Contempt by Publication and the First Amendment
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American Jurisprudence Between the Wars: Legal Realism and the Crisis of Democratic Theory Edward A
digitalcommons.nyls.edu Faculty Scholarship Articles & Chapters 1969 American Jurisprudence Between the Wars: Legal Realism and the Crisis of Democratic Theory Edward A. Purcell Jr. New York Law School, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.nyls.edu/fac_articles_chapters Part of the Jurisprudence Commons, and the Law and Psychology Commons Recommended Citation 75 American Historical Review 424 (1969) This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at DigitalCommons@NYLS. It has been accepted for inclusion in Articles & Chapters by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@NYLS. American Jurisprudence between the Wars: Legal Realism and the Crisis of Democratic Theory Author(s): Edward A. Purcell, Jr. Source: The American Historical Review, Vol. 75, No. 2 (Dec., 1969), pp. 424-446 Published by: Oxford University Press on behalf of the American Historical Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1849692 Accessed: 13-12-2017 11:33 UTC JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://about.jstor.org/terms Oxford University Press, American Historical Association are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The American Historical Review This content downloaded from 132.174.250.77 on Wed, 13 Dec 2017 11:33:39 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms American Jurisprudence between the VWars: Legal Realism and the Crisis of Democratic Theory EDWARD A. -
The Brandeis Gambit: the Making of America's "First Freedom," 1909-1931
William & Mary Law Review Volume 40 (1998-1999) Issue 2 Article 7 February 1999 The Brandeis Gambit: The Making of America's "First Freedom," 1909-1931 Bradley C. Bobertz Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmlr Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, and the First Amendment Commons Repository Citation Bradley C. Bobertz, The Brandeis Gambit: The Making of America's "First Freedom," 1909-1931, 40 Wm. & Mary L. Rev. 557 (1999), https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmlr/vol40/iss2/7 Copyright c 1999 by the authors. This article is brought to you by the William & Mary Law School Scholarship Repository. https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmlr THE BRANDEIS GAMBIT: THE MAKING OF AMERICA'S "FIRST FREEDOM," 1909-1931 BRADLEY C. BOBERTZ* TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION .................................. 557 I. FREE SPEECH AND SOCIAL CONFLICT: 1909-1917 ..... 566 II. WAR AND PROPAGANDA ......................... 576 III. JUSTICE HOLMES, NINETEEN NINETEEN ............ 587 IV. THE MAKING OF AMERICA'S "FIRST FREEDOM. ....... 607 A. Free Speech as Safety Valve ................ 609 B. Bolshevism, Fascