisoner are before you, and the pro­ secutor in his address had detailed the evidence which he proposed to adduce in proof of these charges. You have heard that evidence ; and I shall now proceed to examine how far it supports the indictment. But first let me inquire who are the persons by whom this evidence has been furnished ? What are their claims to credibility; and how far their statements can * be accepted as good and legal proof ? The first on the tile is Sadiq Muhammad, who calls himself a soldier and a Pa than, but, who, by his own acknowledgment, is a double traitor. At the time of the insurrection at Multan he was in the pay of the Lahore State, but he at once joined the rebels only to betray them when their success appeared doubtful and he could obtain suitable terms from the opposite party. In three months he served three masters, and twice broke his military obligations, and be now enjoys the fruits of his treason in the shape of a handsome salary. Thank Heaven ; even in this land of mercenaries, such instances of military profligacy are rare. But what value can be attached to his evidence, in which his chief object is to prove an impossibility, that he is an honest man, and a faithful soldier ? I need only observe that the very few points in his statement, which are against the prisoner, are unsupported by other evidence, and at variance with that of other witnesses for the prosecution. I may instance the order for the attack on the Idgah, said to have been given by the prisoner, and 1 believe, gentlemen, this evidence will have little influence in forming your opinion. The next witness is Qutb Shah, who, if we may believe his own statement, joined the rebels after tne murder of Agnew, and remained with them of his own free will, until finding their service one of greater danger than profit, he took an opportunity of de­ serting. He is now on the look-out for employment, which perhaps DEFENCE COUNSEL’S ADDRESS TO j THE COURT. 147

Captain Hamilton. he hopes to obtain on the conviction of the prisoner. He was a dependant of Shaikh Imam-ud-Din, and I think it may be inferred that his chief object in remaining with* the rebels was to wait the example of his former master and patron. The statement given by this witness in this court is chiefly remarkable for his earnest wish to prove his superior wisdom and penetration in discovering a formidable conspiracy before any existed, and to show in what high estimation he was held by Agnew, whom he pestered with stupid remarks and worse advice, and for the decided tone of enmity to the prisoner which pervades every sentence in his deposition. Fortunately, however, his ability is not equal to his rancour, and when stripped of extraneous mat­ ter, very little in the shape of substantial evidence will remain. On the 3rd of June 1848 the deposition of this witness was taken before the late Resident at Lahore,* and I beg you will com­ pare the statements then made by this witness with his evidence- before this court. In his first deposition he states (as if he were an eye witness) that on leaving the fort—“ The Diwan pressed on his horse ; at the same time a spldier stepped forward and twice cut at Anderson with his sword : that officer spurred after the Diwan, five of whose sawars attacked and wounded him in several places. A soldier then struck at Mr. Agnew, who was, however, not wounded. The same soldier then struck him three successive blows with his sword, while Mr. Agnew tried to defend himself with his stick.” In his second deposition, he denies seeing Agnew struck, but states that he saw Agnew strike the soldier, and that he saw nothing of Anderson till he came to the Idgah. In his first statement he mentions the*visit, on the 20th of April, to the Idgah, of a fakir, supposed to be an emissary of the Multan troops, bi^t he does not advert to any uther visitors. In his second depoisition he states nothing about a fakir, but mentions the visit of a Sayyad and a Pathan, on the 19th of April. In his first deposition he alludes to some writing of the Rani of Lahore,, shown tq him by the prisoner, a circumstance omitted in his statement before this court. These are material discrepancies, and, I think, greatly affect the credibility of this witness, and a further examination and com­ parison of the two statements will show more of the same character. You will also remark that this witness was one of the few in Agnew’s camp who managed to save his property, and the manner

• Vide Appendix C. 148 DIWAN MXJL RAJ.

Captain Hamilton. in which he effected this shows the existence of some good under­ standing with the Multan troops, a supposition which his sub­ sequent conduct rather confirms. What was the object of the prosecutor in bringing forward the next witness, Asad Ullah, I cannot imagine, unless he wished to exhibit him as a specimen of pure malignancy. With every in­ clination to procure the conviction of the prisoner, he can actually state nothing against him. He has all the venom of the reptile, but is fortunately without its power to sting. The next are Wazir Ali and Bansi Dhar, the two chief witnesses for the prosecution. The former represents himself as having been employed as sarishtadar by the late Mr. Agnew, although, in fact, he never held any office under that gentleman. From his own account he is evidently one of those harpies who infest and disgrace our courts, and after losing his character in his own country, has come to look for fresh prey in a new land which his ill fame had not reached. Bansi Dhar is, by his own account, a professional spy, a man of lies and imposture, but otner- wise unknown. The advantage of this is probably on his side. As the evidence of these two is of the same character, and nearly to the same effect, it will be convenient to review their statements together. They were also examined as chief witnesses before the Military Commission which sat at Multan for the trial of Godar Singh in March last, the proceedings of which are before the court.* Let us now examine their statements made before this court and compare them with those of other witnesses, and with their own former depositions. Wazir Ali states that on the 19th of April he followed Agnew to the fort, and on his arrival there found that that gentleman had returned from visiting the interior, and was then engaged in in­ specting the garrison. Every other witness declares that the in­ spection of the troops took place first, and the interior of the fort' then visited. Before the Military Commission he stated that he accompanied Agnew to the fort, and was with him the whole time. Before this court he stated that when the party left the fort, Mul- raj was on the right, then Agnew, Anderson and Kahan Singh in succession, to the left. Before the Military Commission he stated that Anderson was in advance. Before that Commission he made no mention pf the signs said to have been given by Mulraj to the assailants of Agnew and Anderson, and which form so conspicuous a feature m his present evidence. In this court he declared that

• Vide Appendix A. For Wazir All’s statement, *e« also Appendix B. * DEFENCE COUNSEL’S ADDRESS TO THE COURT. 149

Captain Hamilton. Mulraj rode off before Agnew was wounded, and before the Military Commission, that the wounding of Agnew preceded Mulraj’s de­ parture. In this court, he particularly describes the niche within which Amir Cliand was when he attacked Agnew. Before the Military Commission, this niche was not mentioned, and what is more extraordinary, at the place where the assault was made there is in reality no niche, nor even a waff in which a niche could exist. When cross-questioned regarding this spot, he cannot even describe it. It would be insulting your common sense to suppose that you believe one word of his statement regarding the extraordinary precautions he took to discover the prisoner’s designs, riding in front with his head t urned back, attentively watching the prisoner, detecting his signs, and at the same time keeping a sharp look out for the assailant; and all this caution and watchfulness for no end or purpose. In the same manner this modern Argus describes his detecting the prisoner making another sign, with the back of his neck, to some horsemen, who attacked Anderson, and cut him down, within the witness’s sight. J need hardly bring to your notice, gentlemen, that the whole of these statements are utterly false. It lias been shown to you by the evidence of several most credible witnesses, both for the prosecution and the defence, that this fellow, this Wazir Ali, was not on the spot when these events occurred, and, further, that he did not go to the fort on that day, never having left the Idgah. Gentlemen, did you ever know so clear a case of perjury ? Bansi Dhar was not questioned by the Military Commission •egarding the assault on Agnew, and in this court his description of that event nearly coincides with that of Waair Ali, but he states that Amir Chand, the assailant, was seated behind a doorway. Nowr, although there is a doorway at one end of the bridge, it has been fully proved that the assault took plaee at the other end of the bridge, at the crest of the glacis, an open spot, without any door­ way. This witness, and he alone, mentions seeing Wazir Ali at the fort, and it is remarkable that none of the witnesses observed Bansi Dhar himself at the place. In describing the murder of Agnew, in this court, Wazir Ali states that he was concealed behind the walls of a tent, and ob­ served all that was going on through a hole. In his deposition be­ fore the Military Commission he declares he was within two paces of Agnew when the murder took place. He makes no mention of the tent walls, and the purport of this statement is to show that he was in actual contact with Agnew’s murderers. Bansi Dhar, 150 DIWAN MUL RAJ.

Captain Hamilton. in this court, also states that he was behind the tent walls, about 15 •paces from Agnew. Before the Military Commission he made no mention of the tent walls ; he stated he was five or six yards from Agnew, and he further declared he was pushed back to the wall by the stocks of guns, thereby intimating that he was in actual con­ tact with the murderers. Bansi Dhar further declares that no fire-arms were used at the murderers, although Wazir Ali expressly mentions them. Both of these witnesses state that after the murder public rejoicings and illuminations took place in Multan, but these state* ments are clearly disproved by the evidence of other witnesses of repute. 1 need not remark upon the statements of these two wit­ nesses regarding subsequent events. They are in the highest degree improbable, and enough has been mentioned to show that the whole evidence of the two is unworthy of a moment’s credence. We have also evidence to prove that Bansi Dhar and Wazir Ali were in close communication while proceeding from Multan to Lahore ; that Wazir Ali was the instigator of Khunjan Singh in writing a false deposition unfavourable to the prisoner before Lieutenant James at Multan ; that he attempted to corrupt one of the witnesses for the defence, to whom he declared his intention of giving false evidence against the prisoner ; that he swore he would be avenged for his ill-treatment by Mulraj ; and that, when remon­ strated with by a friend, he gloried in the prospect of killing an infidel. Is it not clear, gentlemen, that the whole evidence of these two witnesses, upon which this prosecution is mainly founded, is a foul conspiracy to obtain the ruin of the prisoner by falsehood and perjury ? It is evident that the tale of the signs made by Mulraj to Agnew’s and Anderson’s assailants was a subsequent invention. There was an “ hiatus ” in the evidence to prove Mulraj the insti­ gator of these assaults, and it was to supply this defect that the tale was invented. The story of the tent walls has also a similar origin. The first statement of these witnesses, that they were in actual contact with the murderers of Agnew and Anderson, could not bear examination—it would have been impossible to account for their escaping from the murderers without injury, or for their being allowed to remain so long unmolested, had their acknowledged cowardice permitted them to do so. They had, therefore, to resort to the invention of the tent walls, and a most clumsy expedient it is: even if their terror allowed of their re­ maining, could they possibly have observed all they describe in the DEFENCE COUNSEL S ADDRESS TO THE COURT. 151

Captain Hamilton. crowd and confusion And was it possible for them to remain con­ cealed while numbers, eager for plunder, were roving on everyside ? We may be sure that before the murder of Agnew and Anderson, every servant and attendant had left them, and that the descrip­ tions of the murder are mere'inventions, or repetit ons of the idle rumours of the time. Nor is the slander of these perjurers confined to the prisoner alone. No, gentlemen, they have even presumed to asperse the character of the deceased Agnew, and they have dared to place in his mouth words which he never uttered. According to their account, when Agnew was accosted by his murderer, and invited to become a Sikh, he replied in terms which imply acquiescence : and can we believe that the noble-hearted Agnew, whose generous spirit preferred death to abandoning his friend, should, at the last moment, seek for safety by a bare submission and a pretended apostacy ? Why, the phrase mentioned by one of the witnesses is not one which an English gentleman would use, although the murderers, in boasting of their atrocious deeds, might proclaim it as the dying words of their victim. It was from these wretches that the witnesses borrowed the slander. Between the murderers and their victim there was no witness but one All-seeing eye, and although.they may escape human retribution, we may be assured that His justice will not sleep. And now, gentlemen, after all these foul heaps of falsehood and perjury, how refreshing it is to come to the plain statement of an honest man ! Can anything be more pleasant and satisfactory than the clear and straightforward narratives of these brave and simple minded soldiers, Ilahi Bakhsh and Karam Ilahi, whose every word carries conviction with it ? Recollect, that of all Agnew’s followers, these men alone remained faithful to the last; weigh wrell their words, for they bear the stamp of truth, and will stand the test. In regard to the next witnesses, Ghulam Husain and Mustafa Khan, I have not much to remark. With a strong bias against the prisoner, and an evident inclination to give facts a colouring un­ favourable to him, their evidence is in general credible. The disclosures of the remaining witness, Khunjan Singh, fully support the view I have taken of the character of Wazir Ali as the principal in the infamous conspiracy against the prisoner. I trust, gentlemen, that what I have noticed above will suffice to show that the statements of the first three witnesses for the pro­ secution must be received with much caution. On many points o j . DIWAN MUL RAJ.

Captain Hamilton. their statements are of doubtful credibility, and their evidence is not of the conclusive nature so absolutely required in a serious case, like that now before you. I hope, therefore, you will only record as evidence such facts as are fully substantiated. But, with regard to the statements of Wazir Ali and Bansi Dhar, your course, I hope, will be different: you will reject as ut­ terly false and unworthy of belief every word they have uttered ; you will endeavour to efface from your memory every impression that such statements have been made against the prisoner; or, if that is impossible, you will remember them only as foul aspersions and baseless lies. I hope, too, you will not consider thafryour duty ends there. Our system of law and rules of justice* are new in these provinces, and almost unknown to the inhabitants, who watch with no com­ mon interest the result of this trial; and on your decision will ch> pend the estimate they will form of the laws under which they are to live. With you it is left to determine whether our courts are to be tribunals of pure justice, or the mere arena for perjury and falsehood. Whether your verdict be for the prisoner or against him, it cannot be doubted that this court has been the scene of foul conspiracy and an infamous perjury, and I entreat yoy, gentle­ men, if you would keep unsullied the honour of this tribunal— indeed, I call upon you by your regard for justice and your love of truth, to bring the offenders to answer for their perjury and false­ hood before the proper court. If, in noticing this, I have exceeded my proper duties, let me entreat your pardon, and let my hatred of falsehood be my excuse. Although I firmly believe that it has been the anxious wish of every one in authority, concerned in this prosecution, that the pri­ soner should receive a fair and impartial trial, let us inquire how far this object has been really effected. Accustomed to our own free institutions, and to the regular and impartial administration of justice in our own native land, where the slightest appearance of recourse to arbitrary power by the officers of Government would be zealously opposed, and conscious of our own rectitude of pur­ pose, we are apt to imagine that, in proclaiming our wish to be impartial, we have done all that is required, and we forget that any display of zeal in bringing an offender to justice will be assuredly construed by the natives of this country to a determination to procure the punishment of the supposed criminal, whether really guilty or n ot; and that interested and unprincipled persons will not be wanting^to aid in forwarding the supposed object. The case OFFENCE COUNSEL S AODRESS TO THE COURT. 158

Captain Hamilton. of the prisoner now before you is an eminent instance of this evil. He was recently in arms against the British Government, and is general\y considered as the prime originator of the late rebellion— a rebellion which has ended in the extinction of a powerful State. This prosecution is strictly a Government prosecution, and it will not be easy to convince the people of India that the sole object of this trial was to elicit the truth and to do justice. I think the evidence for the prosecution will support the jus­ tice of these remarks. In the statement of nearly every witness a strong bias against the prisoner is manifest, and in two instances the absolute falsehood of the evidence is beyond dispute. This hostility to the prisoner is not so much from personal feeling as from a desire to favour the supposed views of Government ; on the other hand, the very circumstances which assist the prosecution are equally hurtful to the defence. The evidence for (lie prosecution is now before you. Consider, gentlemen, that it is the produce of a long investigation and a laborious search, with the support of the executive of the country. Is this the result to be expected from such ample means, and how would the case have stood, had the prisoner been an ordinary cri minal before an ordinary court ? I shall now, gen‘ lemen, proceed to detail the facts of the case as they appear to have been established by the evidence laid before this court, and I shall remark upon such points as seem parti­ cularly to affect the prisoner. It has been shown that the piisoner voluntarily tendered his resignation of his Government, and that, after some hesitation on the part of the existing Government, this resignation was ac­ cepted. To all appearance this resignation was made in good faith, and one witness, on whose judgment implicit reliance may be safely placed, has declared his conviction that the prisoner had no other intention besides the ostensible one. The prisoner prepared for the change by dismissing his superlluous troops and reducing the stores required for Ihe support of the garrison. He made arrange­ ments for paying the arrears of revenue due to Government, and from the very time to the unfortunate occurrence at Multan, the last instalment due by the prisoner was paid into the treasury at Lahore. He also remitted a portion of his capital to Amritsar. Do any of these acts imply that the prisoner intended resis­ tance ? Do they not clearly show'that lie considered his tenure of office at an end He had at that time large sums invested in other varts of the country, and he took no means to place them in 154 D1W AN MI L LA J.

Captain Hamilton. security, and he made preparations for removing his family to his native place. I need not advert to the attempt which has been made to prove the existence of some understanding between the troops at Multan and those of Agnew's escort, prior to the arrival of the latter at their destination ; as little may be said with reference to the alleged disrespect shown to some of the escort and attendants, on the road to Multan, and to the reports of an intended resistance, said to have prevailed in the district and at Multan. If such re­ port really did prevail, they prove only their own existence as an idle rumour, and are as little deserving of attention as any of the absurd tales which are daily current in every market place in the country. The only tangible fact adduced is that one witness could not get grass for his horse or wood to cook his dinner ; another witness turns a remark about a pair of shoes into a mysterious hint of some terrible event ; and the idle tattle of a barber, Avhose langu­ age was not understood by the hearer.* is similarly perverted. Before the arrival of Agnew at Multan, the prisoner had sent an officer of rank to wait upon that gentleman, whom he proposed to meet in procession ; this was refused by Mr. Agnew, and the omission of the ceremony has been perverted into a marked insult on the part of the prisoner. During the whole of the proceedings at Multan it is impossible to detect any act of disrespect committed by the prisoner, who invariably conducted himself with politeness and urbanity. Equal consideration, however, was not shown to him, and on one occasion he was kept waiting for a considerable time outside of Agnew’s camp. I now’ beg to recall to your re­ collection that when first negotiating about his resignation, the prisoner had requested that secrecy should be maintained, such a course being necessary to ensure the peaceable transfer of the province, and to enable him to collect his dues without difficulty. On the arrival of Agnew’, the prisoner evinced much anxiety that that gentleman should take immediate possession of the fort a request wdiich he repeated. It is possible, nay very probable, that the prisoner apprehended that some disturbance might take place on the transfer of the fort. He knewT the character of the soldiery, who had been often turbulent and mutinous, and he was >ii»xious to get rid of the responsibility of keeping them in order. It is to be regretted, I think, that Mr. Agnew’ did not follow this advice, for if he had at once secured himself in the fort, in all

•Thin refers to Asad Ullah (P. W. 3), a Kashmiri, who gave his statement in Persian as he did not understand Punjabi. DEFENCE COUNSEL’S ADDRESS TO THE COURT. 155

Captain Hamilton. probability the insurrection would never have occurred ; and even if an outbreak had taken place, lie would have been in no danger. At one of the interviews, which took place on the 18th April, some alleged act of rudeness to Kahan Singh has been brought up against the prisoner. The matter is too trifling to require comment-, but I may remark that it was natural that Mr. Agnew should engross the prisoner’s attention. At this interview a. demand was made by Mr. Agnew for the accounts of the province for a period of 10 years. This demand, to the extent to which it was made, was somewhat unreasonable, and could not easily have been complied with ; but I do not see that the demand of .Mr. Agnew, or the refusal of Mulraj, have any bearing on the charge. Mulraj was aware that no legal claim could be made against him after he had paid the stipulated revenue, and we cannot suppose that a mere requisition to produce some accounts would suffice to rouse him to rebellion, although it cer­ tainly was disagreeable and unpalatable. At this time, also, Mr. Agnew is said to have informed tho prisoner that he (Mulraj) would still be responsible for acts com­ mitted by him during the three preceding years. It is doubtful if Mr. Agnew was justified in this proceeding ; but he eventually lowered his tone and the matter was finally arranged to the satis­ faction of both parties, who parted mutually pleased, and on good terms— so well pleased was the prisoner with what had occurred that on his return he distributed a sum of money in alms, in acknowledgment of his good fortune. On the 10th April, Mr. Agnew and party, as had been previous­ ly arranged, proceeded to inspect the fort ; every thing was found in order, but notwithstanding what some of the witnesses for the prosecution would wish to insinuate, it is evident that no prepara­ tions had been made for opposing the entrance of Mr. Agnew’s troops. Mulraj conducted Mr. Agnew over the place, showed him the magazine and storehouses, and even pointed out a building which he considered as proof against shot. This certainly does not indicate that the prisoner expected shortly to have to stand a siege. Mr. Agnew was accompanied by a few horsemen and two companies of infantry. The infantry had been left outside the fort, but afterwards, at Mr. Agnew’a request, they were at once admitted by the garrison. The keys were given over to a native officer of Agnew’s force and sentries were posted, along with those of the garrison, over the stores and magazines. 156 DIWAN MUL RAJ.

Captain Hamilton. The party then left the fort on horse back by the Sikki Galt r after leaving this gate the road turns to the left across the Rauni or Vausse Braye. passing through a gateway, and along a bridge over the ditch, and leading towards the Daulat Gate of the town, which appears to be about 80 jTards distant. The roadway at the bridge is said to be about 10 or 12 feet in breadth. It is not clear in what order Mr. Agnew and party were when they reached this bridge, but Agnew, Anderson, Mulraj, and Kahan Singh were close together. The stateuients of the witnesses, who have given evidence regarding the event which occurred here, are minute but conflicting. It seems certain, however, that a soldier of the garrison,* who was standing on the crest of the glacis, or on the bridge, struck Agnew, either designedly, or by accident, with a spear. The blow must have been slight, for it inflicted only a trifling wound ; the assailant did not attempt to follow up the attack : and according to one witness, he threw awayr the spear and leaped into the ditch. Agnew, who had dismounted or been thrown from his horse, attacked, with his stick,-his assailant, or some other person by whom he supposed he had been struck. After receiving one or two blows, this person drew his sword, and, rushing on Agnew, wounded him severely in two places. He was then attacked by two of Mr Agnew’s escort, but escaped, after receiving a slight wound, by leaping into the ditch. By Agnew's desire no pursuit was made. Immediately on Agnew’s being wounded Mulraj pushed forward his horse, and proceeded without delay in the direction of the Am-Khass. Al­ most at the same time, Anderson also pushed forward his horse,, and after passing through the Daulat Gate of the town, turned towards the Idgali; but he was followed by some horsemen, who cut him down, wounding him severely. There is no satis­ factory evidence to show who were the perpetrators of this out­ rage, but it may be surmised that they were some of the horsemen of the garrison, who were observed outside the fort, and who probably witnessed the scuffle between Agnew and his assailant * they could not have belonged to the party who followed Agnew and Mulraj, as their passage of the bridge must have been noticed. In the meantime Bam Bang, a near relation, of the prisoner, bound up Agnew's wounds with a cloth taken from his turban, and, with his aid Agnew was placed on an elephant and conveyed to the Idgah. Anderson was also picked up and placed on a bed­ stead and carried to the same place. No opposition was offered

* The Sikh p^ccIprraMon (Appendix Kisuggistd that Amir (band was not < regular •tidier. DEFENCE COUNSEL’S ADDRESS TO THE COURT. 157

Captain Hamilton. by the garrison or townspeople, but two shots, it is said, were fired from the town, without effect. Let us now enquire from the evidence whether this attack was premeditated or not ; and, if the former, how far the prisoner was a party to it ? While in the fort, an old native officer was brought to Agnew’s notice by the prisoner, who informed Agnew that the officer had been for above 30 years in the service of the State. Agnew assured the officer that he and others should be maintained in the position they then occupied. It is not, however, certain that this assurance was meant to extend to the rest of the garrison. Agnew informed them that up to that day they would receive their pay from Mulraj, and in future from Kahan Singh. The force which accompanied Agnew consisted of about 500 or 600 cavalry, and the same number of infantry, with 6 guns. It was larger than was required for mere escort, and it was intended to substitute a portion of it for some of the troops in Mulraj’s service. It has not been stated how far this change would have affected the force under the prisoner, but if the men originally entertained in the service of the State were to be alone retained, apd such really appears to have bfeen the intention, the new arrangement would have been utter ruin to a large proportion of Mulraj’s force. The people of the town had been for more than 30 years under the Government of Mulraj and his father; they had pros­ pered under this rule and were doubtless attached to the prisoner. Of the British Government they knew nothing, and from the Sikhs they must have anticipated oppression and misrule. We have thus a motive on the part of the garrison and citizens to prevent a change of Government ; but no such motive can be ascribed to the prisoner, who had voluntarily resigned his Government, and had repeatedly shown his anxiety to get rid of his charge. More­ over, he stood high in the opinion of those in authority, and had expectations of a provision from the Government, expectations which could not be realized if he showed any opposition to its wishes. Nor can I discover that the attack on Agnew was pre­ concerted : there is nothing in the evidence to authorize such a supposition. It is not uncommon for the eye-witnesses of a sudden and unexpected event to give most conflicting and contradictory accounts of the same circumstances, and the reason is obvious: each person adheres to the impression first made on his mind ; and, however erroneous that impression may be, he is neither 158 DIWAN MUL RAJ.

Captain Hamilton. willing nor able to correct it. It may thus happen that one, not a spectator of the event, but with the opinions of each eye-witness before him, is better able to determine the real circumstances of tlie case than any of those actually present. Is it not more than probable that the wound received by Agnew from the spear was the result of accident ? Such is the opinion I have formed, and such. 1 believe, was that of the unfortunate Agnew himself. The blow was slight, and was not repeated ; the road was narrow and crowded ; and what is more likely.than that the man, by a sudden turn of his body,.should have thrust the spear into Agnew’s side, or that Agnew’s horse, by a slight swerve, should have carried his rider on the point.* Agnew appears to have been more desirous of chastising the man for an act of disrespectful carelessness than to seize him as an assassin. It further appears from the evidence of two witnesses, who knew Agnew’s assailant, that he was im­ becile, and greatly addicted to the use of intoxicating drugs. This fact will, 1 think, greatly strengthen the inference that the first wounding of Agnew was accidental, or, at most, the unpremedi­ tated act of a stupified drunkard. But, trifling as was that event in its origin, when Agnew’s blows had been resented with the sword, enough had occurred to inflame men already excited, and probably not unfavourable to revolt. Are popular insurrections and military revolts, events so un­ common, that we should be astonished at their occurrence ? Within the last eighteen months, has not almost every capital in Europe been convulsed by similar tumults? But it is not necessary to go so far for an example. It is only a few years since the very precincts of this hall were the abode of anarchy and confusion, and the courts of this palace were filled with crowds of rebellious soldieiy.f There is scarce a spot within these walls that is not stained with blood. Were the people and troops of Multan less excitable and more peaceable than those of the capital, that some deep laid scheme was required to rouse them to action ? The fact that the prisoner did not remain with Agnew when he was wounded has been brought against him as a proof of his complicity. But reflection will, 1 think, show that it was perhaps the most prudent course he could pursue, both for himself and for Agnew. In a tumuli nous crowd his personal exertions could

• £Ve also the flihh proclamation (Appendix E) which represents the assailant (it Mr Ague*' having acted without any sort «,f provocation or motive. tRef< r nee to the pci itd of anarchy o nd ; onfioion in Lahore dui ing i 841 —45. DEFENCE COUNSEL’S ADDRESS TO THE COURT. 159

Captain Hamilton. be of little avail, while his presence might be construed as sanc­ tioning the outrage. Neither was his person safe ; the next blow might have been aimed at him and if Agnew’s friend and associate thought it best to leave him, can we blame the prisoner for a similar act ? If we may credit the statements made by some of the wit­ nesses for the defence, that, on Agnew being wounded, Kahan Singh threatened the prisoner, that circumstance may account for Mulraj’s sudden retirement and perhaps, also, for the attack upon Anderson. Perhaps the best exculpation of the prisoner is to be found in the repeated declaration of Agnew, that he did not consider him in any manner implicated in the attack. The last lines which that unfortunate gentleman wrote distinctly state the disturbance to be a popular tumult and mutiny.* Shortly after the return of Agnew to the Idgah, he was joined by the two companies who had been left in the fort. It appears that they were turned out by the mutinous soldiery, but were neither injured nor insulted by them or the townspeople. Can there be a stronger proof than these circumstances of the entire absence of any previous arrangement for rebellion on the part of the prisoner, or even of the soldiery ? Had any evil intention existed, how easily could Agnew and his party have been murdered or secured while inside the fort, the larger portion of the escort being then outside. If the first attack on Agnew7 wrere other than accidental, would it have so entirely failed ? If the prisoner was capable of laying so deep a scheme of assassination, would he not have taken more effective measures for securing his object ? The unmolested return of the two companies also shows that, even at tliat time, no determination existed to bring matters to a crisis. After the departure of Agnew for the Idgah, Bam Kang saw some of the Multan troops preparing a few pieces of artillery. By direction of Agnew he remonstrated with them, but without effect, and he then proceeded until he met the prisoner and Tulsi Bam near the Am-Khass. After some consultation it was deter­ mined that they should proceed to Agnew’s camp; but as soon as their intention became known, they were prevented by the soldiers, who surrounded them. Bam Bang was cut down, receiving some serious wounds, and Mulraj was taken prisoner, and conveyed to his house in the Am-Khass, where he remained under restraint until alter the death of Agnew and Anderson.

* Vtile Appendix D. 160 DIWAN >IUL RAJ.

Captain Hamilton. The bad success of this attempt did not deter the prisoner from again endeavouring to communicate with Agnew. He des­ patched his confidential servant, Tulsi Ram, with a message expressing his dee}) regret at what had occurred, explaining his utter inability to visit the officers, and entreating them to be on their guard against the mutineers. Tulsi Ram succeeded in evading the mutinous troops, and reached the Idgah, where he delivered his message to Agnew. In reply, that gentleman wrote, expressing bis conviction that the prisoner was in no manner to blame for the unfortunate events, and requested him to arrest the perpetrators of the outrage, and to proceed to the Idgah as the best method of exculpating himself, and of preserving peace. However desirable it might be that Mulraj should join Agnew, we have already seen that it was totally out of his power to do so. When Tulsi Ram returned to the prisoner he found him under duresse, surrounded by the revolted troops, who were making engagements with each other, and organizing the rebellion.

During the remainder of the l?)th April, Agnew appears to have sent other messages to the prisoner, but none of them reached their destination. The insurgents, however, made no attack upon Agnew, and except in preventing his communicating with the prisoner, they gave him no annoyance. In tho evening, bv Agnew’s orders, the guns were placed in battery, and other measures were taken for the defence of the Idgah. Much advertence has been made to the backwardness of the prisoner in not personally attempting to quell the. disturbance at its commencement, and in failing to attend on Agnew and Anderr son after tney were wounded. We have it in evidence that the prisoner did attempt to visit Agnew, even without a summons from that gentleman ; and if we consider the circumstances in which the sudden revolt had placed him, I think we can find ample excuse for his conduct, even supposing the restraint under which he was kept by his mutinous followers had allowed of his exercising his personal influence.

We know that the prisoner, hitherto of irreproachable charac­ ter, had voluntarily resigned his high and important trust, which he had discharged with honour to himself and satisfaction to his superiors ; he was possessed of an ample fortune, which he had hopes of increasing through the liberality of the State, in whose favour he ranked high ; he was in infirm health ; and his object was, after making over charge of his Government to seek for ease t DEFENCE COUNSEL'S ADDRESS TO THE COURT. 161 Captain Hamilton. And comfort in independent privacy. He had taken due precau­ tion to prevent disturbance at the transfer of his charge, having doubtless} foreseen fhe possibility of such an occurrence, although he could never have anticipated events of so serious a nature. Can we wonder, then, if he became unnerved, and that his energies were prostrated, and his judgment enfeebled, when unlooked for misfortune had broken his hopes and frustrated his measures ? He saw nothing but evil on every side. He knew that, innocent as he was of any participation in the attack on Agnew and Anderson, a jealous Government would still hold him responsible for the insult offered to its officers, until he should fully exculpate himself. He found himself a prisoner in the hands of his turbulent soldiers, who menaced his life with no idle or unmeaning threats,5,1 and his near relation, while attempting to join Agnew, had been seriously wounded. To remonstrate with an undisciplined horde like the garrison, armed to the teeth, and furious with excitement, would have been equally useless and dangerous. Nor must we forget that at this crisis Mulraj was left almost entirely without support. His nearest relation and best adviser was from his wounds incapable of aiding him ; and, except a few immediate attendants, nearly every man of trust and influence had joined the insurgents. The mutiny was not confined to the common soldiers, but the superior officers, who were in a great measure independent of MuJraj, appear to have incited their followers and to have taken a leading part in the rebellion. I must also remind you, gentlemen, that the prisoner had formally made over charge of his fort and Government to his successor. He possessed no legal authority in the country or over his late followers, who in fact were under no obligation to obey him, and for whose conduct he was not responsible. I do not for a moment suppose that the prisoner was actuated by • these considerations, and the whole of hia conduct shows that he was anxious to exert whatever influence remained to him in the cause of peace and order; but his loss of authority had impaired that influence, and I think, gentlemen, that you are bound to give full weight to these considerations in behalf of the prisoner. But suppose the prisoner had succeeded in his attempt to visit Agnew, would this have crushed the rebellion and saved the lives of these unfortunate gentlemen *? I think that such a result could hardly have been expected. But we must determine what recep­ tion Mulraj would have met with from Agnew. It would be an insult to the memory of that gentleman to suppose that his invita­ tion was meant otherwise than hi good faith; but would he have •9* W ototter tc Whleh (Appeadii F), 1 6 2 DIWAN MUL RAJ.

Captain Hamilton. allowed Mulraj to return after a short interval ? Would he not rather have detained him as security for the good conduct of the garrison ? Such a measure would have been injurious in the ex­ treme to the prisoner. The whole of his property, and his own family and female relations, would have remained in the power of the insurgents, who, if they considered the prisoner as a deserter, would, without hesitation, have wreaked their resentment on the helpless inmates of his house ; or, if they thought he had been de­ tained unwillingly, would have kept them as hostages and sure­ ties. We know how sensitive an Asiatic of rank is regarding the honour of his women, and can we wonder that Mulraj should hesi­ tate to abandon them, nor can we infer that Mulraj’s visit to Agnew would have been efficacious in putting a stop to the rebellion. Had he returned, the result would have been the same as actually occurred; and whether he remained with Agnew as a friend or as 8 hostage, the attack on the Idgah would not have been deferred It would not have been difficult to find a leader, and vengeance or indignation would rather have precipitated than delayed the crisis. My conviction is that after the attack on Agnew and Anderson at the bridge, there were only two courses for these gentlemen to pursue with any hope of preserving their lives. The first was im­ mediately to leave Multan, the other to place themselves as pri­ soners under the protection of Mulraj. If the first course had been followed, as the ebels were unprepared for a pursuit, the party could have retired with little molestation, and would have been in safety after a march of a few miles. Mulraj’s influence might have afforded them protection as prisoners, and the soldiers would have consented to their remaining in that condition as hostages* and as a means of negotiating with the British Government! Agnew, however, was not awart of the disaffection of his troops, until it was too late to adopt either course, and although, even at the last, he might have saved his own life by flight, he was too generous to abandon his helpless companion. Nothing particular occurred during the night of the 191 h or morning of the ‘20th April, till about 9 a .m ., when a cannonade was opened on the Idgah from some guns near the fort and Am-Khass. Agnew then despatched messengers to endeavour to put a stop to the tiring, and to explain the circumstances of bi3 mission ; but his envoy never reached Mulraj, being repulsed by the insurgents. The cannonade continued in a desultory manner during the day, and by Agnew’s direction it was answered by a tiro from his guns . only two of these were pointed in tho direction, of the insurgents and both shots took effect, one dismounting a gun, the other killing DEFENCE COUNSEL'S ADDRESS TO THE COURT. 16&

Captain Hamilton. the son of a Mazhabi Sikh. The last circumstance is deserving of notice, as it appears to have been the ultimate cause of the murder of the two gentlemen. About this time Agnew’s troops began to show symptoms of disaffection, and they could no longer be induced to resist. The causes of this disaffection are not apparent, although some of the witnesses ascribe it to the intrigues’ of the Multan troops. It seems probable, however, that Agnew’s troops were not unwilling to join in the revolt*, and the first overtures may have proceeded from them ; that the prisoner authorized or aided in their seduction has not been shown to be the fact on any sub­ stantial grounds. Towards evening.Agnew again sent a deputation to Mulraj. His messengers found him a close prisoner, surrounded by the re­ volted troops, who would not allow the envoys a private interview with the prisoner. Mulraj stated to the messengers that he was under restraint and could not assist the gentlemen. He, however, made proposals, which, I think, under the then existing circum­ stances were the only ones which could have insured the safety of the gentlemen. He first requested that the artillery should be made over to him, and that Agnew and Anderson should be sur­ rendered as prisoners, the Lahore troops being allowed to depart. This proposal being rejected, Mulraj proposed that the whole of the Lahore force should leave the Multan territory, and that an engagement to that effect should be written by the officers and countersigned by the two gentlemen. This offer was accepted, and it was also arranged that the cattle plundered from the Lahore troops should be restored to them to enable them to leave the territory. Four persons of consequence were chosen to accompany Agnew's messengers to put a stop to the cannonade, and to arrange for the restoration of the cattle and the march of the troops. The whole of the party then proceeded to one of the batteries, and, with great difficulty, succeeded in stopping the fire of one gun ; but be-, fore they could accomplish more, the Lahore troops evacuated the Idgah, and joined the insurgents. As soon as this became known, a band of the lowest rabble, headed by some fanatic wretches, rushed towards the Idgah. I need not repeat the detail which you have already heard of the atrocious cruelty of these savage monsters. Let us now review the transactions which took place after the return of Agnevc to the Idgah, and consider bow they affect the prisoner. We have seen that from the time Mulraj was prevent­ ed from joining Agnew, he remained a close prisoner in the hand;

* la tfci? uoa«ciuau ms*. *J*o prcd*m*ticta (A^ptv/tj* f3). 164 D W A N MUL RAJ.

Captain Hamilton. of the insurgents. Except the statement of one witness, whose credibility is more than doubtful, there is not the slightest proof that the prisoner ever sanctioned the hostile acts of the rebels, and oven that statement leads us to infer that the prisoner acted under compulsion. The cannonade of the Idgah was conducted in a de­ sultory manner, and it was evidently not directed by one in the situation of a commander. Nor do those actually engaged appear to have been actuated by very hostile motives. We know that of all Agnew’s force only one man was wounded, and, in fact, the whole cannonade seems rather to have been intended to frighten the Lahore troops into submission or to induce them to return. We have also seen that the final attack on the Idgah and the subsequent murders were made not only without the prisoner’s knowledge, but in direct opposition to his wishes. It does not appear to have been* the act of the regular garrison but that of a rabble and a party of fanatics, eager for plunder, and furious at the death of one of their sect from the fire of Agnew’s guns. Remember, gentlemen, that even Ranjit Singh, in the plenitude of his power, could not al­ ways restrain the fury of these fanatics. On the occasion of Agnew’s last message, the prisoner appears in a most favourable light. It is evident that he was most anxious for the safety of the two gentlemen; but he could not afford them assistance, except by fa v o u rin g the wishes of his revolted troops. He, therefore, brought forward the only plans which could be of service to these officers with reference to other circumstances. After these events the authentic evidence is meagre. Agnew’s head was brought to a place near the Am-Khass, where it was seen early next morning. It was taken up, and with the body was decently interred by Mulraj’s directions; but so little was his authority then regarded that the bodies were disinterred for the sake of the silk garments in which they had been wrapped. They were again buried, and, according to some witnesses, again dug up, and again buried for the third time. There is no evidence to induce us to believe that the head of Agnew was ever brought before the prisoner, or that he ever re­ warded the wretched being who carried it towards the Am-Khass; neither can I credit the report that the head was subjected to insult and indignity. It was seen shortly before its interment by a cre­ dible witness, who denies observing on it any marks of outrage. I have heard, gentlemen, that when the bodies were disinterred after the siege of Multan, no marks of burning were visible on Agnew’s heard and moustaches. I have endeavoured to procure evidence in this matter, but I can find uo'one here who was present DEFENCE COUNSEL’S ADDRESS TO TH E COURT. 165

Captaii Hamilton- at the disinterment. I should wish, gentlemen, for the honour of humanity, that this fact could have been ascertained. That the prisoner ever rewarded the perpetrator of the first attack on Agnew has been fully disproved ; that he did not punish him or place him in confinement on account of that outrage, I adm it; but it is equally plain that he could not do so on account of the opposition of the insurgents; and that he neglected to punish the author of this outrage, and even the murderers, does not prove that he countenanced their deeds.* After the full investigation which has taken place the assailants of Anderson and the actual perpetrators of the murders are still unknown, and I fear this will for everremain a mystery and it has not been shown that they were ever known to the prisoner. Jt does not appear requisite to advert to the conduct of the prisoner during the subsequent siege further than to remark that it was long his intention to abandon the place, and to throw him­ self on the mercy of Government; but encumbered with his family ; and watched and guarded by the rebels, it was out of his power to effect his object.- It may still be urged that unless the prisoner had been, from the first, in league with the rebels, they would never have thought of detaining him ; but a little reflection will show the futility of this assumption. It was clearly the object of the rebels to have at their head (although he might be so only in name) a man of the prisoner’s rank, position and influence. Tt would have been easy to choose a military leader, but there was none who could occupy the place of the prisoner in a political view. And it was, without doubt, this consideration what made them anxious to retain him in their power and to place him nominally at the head of the insur­ rection. But suppose, gentlemen, that the attack on Agnew’s troops was really made by the orders of the prisoner, is he, on that account, legally amenable for the murder of the unfortunate gentlemen? We have seen that for some hours previous to their death—nay, from the morning of the 20th April—an open warfare had existed between the two parties of troops. On the preceding day Agnew had placed his guns in battery, and thrown up entrenchments. ♦Major Herbert Edwardes on page 61, volume II, of his book adds the following note :— “ It is only fair, however, to mention that one of Mulraj’s chief officers, whose trial succeeded that of his master, assured me that the Diwan recognised Amir Chand as a soldier under the command of Bhagwan Das, and hurriedly told the latter officer, who rode behind him, to bring Amir Chand ">efore him at the Am-Khass. This, however, never appeared in the trial, when heaven and earth, and even Mulraj’s features, were ransacked for evidences of his inno­ cence.” 1 6 6 DIWAN MUL RAJ.

Captain Hamilton. The cannonade by the Multan insurgents had been continued at int *vals during the whole day, and had been returned with fatal ef 3ct by Agnew’s guns. The rebellion of Multan had then actually commenced, and the death of these unfortunate young men was, therefore, a part of* that rebellion. They had defended a fortified position and maintained their post until the greater portion of their troops had joined the enemy through intimidation. The attack upon the Idgah was made by a savage rabble, under no orders, and restrained by no discipline. The deaths of Agnew and Anderson were indeed cruel and cold-blooded murders, but they were not the acts of the leader of the Multan insurrection, whoever he may be. Acts of this description are not rare even in the armies of civilized nations, and in Asiatic warfare they are of daily occur­ rence. Is it fair that the prisoner should be liable as a murderer for a death which took place in open war, even though that death was attended with circumstances of the most cruel and barbarous character? It has not been usual to make even a rebel leader accountable for the unauthorized acts of his followers, and the punishment of the actual perpetrators has been considered as suffi­ cient to vindicate justice. I apprehend, gentlemen, that the prisoner, as the leader of the Multan insurrection, is no more liable for the murder of Agnew and Anderson than he is accountable, as a murderer, for the death of every individual who fell in the subsequent siege. It is true, gentlemen, that if the prisoner was the leader of the insurrection at Multan, he is Hable to justice for the death of Agnew and Anderson, but he is so as a rebel, and not as a murderer, and 1 apprehend, gentlemen, that he should have been tried on that charge, and not on the one now before you. It has not been considered necessary to arraign the prisoner for rebellion ; but let us consider if this act of grace on the part of Government is really one of favour and mercy to him. If the offence charged against him bt fully proved, there can be but one termination to the trial— the prisoner must be condemned to suffer the extreme penalty of the law. But had he been tried for what, in the eye of the law, is the graver offence, would he have been liable to the same penalty ? In our own country, although the cruel code of our ancestors still exists in the letter, we have, in practice, much mitigated its severity; the outraged law does not now call for whole hecatombs of victims, and in this country re­ bellion has ever been regarded with,a more lenient eye Under native rulers it was almost the sole means by which the oppressed could obtain redress. For many years the offence was not recog­ nized in the codes of British India, and even now the rights of our DEFENCE COUNSEL’ S ADDRESS TO THE COURT. 1G7 Captain Hamilton. subjects are so guarded that the infliction of the extreme pp ,i!ty •of the |aw requires the sanction of the Supreme Government. There were other leaders in this rebellion besides the prisoner , and, as far as we may judge, some of them are more deserving of the uame of traitor than he who is now arraigned before you. But have they suffered their due punishments ? N o ! Govern­ ment has seen fit to extend its mercy to them, and am I wrong in surmising that had the prisoner been arraigned on the charge of rebellion, Government would not have withheld its favour? Since the acquisition of sovereign power by the British nation in India, this is perhaps the first instance in which a foreigner of Mulraj’s rank and position has been brought to trial before a purely British court. At the time when the crimes charged against him were committed, he was not a British subject, and was in no way amenable to our laws or to our courts. I observe, however, that the charges against the prisoner have been drawn out with con­ siderable regard to the technicalities of British law. The last charge against the prisoner is for being accessory after the fact, and it is on this charge that the main difficulty of exculpating him will lie. According to the British code, the punishment to which an accessory is liable is most severe, while under a native Govern­ ment such an offence would be considered a mere misdemeanour. I have every hope, gentlemen, that it will not be necessary for you to take this circumstance into consideration, but we should be prepared for every contingency, and I trust you will recollect that, in justice, the prisoner is not liable to the ample grasp of British law. One of the most remarkable features of the recent wars is the humane usage which oui> countrymen and fellow-subjects have received when prisoners in the hands of our enemies. The horrors of the Black Hole, the dungeons of Seringapatam, and the barbarities of the Marhatta camp have not been repeated in our day. We have had to release no captives from lingering torture or from loathsome cells. No mutilated wretches crowd our hos­ pitals. We have no Siraj-ud-Doula or Hyder Ali to execrate '\mong our late opponents. Our comrades, whom the fortune of war placed in the power of our foes, have been treated with humanity and even with kindness. And whence has this change arisen, but from the example we have shown our enemies ? We have taught them humanity, and that cruelty and barbarity are not the necessary attendants on war. Shall we forget the lessons we have taught ? Should we not rather endeavour to encourage 168 DIWAN MUL RAJ.

Captain Hamilton. this advance in civilization ? And will not the punishment of the prisoner, however veiled with forms of justice and curtained with the ceremony of court, be considered, with some reason, as an in fringement of the customs of war, and an unfair return for the for bearance and courtesy of our foes ? The prisoner and his brave garrison, after enduring, with almost unparalleled resolution, a siege of extraordinary duration, succumbed at length under the repeated efforts of a still braver and more determined foe, and surrendered at discretion. Even according to the severest military code, such a surrender is con* sidered to exempt the prisoners from military execution, and is it fit that a civil tribunal should be less merciful ? Is it prudent or expedient to subject to the last penalty of the law the leader of a garrison which has submitted ? The prisoner would then gain nothing by his surrender, except the satisfaction of having saved the lives of many brave men by his submission, when further re sistance was unavailing. It would have been better for him to have died at the breach. But, surely, the consideration he has shown for the lives of others is deserving of some return. Shall we di­ minish the renown of our soldiers, and tarnish the glory of our arms, by consigning to an ignominious death the bravest of our opponents ? Since the execution of the Killedar of Talnein, in the Marhatta war of 1818, such an event has not occurred in our. military history, and I trust the universal reprobation with which that act was greeted may warn us to avoid any measures which may bear even a remote resemblance to that unfortunate occurrence. The garrison and citizens of Multan were guilty of a heinous- crime, and heavy has been their punishment. Their homes are a mass of ruins, their wealth has become the lawful spoil of their conquerors, and those who have escaped the sword and the mine are now houseless exiles. Is that not enough to satisfy jus­ tice, or does she still demand fresh victims ? We are now at the close of an eventful period. This unhappy land, so long the seat of anarchy and crime, is about to enjoy the blessings of peace and good government. The last kingdom of India is now a province of our mighty empire, and the last fortress in the land, has fallen before our arms. Are the gibbet and the scaffold the trophies we should raise in honour of our victories ?• Let us rather mark the epoch by an act of mercy, if not of justice. Say ye to the prisoner at the bar.— “ Go, thou art free,” and I am sure there is not one in this wide empire but will rejoice in your decision. Nineteenth Day, Friday, 22nd June t849.

PROSECUTION COUNSEL’S REPLY. Mr. L. Bowring then made his reply to the Defence Counsel’s arguments and said : The statement for the defence of Diwan Mulraj having been made in court subsequently to the deposition of his witnesses, it has become necessary for me to make a few remarks upon it. The counsel for the defendant has endeavoured, gentlemen, to enlist your sympathies in his cause. The prisoner is designated as a distinguished but unfortunate individual. I am not aware that either title should be bestowed upon a man who resisted and opposed, by force of arms, his own Government, and whose rebellion has caused the extinction of the sovereignty erected by Ranjit Singh. All the misfortunes which have befallen this country, during the past year, owe their origin to Diwan Mulraj. Had there been no Mulraj, there would have been no Chat tar Singh and no other Singh, and Maharaja Dalip Singh would still be seated on the throne of his father. I shali rapidly glance over Mulraj\s conduct previous to the commencement of the late disturbances. His father Sawan Mai for a long period ably conducted the administration of the Nizamat of Multan, but to those who are acquainted with ihe former history of the Punjab it is not unknown that he had iormed designs to render himself independent of the sovereignty of Maharaja Ranjit Singh, whose superior power, however, kept him firm in his allegiance. After his death, when his son Mulraj was ins called in the gov­ ernment of the country, the latter’s wish to free himself from the trammels of the Lahore Government was notorious! When Bhagwan Singh, Raja Lai Singh’s brother, was sent down with troops to compel his submission, Mulraj opposed his forces to those of the Government and refused to give in his allegiance. His submission was anything but ready, and was oniy effected by the introduction of British forces. It may be questioned what Mulraj’s design was in giving in his resignation. It is more than probable that his object was to# get lowered the amount of the demand made upon him by the Lahore Government. The subject, however, was dropped 169 170 D IW A N MUL RAJ. Mr. L. Bowring. after the departure of the Diwan from Lahore and was not again brought forward by him till he was called on by the Resident to give an explicit answer on the matter. It has been stated in the defence that he dismissed many of his troops, sold his stores, paid u}> his arrears of revenue, and remitted a portion of his* capital to Amritsar. If he did this with a view of resigning the Province, it is strange that the inhabitants of Multan should not have been informed of this being hi? fixed purpose; and we have seen from the evidence of some of the witnesses for the defence that this resolution was not communicated to the people of the place. The actual reduction of the Multan troops took place in Raja Lai Singh’s time previously to which the force numbered 5,000 or 6,000. His property being at Amritsar was accidental. The .diffi­ culty for him was to remove it, and we have a curious similar instance with regard to the property of his brother Karam Narain, a great part of which was confiscated at Lahore after his joining the ranks of the rebels. It is said that he made preparations for the removal of his family. I believe there was never an instance of a Punjab Kardar or other official resigning, in which he did not take mea­ sures for removing his family long previous to his own departure. 1 shall now proceed to comment on the remarks made in defence on the Diwan’s conduct on Mr. Agnew being wounded by Amir Chand. As stated by the counsel for the defendant, the accounts of this affair are very conflicting. If, however, the evidence of the witnesses for the defence is to be credited, the Diwan had not passed on when Amir Chand wounded Mr. Agnew. What possible difficulty could there have been then in directing the immediate seizure of this man ? If it be true that Kahan Singh exclaimed on Mulraj’s pressing on his horse “ there goes Mulraj, cut him down,” or words to that effect, it would show that the Sardar was anything but satisfied of the Diwan’s intentions. The fact of his having been subsequently kept in close confinement in irons, and of Mulraj’s refusing to release him during the siege, on the request of the troops, confirm this view of the case. The circumstances of Mr. Anderson’s being attacked and cut down have never been accurately elucidated. There is no doubt, however, that this affair took place within a very few minutes of the first attack arid before any mutiny had taken place. PROSECUTION COUNSEL'S RBPLT. 171

Mr. L. Bowring. The prisoner is not aware, to this day, it is said, of the names of the perpetrators of the act, this is strange indeed. The foundation of the defence i3 that Mulraj was powerless, .a prisoner in the hands of his mutinous soldiers ; that he was not responsible in fact. We have seen that when in 1844 the troops mutinied for an increase of pay, Mulraj went himselland, with promptness and energy, put down at once the refractory spirit of the soldiery. Had he been actuated by pure motives, would the exercise of his authority on this occasion have been less effectual : I believe not. Whether he had authority over his troops or not is shown most completely by his conduct during the subsequent siege. It . was his master hand that kept them in order and directed their efforts'; no violence was committed against him, nor was his treasure plundered as it assuredly would have been had the soldiers been disorderly and mutinous ; and it is suffi­ ciently notorious that towards the close of the siege he gave his voice for holding out when the troops wished to surrender, and that he made them conform to his wishes. It is said that his nearest relation was wounded, and that he had no one to stand by him, the superior officers having joined in the mutiny and incited the troops to resistance. Among these superior officers and the first who appeared in open arms against the Lahore Government was his near relation Harbhagwan, the leader of the force which marched to Leiah against Major Edwardes, and his nearest relation Earn Rang was the first who actually encountered that officer. When Ghulam Husain went to Mulraj on the part of Mr. Agnew, the Diwan was under no restraint, his most confidential officers being seated with him, and in the interview which took place in which Mulraj distinctly refused to visit the British officers, he himself was the spokesman. We have the most positive evidence that Mulraj was consenting to the oath that was taken by the principal officers to attack the Lahore party, nor has it in any way been shown that he refused to take a part himself or endeavour to dissuade others from doing so. Had he not himself been a party, would he not have sent to apprize the British officers that they were to be attacked ? The Diwan’s conduct during the affair requires to be most carefully weighed. It is asserted that the attack on the Idgah originated in a body of fanatics irritated at the death of a Mazhabi Sikh, who was accidentally killed by a shot from 172 DIWAN MUL RAJ.

Mr* L. Bowling. the guns of the Lahore party. The cannonade from the fort and the Am-Khas was without doubt joined in by the whole of the troops, and it is difficult to understand why the subsequent catastrophe should be attributed to a mere body of fanatics. The defence states that Godar Singh was not rewarded by Mulraj, and that no evidence to this effect, has been produced. The proceedings of the Multan Commission will show that Godar Singh himself confessed to having received a reward from the Diwan.* It has been said that Mulraj remained under restraint, but it has been seen that the day after the murder manifestoes were sent in all directions to troops in other parts of the Punjab bearing his seal, and that he bestirred himself most actively in enlisting soldiers at Multan. The counsel for the delenGe has brought charges against certain witnesses for the prosecution, which it is for the court to judge of. It appears to me necessary, however, to show that the two first witnesses, Sadiq Muhammad and Qutb Shah, have given most valuable and trustworthy eviaence. The former, a man of rank and respectability, was, with his father and Shaikh Ghulam Mustapha, the only person who did not attach his seal to the traitorous agreement to attack the British officers, and his subsequent conduct, when with Major Edwardes, entirely exonerates him from the charge of treason brought against him by the counsel for the defence,—a charge both groundless and absurd. As regards Qutb Shah, the counsel for the defence has thought fit to taunt him by the assertion that he remained with his own free will with the insurgents waiting the example of his master, Shaikh Imam-ud-Din. The object of this remark is not very comprehensible. Of all the Sardars of the Lahore Govern­ ment at the siege of Multan none did such good service as Shaikh Imam-ud-Din. Qutb Shah’s evidence is particularly valuable as tallying in all material points with his deposition taken before the late Resident in June, 1848. The evidence of the witnesses lor the defence does not present much worthy of remark. The first witness Tulsi Bam merely deposes to Ram Bang’s exertion to induce the Diwan to visit Mr. Agnew after the first

•Vide Appendix A. Godar Singh admits having received from Diwan Mulraj horse and piatol belonging to Mr. Agnew, but denies having anything to do with the actual murder of Mr. Agnew. He alleges that it waa one Ram Singh who killed the British offioera and was himself killed duricg the siege of Multan. PROSECUTION COUNSEL’ S RRPLY. 17:3

Mr. L. Bowring. attack, and say that Mulraj had lost his presence of mind and made no arrangement for stopping the mutiny. The evidence of the next witness, Ram Rang, must-naturally be looked upon with suspicion, he having been one of Mulraj *s .principal officers and his nearest relation.* He was ignorant of the events of the latter part of the 19th and of the *20th April, in fact of the most important part of the story. Among the other witnesses there are two whose evidence is peculiar. The first, Budhu Mai, states that he heard Kahan Singh cry out on Amir Chand’s wounding Mr. Agnew, “ there goes Mulraj, kill him.” I cannot conceive what was the object of producing this man as a witness except if it were to prove that Kahan Singh had well- founded suspicions agamst Mulraj. The same witness declares that Wazir Ali attempted more than once to induce him to perjure himself by giving talse evidence. It is strange that he did not report these circumstances on his arrival at Lahore. The evidence of the next uiah Asa is similarly forced and unreal. This very witness, who amuses himself in an idle hour by taking a stroll to the fort to watch the proceedings of his friend Amir Chand, depose* very plainly to the fact that this ruffian was allowed to go about unmolested, and that he was looked upon as a man who had done a very creditable action. The rest of the evidence for the defence is very meagre and insatisfactory, and the more weighty points, viz., the conduct of Mulraj op and after the occasion of ail the officers taking the traitorous ot*th,' are loft by the pnsorer quite unaccounted for. In opening the proceedings I briefly mentioned the chief points in the case, and must crave the indulgence of the court for the present observations. The case is closed.

•Ram Rang was married to the cousin of Mulraj. THE JUDGMENT. The Verdict and Sentence. As soon as the prosecution counsel finished his reply, the court was cleared of the parties and the judges proceeded to deliberate with closed doors on the judgment and sentence. At nine o’clock the court was re-openod, and the sentence, finding, and recommendations were read to the prisoner in vernacular and in English, subsequently to the. public, as follows :— After mature deliberation and consideration, and having duly weighed both evidence for the prosecution and defence, and what the Advocate and Vakil of the prisoner have urged in his cause, the Commission are of opinion that the prisoner Mulraj, late Governor of Multan is of the— First charge ...... guilty, Second charge ...... guilty, Third charge ...... guilty, and do therefore sentence him to suffer death. But the Com­ mission direct that the execution of the sentence, in compliance with the instructions of the Bight Honourable the Governor- General of India, be suspended pending the orders of the Governor- General of India. Further the Commission earnestly recom­ mend the prisoner to mercy as being the victim of circumstances. Grounds oj the Court's Judgment. The connection of Diwan Mulraj with the Multan country is a matter of history. In September, 1844, we find that Sawan Mai, the Nazim or Governor of Multan for the Maharaja of the Sikh nation, was assassinated. He was a man of great vigour and ability, and the prosperity of the province was mainty attributable to his administratic He was succeeded in his office by his son, the prisoner. It would appeal that for some months Mulraj continued to bold the Government of Multan on the same terms as his father. Early in 1846. it sterns that Raja Lai Singh designed to

174 JUDGMENT. 175

M r. c. G. Mantel- remove the Diwan from his charge. There had been a personal quarrel between them for some years, and now, on the treaty of Lahore being executed, Raja Lai Singh became Prime Minister of the Punjab. A force was sent against Mulraj to secure the demand of fine on succession to Sawan Mai, as well as to realize a portion of the current revenue. An encounter took place near Jhang, Raja Lai Singh’s troops were defeated. The Agent to the Governor-General at Lahore interfered to mediate between the two parties. After much delay and trouble, it was finally arranged that Mulraj should give up the district of Jhang, being nearly one-third of the province heretofore held by him ; that he should pay twenty lakhs on account of fine on succession and for arrears, and that the revenue of the districts, still left under the charge of the Diwan, should be raised in amount by more than one-third. The new engagement was, in fact, a farm of the province for three years, commencing with 1904 Sambat* corresponding with the autumn crop of 1847 A. D. Diwan Mulraj expressed himself to the British Agent as extremely pleased at this arrangement, as, though the payment fixed was heavy, it secured to him, by the aid of the English, his life and office out of the hands of his merciless enemy. But the close of the same year was to see a new change in the affairs of the Punjab, and the LreatvM Bhairowal, executed in December, 1846, placed the administration of the country in the ' hands of a Council of Regency, composed of leading Chiefs and Sardars, acting under the control and guidance of a British Resi­ dent. About twelve months from this time, Mulraj,. on the occasion of the return to -Europe of the Resident, Sir Hei'juy Lawrence, visited Lahore. He arrived, however, too late to see that officer. He visited, however, his successor, Mr. John Lawrence; and, at an interview in the first week of December, 1847, solicited from him leave to give in the resignation of the farm of the province of Multan, granted in the previous year. Mulraj*s public reasons for this proceeding, as deliberately stated to the Resident, were tw o: one, that the new arrangements about the customs in the Punjab, which reduced the old transit and town duty system of a Native State into one of simple export and import duty, but which change did not extend to Multan, on account of the three years’ lease, caused him great loss. Tie urged that the Lahore authorities have lot off so many duties on articles in their new tariff that the Multan people were unwilling to pay according to his own local scale of duties, and he further expressed his 176 DIWAN MUL BAJ. Mr. C« G. Mantel. dislike to follow the example of the Darbar in its system of fiscal commutation. The second reason was that he did not retain his old hold upon people of Multan, since the treaty of Bhairowal hod introduced a formal appeal to the new Council from his proceedings as governor or merchant. On this latter point Mulraj persisted with great pertinacity in his interview with Mr. John Lawrence, for he distinctly told that officer that he would retain his charge if the system of interference was given up. From Mr. Lawrence’s evideuce ‘it clearly appears that the question of responsibility for acts done to the inhabitants of Multan was debated by Mulraj mainly as one of profit and loss. He stated distinctly that the enhanced rent would not pay, if the privilege of appeal was conceded to the people in all private and public wrongs. He stood out for independence as a neces­ sary condition of his retaining the farm. As a key to future events, it is desirable that the object of Mulraj should, in respect to the resignation, be cleared of every shadow of doubt. Now, Mr. John Lawrence states his firm belief that Mulraj was sincere in his expressed wish, and if any­ thing further than such evidence of the British Resident at the time is required to satisfy the commissioners of Mulraj’s motive and intentions, we are supplied by the same officer with particular cases of money suits decided against Mulraj, which were the source of great vexation to his feelings and of embarrassment to his system of government. While Mulraj’s sincerity in requesting to resign in December, 1847, seems undoubted, the same witness, Mr. J. Lawrence, con­ tinues to state that he has no reason to suppose the Diwan to have changed his mind on the subject before Mr. Agnew and his parly, left Lahore, in April following, to receive charge of the province. Mr. Lawrence, though still residing at Lahore in March, 1848, never heard a native /etnark that Mulraj’s wishes had altered ; he is not aware of any necessities that could have induced Mulraj to change-his determination. Notoriously a rich man, and without children, the Diwan spoke of himself as having no one to assist him in the government, as being in ill-health and as being at enmity with his brothers. Palling up his sleeve and showing his arm, he continued to urge to the British Resident, “ Is that the arm of a man to rule a country ? ” After his return from Lahore to Multan, Mulraj undoubtedly made great reduction in his troops. He sold off stores, and in April paid in his last instalment of rent for the current harvest. In allflthese circum- •ftJDGMENT. 177✓ M r. C. G. M aniil. stances there is clear evidence of his motive and intention to quit Multan. We now arrive at the events in the city of Multan. On April 5, Mr. Vans Agnew and Lieutenant Anderson, Assistants to the Resident at Lahore, with Sardar Kahan Singh, the officer selected as successor to Mulraj in the Government of Multan, left Lahore by water for Multan to relieve the Diwan. The troops which were detached on duty with the party went by land. They con­ sisted of about 1,300 fighting men, 600 foot of the so-called Gurkha Regiment, 700 Cavalry, and 100 Artillery, with six guns. On the 17th, the boats anchored off the landing place nearest to the port of Multan. On the following day the party, with th9 troops, encamped in and about the Idgah, a building in a direct line about half a mile from the port, and the same distance from Mulraj’s own residence, the Am-Khass. Mulraj paid two visits, one of ceremony and the other of business, in the course of the 18th, and it was settled at the last interview that the fort should be delivered over to the new Governor on the following morning. About 7 o’clock on the morning of the 19th, the British officers, Kahan Singh, and Mulraj visited the fort. Mr. Agnew inspected the stores and magazines ; harangued the troops of Mulraj, who were to be retained or dismissed, and, leaving the fort in charge of two companies of the Gurkha Regiment, prepared with the rest of the party to return home. The egress from the fort lay through an inner gate called Sikki, and then an outer one called Kamar Kot. This last was connected with the glacis by a standing bridge over the deep fort ditch. At this point Mr. Agnew is said to have been riding on the extreme right; next to him was Mulraj, then Lieutenant Anderson, Kahan Singh being on the left flank. Somewhere near this bridge, for the spot is placed differently in the different depositions, Mr. Agnew was struck with a spear by an assassin, fell from his horse, and was wounded with three blows of a sword by the same man, who escaped by falling or getting into the deep ditch. Mulraj, seeing what had taken place, pushed on his horse ; Lieut. Anderson, too, rode off rapidly while Kahan Singh stopped behind with Ram Rang, a relation of Mulraj by marriage, to take care of Mr. Agnew. From the bridge the distance to the city gate is less than the distance of the city gate (which has the name of Daulat) from the Am-Khass, the residence of Mulraj, and that is about 100 paces, the road lying through a bazar,"in the N DIWAN MI L ttAJ.

Mr. C« C. M m d . suburbs under the walls of the Am-Khass, to the Idgah where Mr. Agnew was encamped. In taking, however, this, the regular road, the elephant on which Mr. Agnew had been placed was com­ pelled to go a bye-road to escape from the hostile demonstration of ihe soldiery, whose cantonment surrounds the Am-Khass, or, rather, with Mulraj’s Palace, composes it. Matchlocks were fired as if to warn the party from the direct route, and guns were brought out of the cantonment. In the meantime, Lieutenant Anderson had been severely wounded in his flight from the scene of the attack upon Agnew, and was found beyond the Daulat Gate lying on the ground, with seven wounds on himself and four on his horse. He was brought home by some of his own people, but the manner of his being cut down is not clear. Some time after this, Mulraj, at the persuasion of Earn Rang, who is married to his first cousin and who stayed behind to succour Mr. Agnew, prepared to visit the wounded officers ; when mount­ ing their horses, a carbineer of the escort attacked Ram Rang with a sword, and inflicted three severe wounds on his arms, on^ of which might have cut open the forehead. Mulraj then returned into the Am-Khass, and contented himself with sending Tulsi Ram, one of his Munshis, to wait upon Mr. Agnew with a letter of excuse and warning, saying that he had wished to come in person, i that in making the attempt, Ram Rang had been wounded, that there was a riot among the Hindu and Muhammadan soldiery, and that Mr. Agnew, with his party, should be upon the watch to protect themselves. This scene may be said to close the first act in the sad drama of Multan, and it is now necessary to pass again under review the position of Mulraj in respect to his tenure of the Government of Multan. Now, if Mulraj secretly directed the attack upon the British officers before he visited the fort (for the movement of the head by Mulraj, which is interpreted in some of the evidence into a sign to the assassin, appears to have been accidental or fancied), we must search for adequate motives, having their origin m the month of April, and in influences pervading at Multan—either he repented having given in his resignation, or from revenge of some fancied insult he compassed the assassination of the two officers. Now, after the most careful consideration, the court cannot discover, in the different circumstances that took place during Mr. Agnew’s progress to Multan and up till the night of the 18th, any connected chain of suspicion against Mulraj. A JUDGMENT. 17 y

Mr. C. a Man**]. want of attention on the road, Mulraj failing to go out to receive the officers on their arrival at Multan, the absence of the salute, the want of courtesy towards Kahan Singh at the Idgah inter­ view, even the excitement of Mulraj during the dispute about the accounts and cases of petitioners, may, without any violence to probability, be explained by the perplexities of the position of Mulraj, and the vexation of his feelings at the mode of his removal. Surprise, disappointment, and subdued anger would not unnaturally produce these circumstances on the part of a man of Mulraj’s temperament, and it is an assumption to treat them as causes and effects of a spirit of disaffection nursing itself into revenge and rebellion in his heart. Mr. J. Lawrence, indeed, states that all old claims of the State were satisfied and settled by the money payment in 1846 ; and, in his opinion, Mulraj quitted Lahore in December 1847, with that impression of the understanding between them. In Mr. Lawrence’s belief, no remarks of Mr. Agnew, who was a very honest-minded man, could make Mulraj fear that the accounts were sought for from any other object than to form the basis of a new engagement with the landholders. Though Mulraj might have been disturbed and irritated by the pertinacity of Mr. Agnew in regard to the accounts and undecided claims, it is io be remembered that the furnishing of these accounts was one of the circumstances which were to be placed to his credit as grounds for a grant of land on his retirement, so that if the dis­ closure of his private affairs was of itself a subject of annoyance, it had its set off of advantage to Mulraj, whose future fortunes were still to be determined by the "Resident and Council of Lahore. Then, as to the character of the man on whom these circum­ stances were to produce so startling an impression, Mulraj would seem by nature and habit to possess much more of a mer­ cantile than a martial character. On succeeding, in 1844, to his father’s office, it was with no great promise of success. His in­ tercourse with the British Resident in 1846 and 1847 had not left any very favourable impression of fitness to represent his father in his bold and rigorous career as Governor of Multan. There seems to have been more of calm endurance than of active daring in his temperament. He may have been oppressive on systematic principles of business, but he does not figure in the character of a cruel and violent man, nor consequently as a man who would be feared under all changes of circumstances by a lawless body of soldiers and followers. In short, he is not a man of strong passions, or of great mental power, which would com-

n 2 180 M W AN MUL RAJ.

Mr. C. G. Mantel. mand obedience. But he had many valuable qualities for civil administration in quiet times, and the success of his govern­ ment in maintaining the prosperity of Multan set an example deserving of imitation in eastern countries. It is necessary to form some clear estimate of Mulraj’s cha­ racter in order to calculate the extent to which Mr. Agnew’s interference with his interest, or the disaffected spirit at Multan, could induce him to engage in deeds of violence and danger, and suddenly to yield himself up to the gratification of revenge ; and, certainlv, after the most careful consideration of the Diwan’s character and after giving every attention to the arguments of the advocates on both sides, Mulraj’s complicity, in the attempt at assassination must be rejected unless much 'assumption is thrown into the balance of probabilities. No doubt, Mulraj’s flight immediately on seeing Mr. Agnew attacked does strike the mind as a very marked circumstance. It may be said,—would not the natural impulse of a loyal and gallant servant have been to do other than desert the wounded Agnew at such a moment of danger ? We are not, however, called upon to discuss the extent of active moral obligation at a moment of emergency. A man of a bold and chivalrous character by temperament, and a man of high feeling and generous sympathy, would doubtless have remained behind. But it is equally true that, under similar circumstances, Mulraj would not be found a solitary instance of a somewhat timid character, thinking only of securing his own safety in flight. It is right, too, not to exclude from view that Mulraj was unnerved and discontented. He was giving up office and all its sweets— the charm of power and pride in his army. He may have had to endure secret reproaches and open taunts from many of his followers for abandoning his post and sacrificing their interests to please the enemy of the Khalsa. The emolument of his position at this new event might, for the moment, bewilder a mind liable to be swayed by contradictory impulses. Neither, as the advocate of the prisoner has urged, does Lieut. Anderson’s speedy flight at the same time, though the authority possessed by the two was certainly very different, afford us any light by which to trace out Mulraj’s criminality from the act of abandonment and escape. How then was this act of violence committed at all ? It was done in open day at the gate of the fort, at Mulraj’s side, in the face of his followers, by a single assassin. Gould this be without the direction or approval of Mulraj? It has never been JUDGMENT. 1 81

Mr. C. G. Mantel* suggested that the assassin had any personal wrong to revenge. H e to represent t]u> Poolings of others. From what can be gleaned of the identity of the man, he would seem to have been a desperate bravo, the terror of peaceable people, and equal to any open or secret crime. Though Mulraj’s character might not in­ volve him in a scheme of assassination with such a desperado as this, it may be urged by the prosecution whether Mulraj may not have encouraged by his conduct and complaints his confidants and followers to believe or assume that he was a helpless creature in the hands of the English, and willing to lead any opposition to the extent of their influence, which the patriotism of the people might demand. Words of complaint and upbraiding might be us^d by Mulraj, as indeed expressing his real feelings, but with no object but to amuse the excitement of his followers, and to conceal the peaceable and obedient course which he himself had contracted with the Resident in December to pursue. The in­ fluence of such complaints might easily assume hostile form in the minds of the chief officers,, and a still more hostile shape with the common followers, so that, unknown or unsanctioned by Mulraj, a man like the bravo who attacked Mr. Agnew, and the band of horsemen who cut down Lieutenant Anderson, might be moved to action by excited feelings. They might be influenced by a sense that Mulraj would secretly approve of their zeal or at least would be right glad to enjoy the fruits of their conduct in emancipation from the toils of the English and their party, without incurring the charge of procuring it by his open defiance aud resistance. Nor, while reasoning upon the improbability of any attempt at assassination being made in Mulraj’s presence, without his con­ nivance, can we exclude from consideration a most important point, urged, indeed, very properly by the advocate for the defence, that the plan arranged by Murlaj with the Resident, Mr. J. Lawrence, in December, 1847, for delivery of the fort and govern­ ment to the Lahore Council, and which plan differed very material­ ly from that carried out by his successor, Sir F. Currie, in April, 1848, was suggested and urged by Mulraj as best suited to prevent any commotion and resistance on the part of his own people ? The resignation was to be kept a secret. There was not to be a native successor appointed. Some English officers were to visit Multan for purposes' of inspection. They were gradually to be invested with the pgwer and machinery of the Government, and Mulraj, when all,looked fair and secure, was to slip away from the country.' Here Mulraj’s provision against tumult was secrecy. It matters not whether the secrecy that was openly abandoned in 182 DIWAN MUL RAJ.

Mr. C. G. Mantel April could have been perfectly secured in December. Mulraj deem­ ed that it could have been maintained sufficiently for his object; and it is undeniably a very effective argument for Mulraj’s defence in regard to the first attack, that by the act of the British Besident and the Council “ I was not furnished with the means of providing against commotion which were best suited to my character.” Secrecy and caution were Mulraj*s instruments of action. The transfer that was intended to have been made in winter was now to be made amid the oppressive heats of summer. A native officer was formally appointed the successor of Mulraj instead of an European gentleman. The matter, hitherto secret, had been laid before the Council by the new Resident, Sir F. Ctfrrie ; while the proceedings of Mr. Agnew in his progress and on arrival at Multan placed it out of the power of Mulraj to blind one follower for a moment as to the real character of the affairs in hand. Further, it cannot be said that, the arrangements made for the transfer were particularly well adapted to overawe a tumul­ tuous body of Eastern troops, whose bread was at stake, and but few of whom under the new state of affairs could hope to retain it. The English officers selected were not old experienced military men. Mr. Agnew, the Chief Officer, was a young civilian, who seems to have shut his eyes purposely to the symptoms of dis­ affection which were presenting themselves to him in his progress to Multan, or were brought to his notice before his visit to the fort. The British officers with the new Governor were quietly pro­ ceeding by water to Multan, while the Darbar troops were marching by land— blind confidence in the fidelity of the Sikh soldiery taking the place of establishing a regard and respect for the English by ties of professional courtesy and intercourse. Then, too, a body of follower® * nd soluiery, sensitive 01 the honour of their Governor and unaccustomed to the forms of office in the British Provinces might have been excited by the reports of the abrupt and imperious bearing of Mr Agnew on the day of liis arrival, wher his proceedings exhibit more of the prompt and decided tone of an Englishman of business, going about, an ejectment, of a lessee, than the delicate and cautious conduct of military diplomatist, who with courteous determination would first have placed his position beyond peril, and have proceeded then to take up open questions of old accounts, and of suits of petitioners which necessarily are very sore subjects in the Eastern world. The Multan troops, .too, saw that all suspicion was lulled in Mr. Agnew’smind ; that he failed to exercise any due military JUDGMENT, 1 8 3

Mr. c . G. Mantel- precaution in taking possession of the fort; that the transfer was indeod nominal, the guns and garrison being quite as much at the command of Mulraj then as before, so that the old garrison turned out of the fort by noon of the same day the two Gurkha companies left by Mr. Agnew in charge, and this without a blow. All this was inviting and facilitating the movement of minds work­ ing under the combined influences of national hatred, religious enthusiam, indulgence of the lawless habits of Eastern military life, and of desperation at the prospect of the loss of employment from a change of administration. But among those minds can Mulaj be placed in the foremost rank or even at all ? Throughout the proceedings of the present trial, limited though the scope of inquiry has been, there is certainly at times a gleam of light breaking out, showing movements of a poli­ tical character from a distance towards Multan. But Mulraj’s wish was retirement. The political intrigues among men having authority ; any proposal of the Sikh troops on their road to Multan to join in an anti-British crusade; the applause of the people ochoing his name as the Saviour of his country ; the call from the Sikh veteran for a leader to give him another and fuller, and he would think, fairer trial of strength with the British soldier—all these cries would be and were indifferent to Mulraj, or listened to but as desperate schemes foreign to the natural bent and real interest of the merchant prince, tired of the vexations of office, and unequal either to yield to the new system of administration at Lahore or to bend it to his own purpose. Still there was one point in which Mulraj’s wish for retire­ ment and it may be. peace, was vulnerable, and that is the transfer of the government being made to a native Sardar instead of to an English gentleman. However clear might have been the understanding with Mr. Lawrence, and though Mr. Agnew’s own conversation might not have shaken Mulraj’s confidence in the feelings of the British authorities towards him, yet still here was a native successor appointed and present at Multan. Mulraj’s resolution to resign might have been staggered at the prospect of all the forms of native official torture being put in force against him by the ingenuity and self-interest of his rival, and even he might regard his power of appeal to the generosity of Mr. Agnew, or the Resident, as very much limited by the presence and advice of a man whose interest he could not conciliate and whose sagacity he could not dupe. His last trial may have been too much for Mulraj, and it is possible may have thrown him into the hands of the more violent party, whose every thing was at stake, who 184 DIWAN MUL RAJ.

Mr. C. C. Mantel, measured the extent of the national strength by their pride and ignorance, and saw pleasure, profit, and the duty to the Khalsa, in firing at Multan a train that should shake the existing influence of British Councils in the Punjab to its base. Allowing, however, full weight to Mr. Lawrence’s evidence, and to the character of Mulraj, we must repeat that the balance of probability is against Mulraj’s procuring by any overt act the attack to be committed on Mr. Agnew. We now arrive at a period when motives and acts are no longer involved in inscrutable secrecy. The two officers have been severely wounded—it might be mortally. Bam Bang, in an attempt to lead Mulraj (they are cousins by marriage) to exculpate himself with Mr. Agnew, had been wounded. Mulraj had returned to his palace in the Am-Khass, and Tulsi Bam, one of his head clerks, had been deputed to carry a letter of condolence, excuse, and ad\ice to the officers. It was now noon. The troops were in a state of excitement in front of the Am-Khass. Matchlocks were fired at some messengers sent by Mr. Agnew to Mulraj and they were warned away, Bam Bang sending word to them that he him* self had been wounded in the attempt to get to the Idgah. Inside the palace of Mulraj a general assembly of chiefs took place- It was a war council. Tulsi Bam, the man selected as messenger by Mulraj as above stated, and who is one of the men selected by the prisoner’s advocate out of the witnesses summoned for the defence to give evidence in this case, describes the proceedings of this council on his admission to it after his reutrn from his mission : “ At that time the Pathans were sealing the Koran some five or seven paces off Mulraj, and the Sikhs the Granth. The Sikhs were fastening a lcangna or bracelet on Mulraj’s wrist.” On the evening and night of the 19th, the camels, bullocks, and an elephant, which had gone out to graze and water, were carried off. The means of obtaining supplies for horses and men among the Lahore party were cut off, and when the troops with Mr. Agnew’ wrere offered next day money as an encouragement to fight, they asked instead something for themselves and horses to eat. At 7 a .m ., on the 20th, jmrwanas were prepared at the council of the Am-Khass as proclamations to the people in the name of Malraj to excite the country to a general rise. In the council the expediency of removing the families and valuables into the fort from the Am-Khass before an open war commenced wras decided and acted on. Then messengers were received in council from Mr. Agnew, who, as a last appeal to the loyalty of the insurgents, brought parwanas or letters of instructions to the Multan autho- JUDGMENT. 185 Mr* C. G* Mautl. rities, issued by the Lahore Council, to Mr. Agnew and Kahan Singh about the delivery of the fort and command of the troops. The messengers received presents. At eight o’clock the guns of the fort and Am-Khass commenced firing, those from the latter can­ tonment being placed upon an awa, or high mound, which lies between the Am-Khass and Idgah, and therefore has better com­ mand of the Idgah. The number of large pieces served from both the fort and mound is named at 19. There were besides 20 Zamburaks or camel guns. The firing continued throughout the day. The execution was but trifling. One sawar had his leg broken by a cannon shot. The solid masonry of the walls and roof of the mosque of the Idgah rendered the position tenable. But the preparations made for the defence of the Idgah were nulli­ fied by the artillery men, after firing one round from the six guns, refusing to serve the guns. General disaffection now began to stare Mr. Agnew in the face. The most faithful of the detachment, Karam Ilahi, saw that the whole body of the ofiloers and men had been corrupted. In the end the sawars went over to Mulraj’s side, and then the foot followed. In the meantime, howevpjr, at 4 p . m ., about two or three hours before the final desertionof Mr Agnew, a party was sent by that officer to jilead for mercy at Mulraj’s palace. This party was admitted into the Am-Khass and were detained in conference till late. In the end it was agreed that the officers were to quit the country, and that the attack upon them was to cease. The artillery men were in consequence directed by messengers sent to their battery to cease firing, but only one gun stopped : while the matter was in hand at the mound, the -troops and people -saw that the corruption and deser­ tion were complete, and that the Idgah was without any protec­ tion. As sun was going down a general assault took place. Men in tens from all sides, under cover of the batteries of the awa and fort, it may be said,—but no cover was needed, the cannondade and corruption having left the Idgah deserted—burst in. The supplication for quarter was unheeded. Mr. Agnew, so is the general belief, appears to have been singled out by a Sikh sweeper, who hacked him with a sword and cut off his head. Lieutenant Anderson was despatched at the same time. By the time of the attack the place was deserted by every one but Kahan Singh, the servants and office people, and Kararn Ilahi, with his small band of sawars, about thirty persons in all. The head of Mr. Agnew was subsequently taken to the Am-Khass. The series of circumstances now detailed occurred subsequently to the taking of the oath and the binding of the war bracelet 186 DIWAN MUL RAJ.

Mr. C* G. Mantel. on Mulraj’s wrist. The act of receiving the war bracelet precedes, if it does not originate, this series of circumstances, ending in a period being put to the sufferings of the wounded men by death. Mulraj at this time, which may be said to run through 30 hours, from noon of the 19th to sunset of the 20th, was an un­ willing instrument in the hands of his officers and soldiers. Accord­ ing to the evidence of Tulsi Ram he is called a prisoner. But it is important to recall to recollection the simple mataphor by which this witness attempted to explain the character of the duresse upon Mulraj— “ the child does not go to school— they drive-him. When the character of the duresse upon a man is of the same species as that put upon a boy going to school—“ they drive him,” and the events narrated above occur before and around him ; when that man is a governor of a large country, of notorious wealth, who had sustained a siege of his fort for months against the most powerful army in the East, there can be no doubt that Mulraj is in reason and law responsible for the array of armed force that caused the death of the two British officers. He displayed no act of succour, .advice, or sympathy (unless for the sake of argument, the receipt of the mission, which was to lead to no end, is reserved from that broad position) during more than four and twenty hours after the officers were lying helpless. But how could a chief with the bracelet on his arm apostatize from his own professions, and extend succour to the hungry and djung men, when his very family was moving into the fort from his palace in the Am-Khass, for security, and for the more effectual prose­ cution of destructive measures ? We must now turn to othei evidence on the conduct of Mulraj at this time. After giving every consideration to the circumstances affecting the credibility of Sadiq Muhammad, as urged by the ad­ vocate for the defence, the court have come to the conclusion that it is clear and substantially trustworthy. He was an officer doing duty at Multan under orders from Lahore. He was only under Mulraj. Neither can the court refuse to give credit to the substance of Qazi Ghulam Husain and Ilahi Bakhsh’s depositions about the mission to Mulraj in the afternoon of the 20th. These three statements do furnish such a probable account of Mulraj’s proceedings and position, and also < f his conversations in respect to his feelings, :reatment, and policy, that they stamp the events of the las thirty hours as done with Mulraj’s express countenance and authority, or in the legitimate and professional pursuance of such authority. JUDGMENT. 187

Mr. C. G. Mcntel. From the evidence of the above witnesses, and from the gene­ ral probabilities of the case, the attack upon the fort seems to have been regarded by Mulraj as hopelessly compromising him with the British authorities. Taking his position as it stood at noon on the 19th of April, he seems on a deliberate calculation of chances to have come to the conclusion that in the then state of affairs he had more to hope from the fears of the English than from their mercy. He headed an armed movement as his best policy ; and the death of the officers was completed in due pursuance of his hostile proceedings. He yields to the circumstances of his case, and draws new vigour and determination from his isolated position. Having once taken the war bracelet, and schooled his mind to the stem necessities of the case, all his acts show that he looked upon the matter in hand as to be fought out. It was his business, as head of the movement, to strike awe on his opponents, and to embarrass them to the utmost. In this view of the case the corruption of the Lahore force, by orders and promises issuing from Mulraj’s own mouth during the last thirty hours preceding the death of the officers, is a matter bearing comparatively little upon the case. As governor of the country he had filled in a full measure of criminality when he sanctioned or directed the employment of an armed force and of a cannonade against two innocent men. The array of armed force involves the intention of using all available means and occasions for securing success. It is necessray here to read again parts of the evidence of Sadiq Muhammad, Qazi Ghulam Husain, and Ilahi Bakhsh. And now in respect to the law of this case. In a political commission like the present, J the Court is not directed certainly to take the law of England for its guide, but looking to that law as the fountain from which the rules of the strictest justice and soundest policy can be drawn, we now refer to the law of that Code on the subject of compulsion, or what is legally called duresse per mines. “ Therefore in time of war or rebellion a man may be justified in doing many treasonable acts by compulsion of the enemy or rebels, which would admit of no excuse in the time oi peace. This, however, seems only, or at least principally, to hold as to positive crimes so created by the law of Society, and which therefore Society may excuse, but not as to natural offences so declared by the law of God, wherein human magistrates are only the executioners of divine punishment,—and therefore, though man be violently assaulted, and hath no other possible means of escaping death but by killing an innocent person, this fear and force^shall not acquit, him of murder, for he ought rather 188 DIWAN MUL RAJ.

Mr. C. G. Manscl. to die himself than escape by the murder of an innocent man* ; and so completely is this principle adopted in the law of England that in the case of crimes which are mala in se and pro­ hibited by the law of nature as murder and the like, a woman who is guilty of the same by the coercion of her husband, or even in his company, which the law construes a coercion, is without excuse because those crimes are so odious and dangerous to society How forcibly does this view of the duty of a member of civii society to his fellow creatures under circumstances of duresse apply to the case of Mulraj. By what right, human or divine, was he to escape from his own uncertain loss or even peril through the path of the certain murder of helpless innocent fellow creatures ? There would be no security to society, if men of sound mind were rendered irresponsible for acts of violence towards the life of another by the excuse of moral or physical compulsion.* It was Mulraj’s duty to do as he would he done by, in the circumstances in which he was placed, and to have refused to countenance what­ ever his conscience warned him was an act of wickedness. It has with much feeling and force been urged upon the Court by the advocate for the prisoner that the exposed condi­ tion of the female members of the family was a fearful tie upon 'Mulraj, and that we should not wonder at Mulraj’s hesitating to do any act that might abandon them to the ill usage of his disap­ pointed followers. But the innocent men lying in the Idgah had as much at stake as the chief of Multan. They had fortune, domes­ tic ties, public character, and life, lying at the mercy of the troops whose hostility was to be animated and directed by the spirit-stirring ceremony of accepting the war bracelet. In the solemn words of Blackstone—14 he ought rather to die himself than escape by the murder of an innocent man.” The essential part of the above argument having been deduced from the facts detailed in the depositions of Sadiq Muhammad, Ilahi Bakhsh and Qazi Ghulam Husain in corroboration and amplification of the statement of Tulsi Ram, the witness for the defence, the Court deem it satisfactory that the advocate for the defence avows that the evidence of llahi Bakhsh is honest, and that of Ghulam Husain, though coloured unfavourably to the prisoner, is in general credible. The imputation on Sadiq Muhan\- mad, who to the Court appeared a trustworthy and valuable witness, that he had changed sides during the Multan trouble?, is not of itself sufficient to impeach his veracity.

• B lacks* om, ▼. 4, c. 2 of the persona capable of cominittirg orimti. p. 30, Steward’* edition, 1S41. I JUDGMENT. 189

Mr. C* G. M«n»«L With reference to the position taken by the Court, that no compulsion was exercised upon Mulraj beyond the fear of a quar­ rel with some of his troops in the event of his refusing to join in a crusade against the English party, a detailed enquiry into the events after the murder is scarcely needed. Mulraj having, in the view of the Court, joined in and headed the armed movement on prudential calculation, would naturally, from policy alone, counte­ nance any further proceedings that would tend to strengthen his popularity and stimulate public enthusiasm. The Court can see no reason *o disbelieve that the man who suffered death at Multan for the murder of Mr. Agnew, by the judgment of the special Mili­ tary Commission, did present the head of that officer to Mulraj, and received a horse and a pistol in return, money being dis­ tributed to the party at the same time. Such a proceeding was neither inconsistent nor unnatural in Mulraj’s position as head of the outbreak. But the proof of the fact seems to follow from the finding of the Military Commission. The indignities to which the head was subjected do not in the evidence before this Court appear to have been inflicted by Mulraj, but that the head was exposed to indignity by the people at the Am-Khass cannot be dis­ believed. Mulraj’s sanction was doubtless assumed, or if not assumed, it was not wanted by a low rabble of the canton­ ment and suburbs. In the same way the character which Mulraj had assumed would authorize the men who presented the head at the Am-Khass to throw it in the lap of Kahan Singh in his prison. The license that could not have been refused, would, if granted, be readily granted. The malignity of the rabble doubtless re­ quired to be gratified, but Mulraj does not appear in a malignant light, except when pursuing a line of conduct necessary to execute his policy. In the same way the Court draw no special inference un­ favourable to Mulraj’s innocence of the first attack upon the bridge, from his undoubtedly permitting the notorious assassin of Mr. Agnew to roam about uncalled to account. The man assumed the character of a saint, and it was Mulraj’s policy, after the events of the 20th of April, to enlist the popular and religious enthusiasm of the people in his resistance to the English interest, and whether Mulraj felt grateful or not to the man for the new turn thus given to his fortunes, it was but prudent to countenance and favour any claimant to the title of Saviour of the country. Mulraj's countenance of the man after the 20th of April might have been a link in the chain of evidence connecting the ex-Diwan with the plot for the first attack. But when he is freed from that suspicion, 190 D1WAN MU1, RAJ.

Mr. C. G. Manael. it throws no perfect light on the events of the last thirty hours o f the two officers’ existence. The Court, in forming its judgment, have borne most carefully in mind all the points brought forward in the addresses of tho prosecutor and the advocate of the prisoner, but it is inconvenient and unnecessary to notice the value allowed to each. Generally,, the Court observe in respect to some of the arguments for the- defence, that allowance must be made for variations of a subordi­ nate character between statement made by parties in the court and out of it. For instance, the statement of Qutb Shah, one of the witnesses for the prosecution, taken before the Resident in. 1848, or by his orders, may but fairly be read as that of an eye witness and reporter. All that came within the direct knowledge of the witness was wanted to be detailed, but that exact: reference to what he had seen with his own eyes, or only heard from others, which would be necessary in formal proceedings before this Court, would not be thought of probably in a statement made for diplo­ matic purposes. The court have themselves felt much embarrass­ ment from the general character of some of the former depositions, «n this way they see nothing in the character of the variation of Qutb Shah to affect his general credibility, neither do they exclude this consideration in dealing with the evidence of the defence. With regard to the paucity of evidence examined before the court, which is observed upon by the prisoner’s advocate, the court remark that there can be no eye witness of the events inside the palace of Mulraj during the most important proceedings of the last thirty hours, except Mulraj’s own officers and deserters from Mr. Agnew’s force. Sadiq Muhammad may be called one of the former class— Khunjan Singh is one of the latter. The statement made by Khunjan Singh, that he was induced to make an exaggerated statement at Multan before the English authorities, by Wazir Ali’s instigation, when viewed in connexion with the remarks of the defence, explains at cnce much of the cause of the paucity of wit­ nesses produced in elucidation of Mulraj’s conduct in the interior of bis council. Both sides evidently deemed it best to produce only those witnesses who had not committed themselves, and in this way the advocate for the defence, though pressed by the Court to call up and examine two of the witnesses for the defence who had been examined at Multan, objected to call them in justice to the prisoner'.-- interests, so that the elucidation of the credibility of their Mull an statements was placed beyond the option of the court.*

’ Referee-* is to Fateh Muhammad and Devi Ditta,— vide Appendix B. JUDOMENT. 191

M r. C. G- M i m «L The arguments of the advocate for the defence in regard to the quality of the crime committed by Mulraj, if homicide really took place, do not affect the present indictment. The crimes which especially affect the king, the father and representative of his people, in a monarchy or the ruling power, whatever may be its character in other forms of government, are especially within the authority of the chief powers in the state to prosecute or pass by. But murder is an offence which in a peculiar manner affects and injures individuals or private members of civil society. It is impossible, too, that it can be committed without a viola­ tion of the laws of nature — of the moral as well as political rules of right. Therefore the relations of a murdered man, and the security of civil society may solemnly appeal to the existing Government of a country to bring to exemplary punishment the individual who has transgressed the laws of God and man, and the dictates of conscience, in wilfully procuring the death of a fellow creature. The offence of homicide is still homicide, whatever colouring the imagination of Mulraj’s friends may give to the Multan move­ ment. It may be treason, and yet homicide of a treachrous and unrelenting character, committed by a body of men with Mulraj as their leader. The wrong done to the relatives and to society is not satisfied except by the award of that punishment that all law inflicts upon wilful murder. C. G. MANSEL, President.

APPENDIX A.* TRIAL OF GODAR SINGH. [Godar Singh, the alleged murderer of Mr. Agnew, was tried, at Multan, before the Special Military Commission appointed under instructions from the Governor-General of India— vide Government of India letter No. 96, dated 19th February, 1849, and relevant correspondence. The trial lasted for four days from 2nd March to 5th March, 1849.]

P r e s id e n t : Major S. Poole, 1st Regiment Lt. Cavalry (Lancers).

M em bers : Captain W. Purves, 9th Regiment N. I. ; Captain W. F. Curtis, 1st Regiment Lt. Cavy. (Lancers) ; Captain W. C. €. Hughes, 4th Regi­ ment N. I. (Files) ; Subadar-Major Akhsh Singh, 4th' Regiment N. L {Rifles) ; Subadar-Major Kunian Singh, 4th Battalion Artillery ; Colonel Bubhan Khan, Lahore Service. J u d g e A dvocate. Lieutenant Hugh James, Deputy Collector and Magistrate of Sukkur, Judge Advocate, conducting the Proceedings, and Interpreter to the court. First day—Friday, 2nd March, 1849. The Commission assembles at Multan in the forenoon of the above- mentioned day, but owing to certain technical difficulties the Judges could not proceed with the case. The prisoner is remanded to confinement and the Commission adjourns at twelve o’clock till the following day. Second day—Saturday, 3rd March, 1849, The Commission re-assembles at the Mess House of the 1st Regiment Cavalry. The President, members and interpreters are duly sworn, and affirmed. Gainda Rai, Munshi, as interpreter in Punjabi, is solemnly affirmed. The prisoner Godar Singh is brought before the Court and arraigned on the following charges : Charge No. 1 .—For having on or about the twentieth day of April one thousand eight hundred and forty-eight, near Multan, feloniously, wilfully, and maliciously, killed and murdered Mr. Philip Vans Agnew, late of the Bengal Civil Service, by striking and cutting the said Mr. Philip Vans Agnew about the neck and shoulder with a sword or other sharp instru* ment, thereby inflicting certain mortal wounds of which mortal wounds the said Mr. Philip Vans Agnew did then and there die.

•The proceedings in the trial of Godar Singh were sent for by the Judges end pUoed on ■record in the cue of Mnlraj. O 11 DIVVAN MUL RAJ.

Charge I I .—For having, at the same time and place as specified in the first charge, feloniously and wilfully aided and abetted in the malicious murder of Mr. Philip Vans Agnew, late of the Bengal Civil Service, by strik­ ing and cutting the said Mr. Philip Vans Agnew about the neck and shoulder, with a sword or other sharp instrument, thereby inflicting certain severe wounds, of which severe wounds, together with certain other wounds then and there received, the said Mr. Philip Vans Agnew did then and there die.

Question by the Court to the Prisoner.—How say you, Godar Singh, are you guilty or not guilty of the charges preferred against you ? Answer.—Not guilty. Wazir Ali Khan, P. W. 1.—Wazir Ali Khan, Munshi, being called into Court and solemnly affirmed, deposes* :—

On the 18th April, Mr. Agnew arrived at Multan, and encamped at the Idgah, and after breakfast held his office. Two ruhakaris were sent to Mulraj. In the evening Mulraj had an interview with Mr. Agnew in Kahan Singh’s tent. I was not present during the interview. Next morning Mr. Agnew and Lt. Anderson, with me and Kahan Singh and two com­ panies of the Gurkha regiment, which had come with him from Lahore, went into the fort, as Mulraj liad agreed to make it over to Mr. Agnew at that time. He showed him all the stores and places and ordered the Leys to be given over to Colonel Kuldip Singh of the Gurkha regiment. Mr. Agnew ordered sentries to be placed from amongst his own men over the stores with Mulraj's sentries. After this we returned towards the Idgah. Captain Anderson was going on first, Mr. Agnew followed with Kahan Singh, and Mulraj with Bam Bang was behind him. On going out of the Sikki gate, when upon the bridge over the ditch, one Amir Chand struck Mr. Agnew with a spear under the right armpit. Mr. Agnew struck him with a stick he had in his hand, and got off his horse. Amir Chand went round and wounded him twice on the left arm and shoulder with a sword. One of Karam Ilahi’s horsemen, who had come down with Mr. Agnew, and was with him when this occurred struck Amir Chand with a sword, and he fell into the ditch ; he got a wound on the right cheek, but I cannot say from what. Mulraj then put his horse into a gallop and went ofl to the Am-Khass. Lt. Anderson wrent on, and some of Mulraj‘s horsemen followed him and cut him down with swords ; he fell from his horse. Mr. Agnew’s wounds were tied up by Kahan Singh, with bits of his own clothes ; he then got on an elephant with Kahan Singh, and returned to the Idgah. Meanwhile some Gurkhas, who had seen what had happened to Lieutenant Anderson, took him home on a bed. On arriving there his wounds were first sewn up by the native Doctor of the Gurkha regiment, and afterwards Mr. Agnew’s. Mr. Agnew then wrote to Mulraj, Celling him h£ did not sus­ pect him of having anything to do with the business, but that to clear himself it was necessary that he should seize, and send to him the persons who had

•Wanr AJi Khan appears as P.W. 4 in the main case. Another statement of his iB giver in Appendix B. A P P E N D IX a . Ill wounded Itini and Lt. Anderson, and come himself to set* him. After some time Tulsi Ram Kaiza ?a came with an answer, which Mr. Agnew gave to me to read, and seated Tulsi Ram on a chair. The answer was that he, Mulraj, could not seize the people who bad wounded them, and that he was coming to him, but was prevented by his soldiers, and that his brother Ram Rang was wounded by them ; also that there was a great disturbance ; and that.hehad better take precautions for his own safety. Mi. Agnew explained to Tulsi Ram how essential it was for his own justification that Mulraj should come, and also wrote a letter to that effect, sending it by Tulsi Ram. Mulraj was expected ; but did not come. During the night, Mr. Agnew caused three batteries to be erected, with two guns in each, in case of an attack, and all the troops with him were brought into the compound of the Idgah. Next morning Mr. Agnew sent the Maharaja’s parwanas to Mulraj \s Chiefs and officers, ordering them to obey him and Kahan Singh, but they sent in reply that they could only obey Mulraj. The officers o f Mr. Agnew’s troops then came to him, and told him they had heard that Mulraj had taken oaths from all bis soldiers to fight. Mr. Agnew wrote to Pir Ibrahim Khan, native agent at Bahawalpur, to bring troops to his assistance. The. firing then commenced from the fort and the Am-Khass, and six shots were returned by Colonel Ishar Singh of the Artillery with Mr. Agnew, one of which dis­ abled one of the enemy’s guns, and another killed a man. No guns were fired afterwards by Mr. Agnew’s troops. Some of Mulraj’s officers, amongst whom was Misar Bhagwan, then came to Mr. Agnew’s soldiers and on behalf of Mulraj offered them increased pay if they would desert to him. Every­ thing was tried in vain to keep them loyal, and they deserted. Mr. Agnew gave them a thousand rupees when they complained of hunger and thirst, and asked them to hold out for three days. By evening all had left him ex­ cept eight or ten of Karam Ilahi’s men, and the Munshis and servants. Towards evening Mr. Agnew sent Qazi Ghulam Husain as an ambassador to Mulraj, asking for peace and for carriage for Mr. Anderson and their things ; this was not complied with. After the sun had set and when it was getting dark, a cry was heard of a body of men advancing; they were soldiers, servants, and mixed mass of people; they came to the Idgah, a party of Mazhabi leading ; they were Phula Singh’s men ; the prisoner was with them. Mazhabi are men of the sweeper caste who turn Sikhs. The prisoner had that day taken away an elephant of Kahan Singh’s and it was given to him. Kahan Singh then suggested to Mr. Agnew to sue for peace by waving a sheet. He refused, saying that the time for peace had passed, and that even if they killed two Europeans, there were thousands more, and that troops would come which would annihilate Mulraj, his army, and his fort. Meantime the crowd rushed into the room. Mr. Agnew was sitting by Lt. Anderson talk­ ing in English, with their hands joined. The prisoner came up to Mr. Agnew, asked him in very abusive language why he had come down to Multan a n d *■ old hiln to become a Sikh. Mr. Agnew replied that he was a servant of the Maharaja and had hair upon his head. The prisoner then with a sword struck Mr. Agnew, and then cut off his head. Another pursou, not a Sikh, of middling size, fired at him, and tne shot hit him on the body, but he was already dead. Other men then killed Lt. Anderson with sworcls, and the o2 IV DIWAN MUL RAJ. bodies of both officers were taken out, and cut about by the people out* sid e. Q.— Did you see the prisoner taking away Kahan Singh’s elephant ? A.— Yes, I saw him taking it away from a distance, he was riding on it, and others on foot were with him in great numbers. Q.— Did you well recognize the prisoner when addressing Mr. Agnew ? A.— Yes, I well recognized him, this was the man. Q.— Had he the sword drawn when he came up to Mr. Agnew ? A.—Yes, it was drawn. Q.— Where did he strike Mr. Agnew ? A.— Mr. Agnewr was sitting on the bed supporting himself on one hand * the prisoner struck him on the neck with the sword, when his hand gave way and he fell back ; then others also came and struck him with swords and the prisoner cut off his head. Q.— Did you see Mr. Agnew’s head in the hands of the prisoner ? A.— Yes, I saw him with it at the door, and be went away with it. Q.— Did Mr. Agnew die before he was struck by any one else ? A.— Yes, he died from that sword cut. Q.-^Do you recollect with which hand th ' prisoner struck Mr. Agnew ? A.— He struck him with the right hand. Q.— Did you ever see the prisoner after that day before bis apprehen­ s io n ? A .— Yes ; I was first imprisoned in the Mazhabi lines, and saw hin several times on Mr. Agnew’s horse, with a drawn sword in his hand. He once called out to me : “ Munshi, I'll kill all your Europeans as far as Calcutta.'* Q.— Was his sword always drawn ? A.— Yes, I never saw him with a sheath. Examined by the Court. Q.— On what day of the month was Mr. Agnew killed ? A.— On the 20th April 1848, on a Thursday. Q.— Diu you ever see Mr. Agnew’s head after you saw it in the prisoner's hands at the Idgah, and if so, do you know what became of it ? A.— No, I did not see it again, but I heard it was taken to Mulraj, and thrown into Kahan Singh’s lap by Mulraj’s order and ill-treated, gunpowder being put into the nostrils and blown up ; this I only heard. Q.— Do you recollect whether the prisoner’s hands were in their present state when he killed Mr. Agnew ? A.—Yes, his fingers were crooked as they now are. (Prisoner's hands appear much crippled, especially the right, from a wound below the wrist.) Q.— How far were you from Mr. Agnew when he was killed ? A .— About two paces. APFHNDIX 4 . V

Ramji Mai, P. W. 2-— Ramji Mai. Munsbi, Is solemnly affirmed, and d e p o s e e :— I know the prisoner. On the 20th April 1848, about evening, the prisoner eame with a crowd of others to attack Mr. Agnew and Lt. Anderson in the Idgah near Multan. Prisoner came up with a drawn sword to Mr. Agnew, and asked him why he had come to Multan, and told him to become a Sikh. Mr. Agnew said he was a servant of Maharaja Dalip Singh and sent by bim ; and told bim not to kill him. Upon this the prisoner struck him with his sword, and he fell back upon the bed. Prisoner afterwards cut off his head. Examined by the Judge Advocate. Q.— Do you recollect with which hand the prisoner stnffik Mr. Agnew ? A.— With the right hand. Q.— How far off were you at that time ? A.— I was about as far as that table (witness points to a table five or six hands from him). Q.— Where did the^ prisoner strike Mr. Agnew ? A.—He struck him here (pointing to the lower part of the neck in front). Mr. Agnew was sitting on the bed and supporting himself on one hand, when the prisoner struck him and he fell back ; others then cut him, and shot him, and prisoner cut off his head. Q.— Did you see Mr. Agnew’s head after it was cut off ? A.— Yes, I saw it in prisoner’s hands as Lv, was taking it away. Q.— What wsre you doing with Mr. Agnew ? A.— I was doing duty in his office as a writer,1 but had not been regularly a p p o in te d . Q.— Do you know whether Mr. Agnew died before any one besides the prisoner had struck him ? A.— Yes, he fell back and prisoner cut off his head ; afterwards others came up and cut the body* Q.— Had you seen the prisoner before that day ? A.—N o . Q.— Did you ever see him afterwards ? A.— Yes, next day, on the 21st April, I saw him near the shrine of Shams Tabrez, where I was hiding. He had Mr. Agnew’s pistol in his waist, and was riding one of Mr. Agnew’s horses, and had a drawn sword in his hand. He asked me where Mr. Agnew’s horse-keeper was, as he would employ him. I told him I did not know where he was. He said : “ You were a servant also, now become Mulraj’s or I’ll cut off your head, as I did your officer’s.” Q.— W ho were in the crowd which came with the prisoner to the Idgah ? A .— They were people from Mulraj, soldiers and others who came to p lu n d e r. VI DIWAN MUL RAJ.

Examined by the Court. Q.— Did you see Mr. Agnew’s head or body after he was murdered ? A.—I did not see the head again, but I saw his body and that of Lt. Anderson, which were taken outside, and cut about. Mr. Anderson’s body was thrown on its face upon the ground. Bansi Dhar, P. W. 3.— Bansi Dhar is solemnly affirmed and examined by the Judge Advocate :— Q.—Did you accompany the late Mr. Agnew to Multan, and if so in what capacity ? A.— Yes, I accompanied him to Multan, I was in hopes of getting an appointment in his office. Q.— Where were you when Mr. Agnew died ? A.— I was in the Idgah, where Mr. Agnew was, with Lieutenant Anderson In the evening just before dark the prisoner came in with three or four Musal- mans, and some Sikhs ; the prisoner had a drawn sword in his hand, and came up to Mr. Agnew, telling him to become a Sikh. Mr. Agnew replied that he had come to Multan at Mulraj’s own wish, and told them to take him to Mulraj ; the prisoner then cut his throat with a sword, and afterwards there was a great disturbance, and other people came up and out him with swords. I was pushed back to the wall by the stocks of guns. Q.— Do you recollect with which hand the prisoner stru( k Mr. Agnew ? A.—With the right hand. Q.—"Where did be strike Mr. Agnew ? A.—He went up, and holding his chin cut his head off with his sword, that is all I saw. Q.— What- did he do with the head ? A.—He took it away with him. Next morning I saw' the body at the door, and afterwards I came to the Am-Khass, where I saw the head in the prisoner’s hands before Mulraj. Mulraj offered him an elephant, but he would not take it. Mr Agnew’s hay horse and pistol were then given to him, and some money which he took. He continued to wear the pistol in his waist. Q.— \\ hat did you see done with the head in the presence of Mulraj ? A. -Tt was first thrown into Kalian Singh’s lap, who was crying. After­ wards the prisoner took it out in front of the Am-Khass, rubbed powder over the hair and whiskers, and put powder into the mouth, and then set fire to it. Humheds of the people of Multan were there, and they kicked it about wi»h their feet, made water and spat upon i t ; they were highly delighted and ;*ai(l : “ Look at the man who came to give his orders, here,” and there w'as a great illumination. Q.— Did you hear Mulraj give any orders about the head '? A. I .beard him order it to be tuken away. He afterwards sent some men with silks to bury the bodies; they were exhumed that uight, and the silks stolen. They were then buried again in long cloth and were again APPENDIX A. YU exhumed ; the third time, they were buried in long cloth, and a sentry was placed in charge of the grave. Q.— Did you -ever see the prisoner afterwards ? A.—Yes, I often saw him going about on Mr. Agnew’s horse, and bis pistol in his waist, with a drawn sword in bis hand. The children cf the town used to follow him about, and call him a king. I was at large for three or four months as they did not know I was with Mr. Agnew. Afterwards one Ranjit Rai had me apprehended and all my things taken from me. Examined by the Court. Q.—How far were you from Mr. Agnew, when he was killed? A. —I wTas as far as that wall (witness points to wall five or six yards from him). Evidence for the prosecution is closed. EVIDENCE FOB THE DEFENCE. Godar Singh, prisoner, is examined by the Court and deposes :— Mulraj gave rae Mr. Agnew’s horse aud pistol, but I had nothing to do with cutting off the head, uor killing Mr. Agnew. He was killed by one Rara Singh, who was afterwards killed at the taking of the town. I was at the Idgah during the attack, with a drawn sword, and Basawa Singh, Mazhabi, was with me and knows that I did not commit the murder. I should like him to be called. The Court adjourns. Third day—Monday, 5th March, 1849.

EVIDENCE FOR THE DEFENCE—c o n tin u e d . Basawa Singh, D- W. 1.— Basawa Singh, Mazhabi, is solemnly affirm «d, and is examined by the prisoner Q.—Can you state whether I took any part in the murder of Mr. Agnew ? A .—I was not there, nor do I know anything about it. The prisoner has falsely (ailed on me for evidence. Examined by the Court. Q.— Do you know anything regarding the murder of Mr. Agnew ? A.—Xo, nothing, upon mv faith. Lai Singh, D. W. 2.— L&l Singh, Khatri, is solemnly affirmed, and is examined by the prisoner :— (?.— Did I cut off Mr. Aguew’s head, or take it to Mulraj ? A.— I was on duty with the Uhpreliarahs, and went by the order of Mulraj to take care that the property of the officers was not plundered. I was not inside but outside, so cannot say who cut off the head. Examined by the Judye Advocate. hat was your employment under Mulraj? A.—1 was a Ghorcharah on 24 rupees 10 annas per month. viii D1WAN MtJL RAJ.

Q .—Do you know anything connected with Mr. Agnew’s murder ? A.— No, I /know nothing ; the footmen and Others went into the Idgah in a body. I don’t know what occurred inside.

Examined by the Court Q .—Do you know who took Mr. Agnew’s ■ head to Mulraj ? A .—I did not see it taken myself, but I heard that a Ghorcharah took it to Mulraj. Q .— How far were you from the Idgah when Mr. Agnew was murdered ^ A .— A good* shot of a matchlock ball. —Have you ever heard who killed Mr. Agnew ? A .— I have never heard who killed Mr. Agnew, but I have heard that Bam Singh, a Ghorcharah, brought the head to Mulraj ? ' Godar Singh.—The prisoner is «*sked whether he has any further evi­ dence to call, and states :— “ I often said that what the Munsbi and other witnesses were deposing to was false ; it was false that I cut off the head, and that I brought it to Mulraj, and that I put powder about it, but it is np use my calling anybody' as they will be afraid to speak the truth. I havejnothing further to state.’* The Defence is closed.

FINDING OF THE COMMISSION.

The Commission having maturely weighed and considered the evi dence adduced by the prosecution, together with what the prisoner has urged in his defence, are of opinion that he, the prisoner Godar Singh, Mazliabi Xihang, of the town of Multan, in the district of Multan, and King­ dom of the Punjab, is guilty of both charges preferred against him. Sentence.— The Commission sentence the prisoner Godar Singh, Mazhab1 Nihang, of the town of Multan, in the district of Multan, and Kingdom o* the Punjab, to be hanged by the neck till he be dead, at such time and place, and with such ceremonial, as it may please the Right Honourable- the Governor-General of India to direct.

Multan : S. POOLE, M a j o r ,

The 6th March 1S49. 1st Lancers, President ix

APPENDIX B f [After the fall of Multan on 21st January 1849, Major Herbert Edwardet was entrusted- with the investigation of the circumstances connected with the murder of Mr. Agnew and Lieutenant Anderson and the share taken by Diwan Mulraj in the affair. The enquiry was conducted in the Court of Lieutenant Hugh James, at Multan, and the evidence which was recorded subsequently formed part of the proceedings in the trial of Mulraj. The following is an abstract in English of the statements of various witnesses, prepared by Major Edwardes which he had sent with the originals! to the Besident, at Lahore, on 23rd February 1849.] *Wazir AliKhan- -In the month of March 1848, the resignation of Mulraj, Nazim of Multan, having been accepted by Sir Frederick Currie, Bart., Agent to the Governor-General and Besident at Lahore, Mr. Agnew was appointed, with Lieutenant Anderson, to the charge of Multan and Sardar' Kahan Singh Man to be Subedar. On Wednesday, the 5th April 1848, the said gentlemen embarked on boats upon the river Bavi and started, towards Multan. On the 14th of the same month Jwala Sahai, a trusty servant of the above-mentioned Nazim, arrived at Tulamba to meet them, with a letter and 650 rupees; aB two presents ; these presents were accepted, and entered in the Government treasury, and Jwala Sahai Was dismissed with a reply to the letter. On the 17th of the month they arrived at Bajghat, y_and on the 18th they encamped at tho Idgah near the town of Multan. After 'they had eaten breakfast, they proceeded to business, and two rubakaris were issued to the Nazim , one celling for a list of persons employed in the Customs Department, and prohibiting the collection of the duties, the other.4o prepare the troops.present in the fort for inspection. In the evening of the 18th, the Nazim came to have an interview with the gentlemen, who received him in .the tent of Sardar Kahan Singh, and after a long time they returned, and dismissed him. On the 19th in the morning, the gentlemen with the above-mentioned Sardar and other servants, and two Companies of the Gurkha regiments, went into the fort of Multan. The Nazim, taking the gentleman’s band in his own, showed hiip all the places and stores of the fort, and tendered the keys of each place to the gentleman, who delivered them to the charge of Kuldip Singh, Colonel of the Gurkha regiment. He inspected the troops present in the fort, and said on the parade that all the regular troops who had been in. the service from the time of Maharaja Banjit Singh should be confirmed on the same pay and rank as tbev had enjoyed before ; that their pay up to the month of Chet was due from Mulraj; and that from the month of Baisakh their pay would be given them by Government; and that such of the troops who were.newly entertained of the time of Diwan- Sawan Mai and Mulraj were discharged, and were to receive their pay from Mulraj, and would be dismissed. After that the gentlemen with Sardar Kahan Singh and the Nazim, mounted their horses, and turned to go out- When the gentlemen and Sardar Kahan Singh and the rebel Diwan, who-was also riding with them on horseback, arrived upon the bridge over the ditch in front of the Sikki Gate one Amir Chand, a Khatri, residing at the villagei

* Wazir~ Ali Khan appears in the main case as P. W. 4. X DIWAN MUL RAJ.

of Tilun, in the Zillah of Jalandhar near Pbillour, struck a blow with a spear on the right side of Mr. Agnew. In return for that, having received a blow from the gentleman’s stick, he quickly struck two blows with a sword, one upon the gentleman’s left arm above the elbow, and one above the wrist. In the meantime a horseman of the troop of Karam Ilahi, Rasaldar of the irregular force, who was with the gentlemen, struck the rebel Amir Chand on the left cheek with a sword. From this sword-cut the worth­ less one fell into the ditch, and the rebel Diwan galloped his horse and went off to the Am-Khass ; he did not stay with the gentlemen. When Lieute­ nant Anderson saw what had happened to Mr. Agnew he putliis horse into a gallop, whereupon several horsemen, Afghans, Mazhabis, and Sikhs, pursued him and inflicted several severe sword cuts upon him and hi9 horse. Owing to the violence of.the wounds the above gentleman fell to the ground. The soldiers of the Gurkha regiment, seeing this, put him on a bed, and carried him to the Idgah, and the rebel horsemen went off towards the Am-Khass. When Mr. Agnew stood up in a wounded state, Sardar Kahan Singh tore his own sheet, and fastened bandages, and placed him on an elephant. Ram Rang also was mounted upon the elephant with him, but the gentleman made him dismount, and taking up Kahan Singh with him went to the Idgah. Having come into the Idgah, he first caused Lieutenant Anderson’s wounds to be sewn up by Kadar Bakhsh, the doctor, and afterwards his own wounds. Lieutenant Anderson was senseless from the severe nature of his wounds, but Mr. Agnew, with his own bravery and fortitude, made no thought of the pain of his wounds, but continued giving comfort and encouragement to the other gentleman* and consoling the servants, Munshis, and writers, who were crying, and Sardar Kahan Singh went about attending to the wounds and wants of the two gentlemen. Afterwards when the wounds had been sewn up, Mr. Agnew wrote a letter in English to Dr. Wilkinson, who was coming from Lahore to Multan in a boat by the river Ravi, and sent' it off by four of Kahan Singh’s horsemen. He wrote that if the Doctor’s wife should be with him, she should return to Lahore, but that the doctor should come on horse back in Multan with all speed. After that he wrote aj letter to Major Edwardes, and sent it off by a harkara towards Tonk, ordering the harkara to take it to Dera Ismail Khan and give it to General Cortlandt, and if General Cortlandt^ was not there, to give to Mrs. Cortlandt, and he gave five rupees to the harkara. After that, he caused a letter to be written and sent to Mulraj to this effect:— “ I know the disturb­ ance which lias taken place to-day is not owing to you : I feel •quite clear towards you, and have no suspicion against you, but it is necessary for you to apprehend the rebels and send them to me ; and for you yourself to come to me, that it may be known to all the soldiers that there is no enmity bet ween you and me, and that there has only been a disturbance on the part of the soldiery.” In reply to that, after a long time, the traitor sent an answer by Tulsi Ram Raizada, his own confidant, to this effect:— “ Agreeably to your call, I mounted with my brother Ram Rang and wished to come to you, when, on the road, my soldiers wounded my brother Ram Rang, and are planning to kill me, From fear of them, I am concealed. It is proper that you should well protect and take care of yourself, l> .~4U--o there i- a tumult here of thousands of Hindus and APPENDIX B. xi

Mu sal mans.” Tulsi Ran arrived with the letter. Mr. Agnew placed him o d a chair before him, and causing the letter to be jrread by Sarishtadar, listened to it. And he frequently explained to Tulsi Ram that it was proper that he should bring the Diwan to him, as in that consisted their mutual good understanding, and that it was necessary to put down the revort. He also sent a letter in reply by the hand of Tulsi Ram to this effect:— “ Your letter has arrived : my mind is clear towards you as glass ; do not entertain any doubt or suspicion of me in your heart. By your coming to me our mutual clearness is contemplated. Come to me by ovening—it is of the utmost importance. Entertain no doubt of ms. It is proper that yet restrain your tumultuous troops and men from assembling together, otherwise my victorious army will soon arrive and utterly annihilate the rebels, leaving no trace or remnant of them.” Although he remainstb ex­ pecting him till evening, even all night, yet the rebel did not make his ap- pearance. After that, in tho evening, the officers of the Maharaja’s army came to Mr. Agnew and represented that Mulraj had set on foot the imple­ ments of war and revolt, and that they had received intelligence that Mulraj had collected together in the Am-Khass all Iris servants and officers, such as the Afghans, Maznabis and §ikhs, and Jamadars, Hindus and Musaimans. and had cauiti them to swear that they would remain joined with him uj d would fight; and that the Musaimans had affixed their seals upon the Kord* and the Hindus upon the Granth, and had all agreed and said they would fight, also that after these oaths, the Diwan had said :— “ If you people v. ill fight, I have treasure, store, and a magazine— and the fort also is strong. ” When Mr. Agnew heard «hat Gulab Singh, Commandant of the regiment, Kuldip Singh Colonel, Bhowani Singh, Commandant of the Gurkha regi­ ment, Bhai Ishar Singh Colonel, and Jaimal Singh, Commandant of Artillery, were all unwilling to stand by turn, he became very thoughtful, and wrote a letter to Khan Ibrahim Khan, Native Agent- to Government at Babawalpur, saying that Mulraj had first shown him all bis fort and troops, but that his soldiers had wounded him and Lieutenant Anderson, and invested his camp ; that he had no bazar supplies, and that on the receipt of the- letter, he should! join him with a force, magazine, artil­ lery, and supplies. This letter he sent by horsemen to Bahawalpur. On the morning of the 20th, the first thing he did was to send panoann from the court of the Maharaja Dalip Singh through Sardar K&han Singh by the hand of Ranjit Rai, a Brahmin, and a servant of Mulraj, who is now im­ prisoned on a charge of rebellion,-addressed to the officers of the army and the artillery, and he sent several copies of this by Karam Ilahi, Rasaldar of horse, who was with him. Ranjit Rai, the ill-wisher, did not return, but Karam Ilahi represented that he had delivered all the parwanas, and that the people said they were under the orders of Mulraj. and would act -is he told them. When one watch of the day had passed, all the guns from the fort and tour guns from the Am Khass opened upon Mr. Agnew’s camp. Although during the night the Artillery men, Gurkhas, &c., with the gentlemen had^ collected in the oompound of the Idgah, ahd had prepared three batteries with the guns, yet when the rebel Mulraj opened his fire, they delayed in returning it, notwithstanding the strength and state of preparations of the batteries. When Mr. Agnew saw that his guns were not discharged, he called Colone 1 XU DIWAN MUL RAJ.

Ish&r Singh, and asked him the reason. The Colonel replied he would have it done, and went to the batteries, and fired six shots. One of these disabled one of the guns at the Am-Khass, and another killed the son of Lehna Singh Mazhabi. When Mulraj saw that the artillery practice was good, he became afraid ; he sent for Gulab Singh, Commandant of the regiment, through Harbhagwan, a nephew of Bam Bang, and got him to join him, and swearing to him wrote to this effect:— “ I am fighting with the English for •my religion. It is incumbent upon all you Sikhs to desert the English and make the kingdom of the Punjab resplendent. And if you will bring over all the troops, I will confirm the pay they received from Government, and will moreover make them a present of two months’ pay, and increase their wages.” When Gulab Singh had caused this agreement to be made he'induced Colonel Ishar Singh, Kuldip Singh and the officers and soldiers to desert the gentlemen, and side with the rebel. Then they ceased firing, however much Sardar Kahan Singh, and the Sarishtadar and other servants had entreated and flattered Ishar Singh, asking him why the firing had ceased 9 Gulab Singh kept saying in reply:— ” The guns make no im­ pression on the fort; why did you not encamp at Bakarabad ? We cannot fight and remain on duty all night.” Every body went and represented what they said to Mr. Agnew, and that Gulab Singh and all the troops behaved as if they were about to desert them and were saying that they were hungry. Upon this Mr. Agnew sent for a thousand rupees from the treasury and sent it to the troops for sharbat through Sardar Kahan Singh and the Sarishtadar. The treacherous troops received this with pleasure, but continued unwilling to fight. The fort guns sent shots like rain till twro hours of the day remained, when first Gulab Singh with his horsemen fled from the Idgah and encamped in Bang Barn’s lines near the Diwan. After him Jawahir Singhf Subedar of the Gurkha regiment, went off, and having gone to the Diwan, wrote back to his regiment that a large force was collected there, and that they had better run away from the Idgah, and if they did not do so, the Diwan’s army would rush upon them. When this letter arrived all the Gurkha regiment, and all the horse and foot, except Karam Uahi’s horsemen, fled from the Idgah, and went off to the Diwan. In the evening not one of the force was left, and Mr. Agnew sent Qazi Ghulam Husain, who was with Kahan Singh, as a Vakil to the Diwan. Ghulam Husain went and asked for 'peace and safety, and said :— “ Cease firing, and give us carriage that we may go and encamp at Bakarabad,” but the Diwan would not consent. Only Sardar Kahan Singh, with two or three of his people, Karam Ilahi, with some of his horsemen, Qutb Shah, Shaikh M ustafa Daftri, Wazir Ali Khan, Sarishtadar, Babu Guru Das, English - writer, Batan Chand, Treasurer, Bamji Mai, Munshi, three chaprasis,. one butler, four table servants, two tailors, two sweepers, and two washer­ men remained in the Idgah with the gentlemen. At sunset the Diwan’s troops, seeing an empty plain, made an attack “from three sides. They first seized Sardar Kahan Singh and took him away to the Am-Khass, and a great force of Hindus and Musalmans surrounding all the others, got them away from their masters, by pushing them and striking them with the Stocks of their guns. When thousands of men, Hindus and Musalmans, servant* and ryots, were collected, and making a tumult inside the Idgah, APPENDIX B. XUI

first Godar Singh, Niliang, a Mazhabi Sikh, drew his sword, and said to Mr. Agnew :— “ Why did you come here ? Now become a Sikh.” Mr. Agnew replied:— ‘‘I am a servant of the Maharaja Dalip Singh : ‘look there is hair upon the whole of my head* ” Then the Nihang repeating his creed, cut Mr. Agnew with his sword, and at the same time a Fathan of the Maz­ habi tribe, a tall, thin man, with wild and flowing-hair, a young man, with a small beard, shot him in the breast. The above-mentioned Nihang cut off the head with his sword, and taking it in his hands took~it to the Diwan, jumping, tossing it up, and crying ou t:— “ Wah-Guruji kifateh.” Then all the others took Mr. Agnew’s body, deprived of the head, outside, and having reversed it, continued cutting it with swords, and began plundering all the property of the two gentlemen, the officers of their establishment, and their servants. And seven cart-loads of property, and the writing boxes and office, and all the property of the toshakhana of Sardar Kahan Singh, with the horses, elehpants, and mules, Harbhagwan took to the Am-Khass. What he wanted he took himself, and the rest was kept some days near the shrine of Hafiz Jamal, and then taken into the fort. Harbhagwan took a brown horse of Mr. Agnew’s, and the Nihang rauderer kept for his own riding an­ other horse of bay colour. All the other horses of the gentlemen, and of Kahan Singh, were appropriated by Mulraj and he gave one of the Sardar’s horse, a valuable brown, to Asad Khan, Baloch. When the Nihang placed the head before the Diwan, he said “ Take it away, and throw it in the lap of Kahan Singh.” The people taking it away threw it down before Sardar Kahan Singh, saying:— “ Take the head of your young man whom you brought from Lahore to Multan.” After that the Diwan first gave the murderer An elephant of Kahan Singh’s, some rupees and gold. All that night he remained rejoicing, and all the natch women and singers of the place danced and sung in the Am-Khass; and all the people of Multan, whether Hindus or Musalmans, and all the Pathans and Mazhabis, and shop-keepers, and other subjects, came and presented offerings and congratulations; and the Diwan gave presents to the singers, and distributed sweetmeats to the Hindus and Musalmans, and sent wine and sweetmeats and money, for the purchase of medicine and plaster, to the evil-disposed rebel Amir Chand by the hands of Hira, khidmatgar, and sent a message also, saying that he would make Amir Chand a great man. On the morning of the 21st April, until noon, the gentleman’s head was placed in the Am-Khass lines, and the Nihang and other people put powder into the nostrils, and setting fire to it, blew it up and the Diwan’s mother gave* presents to the jamadars and soldiers of the artillery. After noon, the Diwan ordered his people to bury the two bodies near the Idgah in separate pieces of silk. Accordingly his people caused them to be buried in silks by the hands of sweepers. In the evening the sweepers of Multan took out the bodies from the grave, and took away the silks, and stripping the bodies threw them down. On the second day the Diwan heard of this, but said nothing to the sweepers, but had the bodies buried again in a white cloth. And all the disrespect besides this which was shown to the head, cannot be written. Afterwards, when enlist­ ment-rolls were opened, all the trades-people, butchers, shoemakers, tailors, oil-men, buniahs, barbers, fakirs an d sadhus of Multan, began to take service, and on enlistment received two rupees each. When the Diwan heard that xiv DIWAN MUL RAJ.

Major Ed ward ea and General ^‘ortlandt had arrived with their army at Leiah he made Harbhagwan, the nephew of Hem Kang, General of his forces, and having given him a dress of honour and present, sent him to Leiah against them, .with a force of both old and new soldiers and Gulab Singh Com­ mandant, with his treacherous regiment and eight guns with ammunition. After this, the servants and office people of the gentlemen, went off at differ­ ent times. 'After several days Wazir Ali Khan, Shaikh Ghulam Mustafa and Ramji Mai, Munshi, with Bansi Dhar, who had been faithful, and were hiding in the serai of Makhdum Mahmud, were seized. Wazir Ali Khan and Shaikh Ghulam Mustafa were taken by Sant Singh, and put into the fort and ironed, and the Diwan continued apprehending and imprison­ ing, without any fault or crime, the servants and dependents of the British Government; sometimes he gave them nothing to eat. Three months after, Wazir Ali Khan and Kamji Mai, Munshi, who had hid in the town and did service for Government, were taken by the Diwan’s servants, and placed in the Kotwali under Ranjit Rai. By the good fortune of Government, Wazir Ali Khan and Ghulam Mustafa Khan were released after the taking of the fort on the 22nd January 1849, and Ramji Mai, Munshi, and Bansi Dhar, who were imprisoned in the Kotwali in the town, were released on the 27th December 1848. These two poor fellows, if being hungry they stood up and begged from the people in the bazar, were stopped from doing so ; and whenever people were giving them grain or copper coin, the people of the Kotwal i snatched it from them. One day they asked Hakim Rai, the Kardar of Multan, to give orders for them to be allowed to beg, but he refused to do so. God grant stability to this British Government, whose care of the poor, justice, and mercy is such that thousands of the rebels, soldiers and officers, who have been made prisoners, are provided with food]' and not suffered to starve, and in the fort, no one took any care of thd wounded and the dying who lay about, and wasted away ; but this Govern- jnei^t has established a hospital, where thousands of the rebels and wounded men are lying, their wounds under cure, and their wants attended to. And the circumstance of Lt. Anderson’s murder was on this wise, that when Godar Singh killed Mr. Agnew with his sword, I was at a little distance, and 1 saw the bodies of both gentlemen brought outside, and cut with swords by Godar Singh and others, but 1 did not see who killed Lt. A n derson .

Rattan Singh.— Rattan Singh deposes as follows* 4< Have been lor thirteen or fourteen years in the service of Mulraj .m i his father; was first a Naik in Hardas Singh’s regiment, afterwarda Havildar ; duty to relieve the sentries with Mulraj till his surrer-d <\ When Mr. Agnew and Lt. Anderson were killed, was with my regiment qaaitered near the shrine of Shams Tabrez, afterwards sent into th» town, remained there till the storming of the city, when I fled in*o tu fort. Mulraj’s whole force, on the arrival of the above-named officers, did not amount to 1,300 men. Troops never previously mutinied, nor did they then, till some one struck the officers with a spear. Troops always under the control of

V* ------1------1------•it ooly ad abitraot of Rattan 8ingh's evidence. APPENDIX B. XV

Mulraj, carried out bis orders, and never acted against his orders. W lien the man with the spear struck the officer, Mulraj went off to the Am-Khass where he conversed with all the officers and soldiers, who sealed an agreement to light and stand by him. When the firing com­ menced, a Hubedar of Gurkhas or Jamadar, came to Mulraj, received a golden bracelet, and went and brought over all the troops with the officers, who were afterwards killed ; do not know who killed them. Soldiers all agreed to fight; after the officeis had sealed the paper, Mulraj mounted with the intention of going to have an interview > with the offi' cers, wi th Earn llang, but on arriving near the Shams Tabrez a carbineer wound ed Earn Eang with a sword, and all the other carbineers brought Mulraj back to the Am-Khass. It was then that the council was held and seal s affixed. The man who wounded Earn Eang was afterwards killed in action. All the carbineers were Furbiyas, don't know their caste. F iv e Furbiyas were always in attendance upon Mulraj, but there were- more on that day. After the public agreement, every thing must have been by his order. I think Mulraj really meant to go to the officers when stopped by the Purbiyas. Mulraj gave 20 or 25 rupees to a Sikh Mazhab who brought the head of an officer. Kahan Singh was imprisoned on the first day and remained a prisoner to the day of his death. Mulraj had no intercourse with his soldiers .except through his officers; of the latter, Earn Eang and Harbhagwan were principally with him.” Tulsi Ram .— Tulsi Earn, Kaizada, deposes :— “ Am a Munshi in the service of Mulraj ; write orders and letters, am an- old servant of Sawan Mai’s time. Accompanied Mulraj when he went out to meet Mr. Agnew and Lt. Anderson ; had seen the latter before at Multan. Interview took place in the evening. Mr. Agnew called for the office papers of the last ten years. Mulraj said that the papers, for the three years during which he bad held the Multan district, were at his service and that ants had eaten Sawan Mai’s papers. Mr. Agnew explained that the papers were not want­ ed to check, but to guide him in the future administration. Mulraj agreed ‘to give over the fort, stores, and papers for six years next morning; all in good spirits then. In the morning disbursed 25 rupees by order of the Diwan on the joyful occasion, and went out with him and Earn Eang to meet the officers ; met them on the road ; returned to the fort. Mr. Agnew’s sentries were placed at the different posts, except over the store-rooms; said that these must be first weighed, then taken charge of. Heard this much, and then returned to my own house. Shortly after, heard a noise and report that there was a disturbance. Went off immediately to the Am -Khass; saw Mulraj there with Earn Eang, talking of fate; Earn Eang proposed to go to the officers ; started with Mulraj for that purpose. I was sent on before : in a short time Earn Eang was wounded by a carbineer, and Mulraj taken back. I also returned, said it was a bad business/ Mulraj asked me to go and tell the officers what had happened. After much difficulty I got to the Idgah, and told all. Mr. Agnew was very kind and said that Mulraj was not to blame, but that he ought to put down the tu m u lt and apprehend the parties who had wounded them md Earn Rfm g: for the rest to remain at ease. Wrote a letter too to that effect, XVI DIWAN MUL RAJ. and sent it through me ; returned to Mulraj, saw all the officers there affixing seals. Mulraj saw me, came out on the pretence of making water, took the letter, hid it, and told me to go home and eat. Know of no other letter sent to the Diwan by the officers ; gave the letter I brought into the hands of the Diwan; went to the officers at noon, returned with the letter at third watch, saw the Sikhs tying the war bracelet on Mulraj’s arm, and the Musalmans affixing their seals on the Koran. Fateh Muhammad Chaki wrote the words; no letter or message afterwards sent to the officers, nothing else but' what I have stated, said to me by the officers; may have been more in the letter; was at my house afterwards, and don't know what occurred; heard that there was a general tumult, joined by Mulraj, an attack upon the Idgah, and that the Mazhabi Sikhs robbed the property. Returned to Mulraj next morning after it was all over, when the stolen property was being made over to Bhai Sant Singh; he appeared in grief, said it had been a bad business; the soldiers not present when he said that, imprisoned the man who speared Mr. Agnew two or three days afterwards, did not imprison the man who wounded Ram Rang, nor any of those who killed the officers. Troops all under control until the officers came, when they saw that Mulraj was out of office, only turbulent on the day when the officers were killed, never before or after. Mulraj intended,,after making over the fort and country, to send his family to the Ganges (Hardwar), and himself to repair to the Governor-General to Simla, where, with the aid of the Colonel (Lawrence) and Mr. Mackeson, he would get his jagir confirmed, and go and enjoy it. Every thing after the death of Mr. Agnew by order of Mulraj at the insti­ gation of the Sikhs. Kahan Singh was imprisoned from the very first; was never asked to serve, because Chatar Singh had sent to Mulraj, telling him on no account to release Kahan Singh, nor to give him any employment. Mulraj gave one of the gentleman’s horses and a pistol to the Nihang who brought Mr. Agnew’s head, and some money to the other Mazhabis with him ; don’t know how much. The man who speared Mr. Agnew was in confinement till the taking of the city. I don’t know when he was released. I came in to Foujdar Khan with Major Edwardes, when the city was taken. Two months’ pay given as a reward to the soldiers who deserted Mr. Agnew ; don’t know if their pay was raised at all.” Fateh Muhammad-— Fateh Muhammad Chaki deposes :— “ W as a Munshi in the service of Mulraj before the officers came down. Mulraj openly gave out that he was going to give over the fort and country of his own accord to the officers; when they arrived he had an interview in the evening; returned well pleased. Next morning when the officers came into the fort, I was in my house near the Daulat Gate; heard a noise and that one Amir Chand, a soldier of Mulraj on duty at the Lahori Gate, had struck one with a spear, and that others had wounded them with swords. Afterwards I heard that Ram Rang persuaded Mulraj to go to the officers, but was brought back by the soldiers, and Ram Rang was wounded. Tulsi Ram was sent to the officers, but I do not remember whether this was before or after Ram Rang was wounded. On the next day in the morning, guns were fired from the fort and from the Am-Khass, APPENDIX 1>. XVU upon the officer's cam p; don’t know by whose order. In the afternoon a horseman came to Mulraj from Gulab Singh, Commander of a regiment with Mr. Agnew, and delivered a message that Gulab Singh with his men would join. Mulraj gave him a letter with his seal calling Gulab Singh and his m en; on the receipt of this writing they all came over, and in the evening a company of Mazhabis and others attacked the officers, killed them and plundered the property. When I went to Mulraj in the afternoon of the first day he was sitting on a high place in the Am-Khass, and all the officers, Sikhs, Afghans, Baluchis, &o., were there asking him to fight. Mulraj told them he would fight next day. I wrote, at the dictation of Mulraj, the agreement on the Koran to which the officers affixed their seals, the same was done by the Sikhs on the Granth; don’t know who wrote on the Granth. Mulraj himself made all the arrangements for the attack on the Idgah, and for bringing over the soldiers of Mr. Agnew; nobody else had any" power to do it. Mulraj told the men to take the two officers alive, but when they were killed, he did not regret it, nor ask any questions. Don’t know who killed the officers; saw a Mazhabi, now a prisoner, riding one of the officer’s horses ; can’t say whether it was given by Mulraj or taken by himself. Don’t know whether the deserters from Mr. Agnew were rewarded ; it was not my business. Knew that the officers were to be attacked, because before the guns opened, Mulraj sent all his family and women out of Am-Khass into the fort, on hearing which I and every body else sent our families out of the suburbs into the city, after which the fort guns were fired. Mulraj was the first to send his family in. Kahan Singh was imprisoned from the first ; can’t say whether he came of his own accord, or was brought by the soldiers. Shaikh Nathu helped me to write on the Koran ; he lives in the Punjab, but left Mulraj’s service three months afterwards. Harbhagwan, Didar Singh, and Hardas Singh were the principal parties in inducing Mr. Agnew’s soldiers to desert h im . Devi Dutt-— Devi Dutt deposes :— “ Was a Munshi in Mulraj’s service ; my duty was to pay the troops. When Mr. Agnew and Lt. Anderson came, Mulraj had an interview with them ; all well pleased ; next morning they oame into the fort, I was with Mulraj, he showed them everything in the fort. Mr. Agnew told the soldiers to remain obedient to Kahan Singh, as they had been to Mulraj ; at this stage I left, and went to the Am* Khass. Shortly after heard a tumult and report that the officers had been wounded; was going out to make' enquiries when I saw Mulraj and Bam Bang talking near the Artillery at the Am-Khass. They tried to go to Mr. Agnew ; on the road Bam Bang was wounded by a carbineer, and Mulraj brought back to the Am-Khass. The officers then all collected and attached their seals to the Koran and the Granth, swearing to revolt. Ghulam Mustafa Khan, Khakwani, came to me and advised me to hide myself, as I was in tht accounts department, and the soldiers, being in a turbulent state, would murder m e; on this account I went home and did not come out for two days. Heard that one of Gulab Singh’s men came to Mulraj and got a writing from him, on the receipt of which Gulab Singh came over to Mulraj with all the soldiers who had come down with Mr. Agnew; that an attaok was made by Hardas Singh’s regiment, the offioers killed, and their property p xviii DIWAN MUL RAJ, plundered. Mulraj ordered the writing in the Koran to which the seals were attached. Fateh Muhammad wrote it at his dictation. Mulraj gave the order for the attack upon the Idgah, at the saying of the soldiers. It is publicly known that the Mazhabi Nihang, now in prison, brought the head of Mr. Agnew to Mulraj ; don’t know whether lie got any reward or not. No reward given to the men who deserted Mr. Agnew, but Mulraj gave a month’s pay as a reward to his own troops, two or three days after the business occurred. Mulraj’s family were in the Ain-Khass when the tumult commenced ; on the morning of the attack he sent them all into the fort before the guns were fired. Mulraj had no intention of revolting until Mr. Agnew was speared, but after that he joined his troops in rebellion.”

Kuljas.— Kuljas deposes :— “ Have been eleven years with Mulraj ; read and write his letters; when the officers came down, Mulraj had made over the fort; when on returning, at the bridge opposite the Sikki Gate, one Amira, a Dogra, and a servant of Mulraj struck Mr. Agnew with a spear, and afterwards with a sword, and Uttam Singh, Ram Singh and Haq -Niwaz Khan struck Lt. Anderson with swords ; Mulraj fled to the Am- K hass ; was going to the officers when stopped by the Purbiyris, and R a m Rang, who was with him, was wounded by them. Mulraj sent Tulsi Ram to the officers, and he returned with a letter which Mulraj read"secretly and kept. All the officers then came and wished him to fight; he replied there was no time left that day, but he would fight next day, if the officers would' give him some assurance; upon this they all made an agreement to fight and stand by him, and affixed their seals on the Koran and Granth. In the morning, Mulraj told ail who would fight to send their families into the fort, and he himself set the example ; afterwards the guns from the fort and the Am-Khass were fired upon Mr. Agnew’s camp. About noon Mulraj sent word to the officers in the fort and at the Am-Khass to cease firing and bring Mr. Agnew’s soldiers over to him, and then to take the two gentlemen alive, and bring them to him ; they went on firing, however. Afterwards Jawahir Singh, a horseman of Gulab Singh, who was with Mr. Agnew, came to Mulraj, who gave him a written paper and promised the men a reward of one month’s pay if they came over to him. On this all the soldiers deserted Mr. Agnew ; an attack was made, the officers killed, and their property plundered. Didar Singh, Lai Singh, Khushal Singh, Sham Singh, all the Afghans and their officers, and Waryam Singh were conspicuous in this attack. A company of Mazhabis were the first to- attack; don’t know who cut off Mr. Agnew’s head, but saw his horse and pistol with Godar Singh, Mazhabi; probably he was the person who did it. Saw Mr. Agnew’s head in the road at the Am-Khass early next morning, ten or twelve people standing round it. It was afterwards buried by order of Mulraj. Mulraj called Hardas Singh, and told him to look to Amir Chand’s wounds which he had received from falling into the ditch. After­ wards he confined him, but a few days before the city was taken, he was released at the desire of the Sikh soldiers; afterwards he went out to fight and I don’t know whether he was killed or ran away. Was at first only under arrest with Hardas Singh; three months afterwards he robbed the house of a washerman, and was then put in irons and confined by Mulraj APPENDIX B. x h t in the fort, until released as above stated. Before the murder, Godar Singh stole one of the officer’s elephants, and Mulraj told him to keep it. When he brought Mr. Agnew’s head, I don’t know whether he received any present or not. The contents of the letter brought by Tulsi Ram from Mr. Agnew for Mulraj were that he had nothing to fear, that it was no fault of his ; to put down the tumult, and to go himself to Mr. Agnew ; no answer was sent to this letter. He intended to go at night to the officers, but he found no opportunity from the watchfulness of the Sikhs.” Khunjan Singh.— Khunjan Singh deposes:— “ Was a Havildar in the Gurkha regiment with Mr. Agnew; when he went into_ the fort, I was placed on duty over the toshakhana. The two officers returned to camp wounded. Very early next morning Harbhagwan, nephew of Ram Rang, and Didar Singh came from Mulraj into our camp, and having induced Gulab Singh, Commandant of horse, Kuldip Singh, Colonel of the Gurkha regiment, Ishar Singh, Colonel of Artillery, Bhowani Singh, Commandant, and other officers to desert, took him to - Mulraj. Mulraj gave Gulab Singh, . Commandant, a shawl, and a pair of gold bracelets, and presents to all the other officers according to their rank. They then returned and induced all the soldiers to desert to Mulraj, saying that they would all get presents ; the soldiers, thus induced.by their officers, deserted ; saw Har­ bhagwan and Didar Singh in their camp inducing the men to desert. They were telling us to take our bundles and go over to Mulraj. Thfcr soldiers got no reward from Mulraj, but the officers did. Mulraj sent us to encamp at Bakarabad and said he would pursue and kill any of us who went towards Lahore; our officers too told us that any man who dis­ obeyed Mulraj’s orders would be killed.” Gulab Singh. — Gulab Singh deposes:—“ Was a sepoy in the Sixth company of the Gurkha regiment with Mr. Agnew. On the morning after the two officers were wounded at the fort gate, Harbhagwan and Didar Singh came into our camp, and seduced Gulab Singh, Commandant, Ishar Singh, Colonel of Artillery, Bhowani Singh and other officers, and took them to Mulraj, who gave them all gold bracelets and necklaces. When the guns opened on our camp from the fort and the Am-Khass, the officers returned and made all the soldiers desert. They did not wish to do it, but at last obeyed their officers and went. Saw Harbhagwan and Didar Singh seducing the officers. Mulraj gave five hundred rupees to the officers, but they gave none of it to the men. Mulraj also caused a parade to be held, and the soldiers were told that any one who went away would be k illed. ”

p 2 XX

APPENDIX C. Deposition of Qutb Shah.

[Qutb Shah who appears as P. W. 2 in the main case had volunteered the following statement before the H on’ble Sir Frederick Currie, Besident at Lahore, on June 3rd, 1848, nearly twelve months before the proceedings in the trial of Mu I raj were instituted. This statement was requisitioned by the court and formed part of the record of the case, j I was formerly in the service of Shaikh Imam-ud-Din, but on his leaving Kashmir, remained in Lahore without employment. On Sardar Kahan Singh being appointed Nazim of Multan, I accom­ panied him in hopes of finding service, which he promised to give me on our arrival there. On Mr. Vans Agnew, Lt. Anderson, and the Sardar reach­ ing Tulamba, Jwala Sahai, a servant of Diwan Mulraj, came to pay his respects, and after a short interview returned to Sarai Sidhu. When the servants of the British officers and the Sardar wen.t to Sidhu to purchase supplies, Jwala Sahai ordered the samindars not to furnish them. I mentioned that to Sardar Kahan Singh, who remarked that 'supplies should only 1 be taken with the consent of the villagers. The next day, on our arrival at Khalik Wali, Jwala Sahai returned to Multan.' The villagers of the place mentioned to us that a refractory spirit had shown itself at Multan, and that Sahib Din, their jagirdar, w as their authority for the report. I informed the British officers if that, and remarked that it was strange that none of the Diwan’s officials h^d appeared to welcome them. To this they replied that the report was without founda­ tion. On Monday at noon, we arrived at Bajghat, which is three kos from Multant where we were met by Ram Rang, who informed us that the Diwan had ordered the Huzuri Bagh to be prepared for the British officers, and the Idgah for Sardar Kahan Singh. He then took leave and returned to Multan. I again mentioned to the Sardar the reports I had heard, but he replied that they were untrue, and that Ram Rang had made proper arrangements for their accommodation. The next day Ram Rang made his appearance, and accompanied the British officers to the Hazuri Bagh, which, however, appearing not to afford sufficient room, it was resolved that they should take up their quarters in the Idgah. This was accordingly done, while Sardar Kahan Singh encamped in the enclosure of the Idgah. At 9 o’clock Diwan Mulraj set out from the fort to have an interview, intelligence of which reached Mr. Agnew, while the Diwan was in progress. Mr. Agnew requested the Sardar to inform the Diwan that he had better come in the afternoon, in order to avoid the heat of the' midday. Sardar Kahan Singh said that it would be advisable to give him an interview at on ce. Preparations were accordingly made to receive him in the enclosure of the Idgah. On his arrival he was taken by the hand by Mr. Agnew, and seated by his side. In about an hour he took leave. The Diwan was accompanied by 2 0 0 soldiers. He presented a sarwama o f 230 APPENDIX 0. XXI rupees to Mr. Agnew, who said that they would proceed to business in the evening. In the evening accordingly the Diwan came again. The interview took place in the presence of several officers of either party. It was remarked that Mulraj paid no attention to Sardar Kahan Singh, but treated him with studied coldness. The Diwan said that it was his wish to return his charge into the hands o f the Sarkar, and that if the British officers would visit the fort the next day, he would make over his authority. Mr. Agnew requested the Diwan to furnish him with the conection papers of the last ten years, so that he might ascertain the revenue of the various districts, and also desired him to hold a review of the troops. The Diwan made objections to giving up his papers, and said that -he had merely held the territory in farm from the Government at a fixed sum, which he had paid regularly, and that he possessed no papers. On Mr. Agnew urging the point, the Diwan promised to sqpply him with the papers of six years’ collections, and said that he would make over the fort the next day. He desired' Mr. Agnew to give him a razinama and an acknowledgment of having received charge of the territory, to which Mr. Agnew replied that on receiving the papers, and getting possession of fort, he would do so. The Diwan then left.

Kahan Singh requested Mr. Agnew to take a few companies with him occupy the fort, but that officer observed that a single pahra w ou ld be sufficient. On Sardar Kahan Singh repeating his request Mr* Agnew said that he would go first alone, and that the Sardar should follow on his receiving charge of the fort. At length it was settled that two- oompamet an d 15 sawars should accompany them. The next day the Diwan was waited for, but as he did not make his appearance up to 9 o’clock, a message was sent to him to enquire the reason, and to request his presence. The British officers and the Sardar mounted an elephant and, after inspecting their guns, were preparing to go to the fort, when Mulraj appeared, accom­ panied by $ or £ hundred mounted men. He alighted from his horse, and, getting on an elephant, went with the other party to the fort : when they reached the inner gate, they dismounted and entered the fort. About ten people attended the British officers, but the rest of the troops who accompanied the Sardar, were not allowed to proceed inside, and o$e or fcwp of them were even struck slightly. I

I said to Mr. Agnew: “ If the Diwan intends to give up the fort, why does he not allow our troops to enter, and why do you go on thus un­ attended ? ” Mr. Agnew requested the Diwan to allow the Lahore soldiers to be admitted. Both the companies were then permitted to enter. The British Officers inspected the fort, Diwan Mulraj pointing out the magazines and other places. He then showed them a part of the fort whioh he as­ serted to be proof against shot irom outside. About 100 soldiers were drawn up m review by the Diwan to whom Mr. Agnew gave every encouragement, telling them ihat they would be taken XXII DIWAN IIUL RAJ. into the service of the Lahore Government, and that after receiving their pay up to that date from the Diwan, they would be paid .by him in future. Mr. Agnew then proposed to leave. Two companies, under Bhai Ishar Singh and Gulab Singh, were left in the fort. As they were leaving the place and were approaching the outer gate, the Diwan pressed on his horse. At the same time a soldier stepped forward and cut at Lieut. Anderson twice with his sword. That otlicer spurred on after the Diwan,' five of w hose sawars turning round attacked him and wounded him in several places. He arrived with some difficulty at the Idgah. A soldier then itrack at Mr. Agnew, who was, however, not wounded. The same soldier then struck him three successive times with his sword, while Mr. Agnew tried to defend himself with his stick. Sardar Kalian Singh dismounted, and attended by a few of his sepoys went to the British Officer’s assistance, limn Bakhsh wounded the soldiers who had attacked Mr. Agnew. Ten or twelve of the Diwan’s men then drew their swords. During this time Sardar Kalian Singh’s noops were inside the fort. The Sardar took up Mr. Agnew, and mounting an elephant returned to the Idgah. Mulraj’s soldiers fired off a gun and several matchlocks. On arriving at the camp it was found that Lieut. Anderson was severely wounded, which was not known previously to Mr. Agnew. Mr. Agnew wrote off immediately to Lahore, to Bahawalpur and to Bannu while his wounds were being dressed. Sawars wrere sent off to hasten the arrival of Mr. Wilkinson (the doctor) who was on his way from L a b s ia After a. short time a messenger came from the Diwan to state that he had nothing to do with what had taken place, and that it originated entirely from the troops, who* had acted without his knowledge. Mr. Agnew wrote to the Diwan, stating that he did not consider him to blame, but requested him to send the soldiers who had attacked them. He also ordered parwanas to be written in the name of the troops, repri­ manding them for having acted without the orders of the Diwan. Bam Bang, on hearing that the British Officers were wounded, advised the Diwan to visit them unattended by his people. While the Diwan was hesitating, a soldier who was standing near Bam Bang wounded him with his sword. A commotion then ensued among the troops, who collected near the tomb of Shams Tabrez. Mr. Agnew sent for me and Karam Ilahi, and ordered us to go to Mulraj and enquire into the cause of the tumult. On arriving near them, we heard the sound of several matchlocks, while at the same time the soldiers threatened *o kill us if we approached nearer. We replied to this that we came to speak to them, and not to fight. Thoy did not, hpwever, attend to us. Presently the two companies who had been left in the fort came out, but no opposition was offered to them. I asked Ishar Singh what was the reason of leaving the place, to which he replied that the Diwan's soldiers APPENDIX C. x x iii had begun to fire at his men, and that they were consequently obliged to q u it. We then returned to our camp, where we heard that Mr. Agnew’s camels and cattle, which had been sent out to graze, had been seized by the Diwan’s people.

In the evenmg, seeing that our forces were much scattered, I suggested to Sardar Kahan Singh to collect them and the guns together. This was accordingly done by Mr. Agnew’s directions, and they were all drawn up close to the Idgah. That night passed.

In the morning, a person, dressed as a fakir, came to Sardar Kahan Singh. People said, however, that he was not a fakir, but a gohmdaz (gunner) in the Diwan’s service, sent to pick up intelligence. He shortly left. About three hours after, shots were fired from the fort. The firing continued till 12 o’clock, when Mr. Agnew sent for Sardar Kahan Singh, ord ered 1 , 0 0 0 rupees to be distributed among the troops, and endeavoured to inspire confidence among them. I took the money to Bhai Ishar Singh, requesting him to divide it among his men. It appeared, however, that they all, under some pretext or other, refused to accept it. I left the money with Bhai Ishar Singh, and mentioned what had taken place to Mr. Agnew, who directed the officers to appear before the Sardar.

At length the officers and their men appeared^ and after a few excuses took the money, and promised to show good service. Karam Ilahi whispered to me that the whole of the* troops had gone over and joined the rebels. I mentioned what he had told me to the Sardar,-who encouraged the troops, and reminded them of their duty to the Sarkar In reply they made great professions of loyalty.

Qazi Ghulam Husain was then sent to the Diwan to enquire into the cause of the disturbance, and to remind him that he had voluntarily sur­ rendered his charge into the hands of the Government. On the Qazi taking this message he was told to make the best of his way to Lahore, leaving / the British Officers where they were. The Qazi answered that the troops would fight for the Sahibs, and not desert them.

Asad Khan, a Beloch of Sangur, was sent with the Qazi among the Multan troops, under pretence of stopping the Diwan’s guns. Some were accordingly stopped, but others continued to be served, apparently by the Diwan’s orders. Before the Qazi returned, the Diwan’s troops approached the Idgah, upon which the Lahore soldiers took away their property and arms and joined them. I was standing among the troops, endeavouring by Mr. Agnew’s orders to persuade them to return. Seeing Ishar Singh, I told him to draw up his guns in front of the Idgah to prevent approach. Ishar Singh replied :— “ You are mad, it is impossible to do so. ” He then went over to the Diwan's soldiers. I mentioned all these circumstances to Mr. Agnew. Karam Ilahi, and five or six others besides myself, were with Sardar Kahan Singh, while three or four servants were in attendance upon Mr. Agnew. XXIV DTWAN MtJL RAJ.

Sardar Kalian Singh offered to devote his life, but Mr. Agnew objected, saying that it was useless for him to sacrifice himself, that alone he could do nothing, and that he had better ask for quarter. The Sardar’s people went outside the Idgah, and demanded quarter. The troops then entered the place and plundered everything. On tj^eir approaching the Sardar, he said that he has asked for quarter, and dh&t it would be useless to kill him, but that they might do what they pleased. He requested them to spare the wounded British Officers. They, however, refused to listen to him, and seized him, while I was carried off by the Musalmans of the Diwan’s Zamburkhanah. An Afghan, whose name I do not know, but whom I can. recognize, together with a Nihang, attacked Mr. Agnew, one firing a carabine at him, and the other striking off his head, which he took to the Diwan, who bestowed 300 rupees and a horse of Mr. Agnew’s upon him. During that day the Sardar was kept in confinement in the Am-Khass, the next, he was taken to the fort, where he was put in irons, with his son. " I remained under a guard two days. ' The third day I was sent for by Mulraj who said—“ If you wish to go, I will give you a pass. ” I had been advised, however, not to consent, as I should probably have been only imprisoned more strictly. I accordingly refused to go, and offered to take service under him, requesting him to' send for my family. On hearing this, he was greatly pleased, and ordered my. release from confine­ ment. He also directed passport to be given to Qazi Ghulam Husain to bring my family to Multan. I then remained in Multan. All that took place there has already been related by Wazir Ali Khan and the other officers who accompanied Mr. Agnew. The next day Ramdas, brother of Harsukh, a General in the Diwan’s service, came to me, and offered me a note of hand for 500 rupees, which the Diwan had sent. I declined taking it on the plea that I had not earned it by what I had done, but said that I would take a reward after displaying my services. I remained seven days at Multan. When intelligence reached the Diwan that Lt. Edwardes had marched upon Leiah, he sent off Bhagwan Das, with a force of 3,500 men, apd ten guns to oppose him. Asad Khan, of Sangur, accompanied Bhagwan Das. I was also directed to go, but replied that I had no troops at my disposal. Upon this he told me to take Karam Ilahi, and his sawars with me. We accordingly left, and accompanied'Bhagwan’s force three days. The next day in the evening when the troops marched I remained some kos in the rear with my sawars, and turned towards/Lahore. That May we marched to Uch Gul-Imam, 50 kos distant. \ When Mulraj sent for me he paentioned that letters had reached him, before our arrival, from a place named Buapur, 80 kos from Multan, from the Sikhs in the Lahore force, promising to desert from the Sardar, and to join the Diwan. He showed me the letters' which were written in Gurmukhi. He also showed me letters from the Maharani, and'^ mentioned that he had APPENDIX 0. written to the troops at Peshawar, Eazara, Lahore and Bannu, requesting them to join him. He desired Sardar Kahan Singh and me to subscribe our names, which we did for our own safety. The Diwan refused to listen to me when I said that I held no command, and that it would be of no use to attach my seal to the letters. The second day after the murder, the bodies of the British Officers were wrapped up in a silken khes, and buried in the grave by the Diwan’s orders. The next day an Akali removed the silk. The Diwan on hearing this, ordered his people to bury the bodies again decently. Mulraj directed the enclosure of the Idgah to be pulled down. When I left there was one regiment of Sikhs, commanded by Hardas Singh of Hoshiarpur. A great number of Belochis, Afghans and others are now collected. Mulraj’s companions are Pir Bakhsh ’ Adalti, Fateh Muhammad Khan, Mustafa Khan Khakwani, Sadik Muhammad Khan, Asad Khan, Beloeh of Sangur, Misar Kuljas, Harbhagwan, &c. Bam Rang will not suffer his wound to be dressed in the hope that he may get a pension for being wounded in the service of Government. XXVI

APPENDIX D. [This letter is quoted in Major Edwardes ' A year on the Punjab Frontier.'] “ Mooltan, 19th April 1848.

“ My dear Sir F rederick, “ You will be sorry to hear that as Anderson and I were coming out of the fort gate, after having received charge of the fort by Dewan Moolraj, we were attacked by a couple of soldiers, who, taking us unaware, succeeded in wounding us both pretty sharply. “ Anderson is worst off, poor fellow. He has a severe wound on the thigh, another on the shoulder, one on the back of the neck, and one in the face. “ I think it most necessary that a doctor should be sent down, though I hope not to need him myself. “ I have a ’Smart gash in the left shoulder, and another in the same arm. The whole Mooltan troops have mutinied, but we hope to get them round. They have turned our two companies out of the fort.

“ Yours in haste.

(Signed) " P. A. VANS AGNEW. ” l Postscript in pencil.

“ M y dear Sir ,

“ You have been ordered to send one regiment heie. Pray let it march instantly, or, if gone, hasten it to top-speed. If you can spare another, pray send it also. I am responsible for the measure. I am cut up a little, and on my back. Lieutenant AnderSon is much worse. He has five sword wounds. I have two in my left arm from warding sabre cuts, and a poke in the ribs with a spear. I don’t think Moolraj has anything to do with it. I was riding with him when we were attacked. He rode off, but is now said to be in the hands of the soldiery.

“ Khan Singh and his people all right.

“ Yours, in haste,

“ P. A. VANS AGNEW.

“ 19th, two p. m. '* To General Cortlandt, or Lieutenant Edwardes, Bannoo” XXVII

APPENDIX E. ' Manifesto issued by Kahan Singh*s troops. [This document is in Gurmukhi script, and bears the following endorse­ ment by Major Edwardes— “ Brought to my Camp from Mooltan on 26th April, 1848.” The English translation of the Manifesto will be found on page 150 of the Punjab Blue Book, 1847— 49, and is also reproduced by Major Edwardes on pages 106— 109 of his book “ A Year on the Punjab Frontier—Volume II. ” This translation may be taken as correct only as a free rendering, but it does not bring out the full sense of the original which conveys the im­ plication that the Khalsa troops were, probably, actuated by religious sentiments. In my translation given below I have endeavoured' to convey, as far as possible, the real sense of the words and expressions used in the original Punjabi.] After Visual invocation of God in the Sikh manner, the manifesto begins as under :— “ Written by Ishar Singh, Gulab Singh, Kuldip Singh and the whole of the Khalsa troops under Kahan Singh Man. Wah-i-Guru Ji Ki Fatoh to the whole Khalsa.

44 Khalsa Ji, the facts are as follows:— We marched from Lahore -ita.*ihe Farhangis and arrived at Multan on Tuesday, the 8 th of Bisakh (lHu April). Then on the following day, i.e., Wednesday, Diwan Mul Raj accompanied by the Farhangis and our troops went to the fort and made it over (to us). We placed two of our companies inside. One hundred men remained of those %who had been stationed there previously. The Diwan then left the fort with the Farhangis. '* And it chanced as follows :— * “ A oenaukart sepoy thrust a spear at one of the Farhangis. The Farhangi fell from his horse. The sepoy then wounded the other Farhangi twice with his sword. WTe afterwards went off, taking with us to our oamp the Farhangis and Sardar Kahan Singh while Mul Raj returned to his residence. Ram Rang advised the Diwan that they ought to go and see the Farhangis. “ At his advice Mul Raj imattended by any of his own troops proceeded alone, when a strange occurrence took place by the Guru’s will. “ The whole of tire Multan Sikhs, together with the Musalman soldiers, went in a body to the Diwan, and said : 4 We won’t let you go, ’ to which he replied that he must go.

44 A sepoy then drew his sword, and wounded Ram Rang three times. In the confusion which ensued Diwan Mul R aj’s horse reared and threw him.

44 The soldiers then carried him and Ram Rang off to their quarters, where they told him that it was the Guru’s order to expel the Farhangis •Literal translation would bo “ It was the Guru's will that it should so happen." f be nauhar is ono who is not in regolar servioe. xxviii DIWAN MUL BAJ. by force. The Diwan would not consent that day. On the following morning, by God’s will, the guns were fired. This we understood to mean that the Guru wished us to act so, as also such are the injunctions laid down in the writings of the Guru. Then we obeyed the will of the Guru and went over to join the Multani troops and killed the Farhangis.

“ Now we, in accordance with the Guru’s command, have written to all of you, our Khalsa brethren. Those of you who are true and sincere Sikhs will come to us here. You will receive pay and be received honourably in the Darbar of the Guru.

“ The Maharaja Dalip Singh will, by the Guru’s grace, be firmly estab­ lished in his kingdom ; and the cow and Brahmin will be protected and our religion will prosper.

“ All believing Sikhs, who trust in the Guru, will place confidence in our words, and, joining us, and be received by the Guru and for all his acts (of omission and commission) be pardoned by the Guru and his Five Pyaras.

“ Forward copies of this manifesto to all our Sikh brethren, and delay n o t; for those who spread this intelligence will meet with the approbation of the Guru. “ You know that all are mortal; whoever therefore, as becomes a sincerely believing Sikh, devotes his life to the service of the Guru, will obtain fame and reputation in this world and salvation in the next.

“ The Maharaja and his mother are in great sorrow and affliction. It is our duty to-day to engage ourselves in their cause, you will obtain their iavour and support. Khalsa J i! gird up your loins under the protection of the Guru, and Guru Govind Singh will preserve the honour (of the Panth). Make much of a few words.” 12th Bisakh 1905 (22nd April 1848).

Seals and signatures of Diwan's troops. S^als and signatures of officers of Lahore tinny.

Bhai SANT SINGH, Seal Bhai ISPfAB SINGH. SHAM SINGH. Seal BHAN SINGH. Baba SUMER GIR. KIRT7 SINGH. WARYAM SINGH. Seal KULDIP SINCH. (Not deciphered). Seal GULAB SINGH. SANT SINGH, Kumedan. SHOW ANA SINGH, Kumedan. DIDAR SINGH. DIDAR SINGH, Adjutant, HARDAS SINGH. AJAB SINGH, Riualdar. JAIMAL SINGH. TEK SINGH, Risaldar. Seal MUL RAJ. RAM SINGH, Jaroadar. Seal HAR BHAGWAN. KARAM IT, AH I BAKHSH. Seal (Not deciphered). Seal QUTB SHAH. XXIX

APPENDIX F. Diwan Mul Raj's letter to Major-General Whish.

(This document, together with the reply of Major-General Whish, I discovered after a considerable search. They seem to have got mixed up in the miscellaneous vernacular papers. I have, however, restored these to their proper place in Mul Raj’s Papers.

It is certified by Major Edwardes as a ‘ true copy. ’

The English translation of this letter will be found on page 552 of the Punjab Blue Book and is also reproduced by Major Edwardes on page 704, “ A year on the Punjab Frontier,” Volume II.*

My translation given below is almost the same except in slight verbal alterations here-and there.].

After long and elaborate compliments to the addressee the letter begins as under

44 You yesterday ordered me to come in, and surrender before nine a . m., bu t I was prevented by sickness from complying sooner. I am « now ready to come in, and for this purpose have sent my Vakil to arrange with you ; I desire only protection for my own life, and the honour of my women. The whole of this disturbance was set on foot only by my soldiers, and all my endeavours failed to quell it ; now, however, I surrender myself. I ask only for my own life, and the honour of!* my women. You are an ocean of mercy— I end with my respects.”

Note.— The letter apparently was intended to end heie. but is continued in the margin.

44 May your dignity and prosperity be ever on the rise. This whole affair was ordained by Providence,* and my own force did attempt to kill and insult me ; of my deliberate will I would never have done what I have; .nevertheless, I confess myself an offender in every way. If you grant me my life, and protection to my women, I surrender: otherwise—

44 4 It is better to die with honour than' to live with disgrace.’

“ You are a sea of compassion; if you forgive me, you very well can ; if you do not, I am resigned to my fate.” (21st. January 1849.)

•Blue Book and Major Edwardes—“ This whole affair originattd in accident.”

i /

XXX

APPENDIX G. [This document is written in Persian and contains the draft roles for regulating the attendance of visitors to the Court during the trial.]

(i) Une European (Sahib) and one Indian clerk (Munshi) shall be posted at the gate of the fort.

- (ii) Up to five hundred respectable persons shall be allowed to assemble near the gate and nermitted to proceed to the place of the trial.

(Hi) Should a Sardar or a Bais happen to arrive after the requisite number (500) has been admitted, he should not be disallowed.

(iv) Persons of the rank of .a Baja should be allowed to bring with them not more than two attendants and those of the rank of a Sardar not more than one attendant.

(r) No person with arms shall be admitted.

(vi) Harsarn Das shall inform the Chiefs and other big officers i>nat the trial of Mulraj will commence to-morrow and that their presence ^rould be d esired and expected.

(mi) Mr. Loring Bowring (Officer conducting the Prosecution) shall keep his witnesses near by and that after one witness has recorded his state­ ment and leaves the Court room another will take his place.'

(viii) Five or six men shall "te posted on duty to maintain order in'the ^ ou rt rnnm . xxxi

GLOSSARY OF INDIAN WORDS AND EXPRESSIONS. *Adalti— ^ ’Af— an officer of the Court of Justice. ' Am-Iihass— —name of the garden-house of Diwan Mul Raj where he had fled when Mr. Agnew was » attacked. The place was so-called be­ cause in the Mughal days, the Governors of Multan often used to hold public (‘ Am-Khass) receptions here, whereas private receptions were held in the fort. Barah-dari— i^l—an open hall, a summer-house with twelve doors. Baradan—^ —brotherhood. Bazaz— j |>j— a cloth merchant. Beldar— — a class of workmen employed in digging. Bharmar— ^ —a kind of long matchlocks, sometimes used as wall pieces or, supported on a light forked tri|-od attached to the stock, were used in the field, and in skilful hands were deadly weapons.

fthedwal— J )5 Sj*— a shepherd. Budki— (jf*;— gold ducats. Chaprasi— —a messenger, or other servant, so-called from his w earing a chapras (a sort of buckle or breast-plate). Charpai— bed stead . Chobdar— .a mace-bearer. Dajtri— /y h — one in charge of office records. Darbar— jVf y — court, hall of audience. In this book it signifies the Lahore Government. Dargah— »£ / — shrine. Dopatta— ji— a piece of linen in which there are two breadths. Fakir— —a mendioant. Farrash— — a servant whose business it is to spread the carpets. Ghat-— —ferry. Ghari— —a measure of time equal to 2/6tbs of an hour, Ghutanna— u y — tight-fitting trousers. Granth— —sacred book of the Sikhs. Golandaz — 3 1 **)^— a gunner. Howdah— — a litter used on an elephant. Hukka— Indian pipe in which tobacco is smoked. ’Idgdh— —a spacious building built in the middle of the 18th century. Mr. Agnew and Lt. Anderson were staying in this building. Jagvr— — and given by Government as a reward for, or in lieu o f, serv: Jagirdar— yfu—the holder of a jagir. x x x ii DIWAN MUL RAJ.

Jarrah— —a surgeon. Jazailchi— —a musketeer. Kachahri also Kutcherry— .,»/— a Court of Justice. Kalandari— ^**13— a kind of tent (having a fly to it). Kamarkot— ^ —it js part of a fortress, and is often used for the second line of defence. Kanat— o b i— the walls of a tent, a screen. Kantha— —a necklace. Kangna— a bracelet. Karah— sly— a 8ort 0f pudding. Kardar— ^ —a term used for a revenue officer during the Sikh regime. Khat—■ -&'♦*— -a bedstead. Khes— —a kind of cloth, a sheet or wrapper. KhiVat— —robe of honour. Kos— —a measure of distance varying between and 1| English miles in different parts of India. Kotwal—JI.j/—Chief police officer. Kumedan— —corr. of Fr. Commandant.

Kuran— ^ 1 — the sacred book of the Muslims. Lota— b^ — a brass pot. Mazhabi— —a low cafcte Sikh convert. Mullan— — a Muhammadan priest. Munshi— —a clerk, writer or a secretary. Nanakshahi— —standard currency of the Sikh Government. Naqdidar— ^ — one who gets a cash salary as distinguished from a jagirdar. Naqarchi— —one who beats a kettle-drum. Nazardna— * \ ^

Pao— jt. ; 1 pound weight.

Parwana— ' 3 ^— a written order or requi ition. Peshkar— ft —a subordinate officer attending on a high State official.

Patwari— — a revenue official in a village who keeps the account of the rent realised.

Purbiya— 3 — the term is applied to the residents of Hindustan p rop er. Jiazinama— 4

Bubakan—ls fa 3— proceeding (of a court). Tiubhsat— —leave. Sadh— —a Hindu devotee. Salam— r B----- a mode of salutation. Sarishtadar— —a clerk in imme'inte personal attendance of a&- officer (generally a judicial officer).

SarJcar—Jtj — Government.

Sarwama— * j, 1; ? — an offering intended to be given away as alius for the good of some one.

Satranji— —a sort of carpet with coloured stripes. Sawar— ) — lit. a rider, a horseman.

Sawari— 3 ------a term o f respect used for a high officia l’ s ridin g a horse, elephant or some other suitable conveyance Shivala— —a Hindu temple. Tahsildar— ^oJ**®.*— a collector of revenues of a district. Toshakhana— *+y — a place where furniture is kept, a wardrobe. Vakil— —an agent or representative.

Wilayati— ^ 1)3— the term is applied to those who are of the foreign country ; in this book it denotes the merchants from Central Asia. ! Zambura— »; — a small gun, a swivel. Ziyajat— —entertainment. XX XIV

BIBLIOGRAPHY.

(A) Manuscript Papers in the Becord Office, Lahore— (1) Vernacular file relating to the trial of Mul Baj.

(2 ) Vernacular papers relating to the Multan outbreak.

(8 ) Proceedings of the Judicial Department, 5th April 1849— 10th February 1853. (4) Civil and Military Becords oi the Sikh Government— arranged and catalogued by the present writer. (5) Ballads on the Multan outbreak.

1 ) Printed Books and Papers— (1) Trial of Mool Baj, Delhi Gazette Press— being the printed English proceedings of the trial. [The original English proceedings of the trial are missing from the Becord Office. This file, according to a note in a marking slip in the Becord Office, is marked to the Superintendent, Judicial Branch, March 1864. No further clue is traceable.] (2) Punjab Blue Book— being a collection of papers relating to the- Punjab, 1847— 49, and presented to both Houses of Parliament: in May 1849.

(8 ) Lahore Political Diaries— being selections from the Punjab Gov ernment Becords, 1846— 49, Volumes III—VI.

(4 ) Gazetteer of the Multan District by (Sir) E. D. Maclagan, Esq... C.S., Lahore, 1901-02. (5) Catalogue of the Khalsa.Darbar Becords, Volumes I and II; edited by the present writer.

(6 ) Indian News and Chronicle of Eastern Affairs, London, Novem­ ber 1848— April 1850. (7) A year on the P*unjab Frontier, 1848-49, 2 volumes, by Major Herbert B. Edwardes, London (M. D. CCCL1).

(8 ) Major-General Sir Herbert B. Edwardes by His wife, London. 1885. (9) Sir John Login and Dulcep Singh, by Lady Login, London, 1890

( 1 0 ) Life of Marquis of Dalhousie, by Sir William Lee-W amer, London 1904.

( 1 1 ) Private letters of the Marquess of Dalhousie, edited by J. G. A Baird, 1911. (12) The Punjab Chiefs, by Lepel H. Griffin, Lahore, 1865. (13) Life of Lord Lawrencd, by B. Bosworth Smith, London, 1885. XXXV

(14) Zafarnama-i-Ranjit Singh, edited by the present writer and published by the Punjab University, Lahore, 1928. (15) The Emperor Akbar, by Frederick Augustus Fount of Noer— translated by Beveridge, Thacker Spink & Co., Calcutta. 1890 (In the preface of the book, the author Count Noer gives us~an account of his interview with Diwan Mul Raj who was then a prisoner in the Fort St. William. It is an interesting pen- picture of the ex-Governor of Multan.^ Pages xxx— xxxiii. (16) Umdat-ul-Tawarikh, by Sohan Lai— Daftar Yth. This book ii a voluminous detailed record of day-to-day events at the Lahore Darbar. * «■

•i, \ \ ‘ivV ■ £

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Reprints of Outstanding Books on The History of Punjab

Prinscp, H : Origin ol the Sikhs Power in Pbnjab 2.10 W.L.M. Gregor : The History of the Sikhs Vol. I 4.30 „ „ • V o l.n 4.45 Alien : History of the Punjab. 4.2 Bingley : Sikhs 2.40 Lawrance, H.M.L. 'Adventures of an officer in the Punjab „ „ Vol I 4.00 „ „ Vol. II 3.7p Xhack well. Esq. : Narrative o f the Second War. 2.55 Evan Bell : Annexation o f the Punjab and Maharaja Duleep Singh. 1.65 Maharaja Ranjit Singh First Death Centenary Memorial Volume. 3.30 Henry, G.A. : Through the Sikh War. 5.q0 Lawrance, H .L. : Some Passages in the Life oi' an Adventurer in the Punjab. 3.60 Hugel, Charles Baron i Travels in Kashmir and Punjab.. 5.10 N.G. : Despatches and,General Orders announcing the victories achieved by Sutlej Aimv. 2.10 Khazan Singh • History of Sikh Religion. 3.85 Thorburn, S.S. : The Punjab in Peace and War. 4.95 Sir john : The Sikhs. 3.45 Princ.ep^: Ranjit Singh. 2.85 Garret and Chopra Events at the court o f Ranjit Singh. 2.70 Gough . The Sikhs and the Sikh Wars 4.25

Director, Languages Deportment Punjab,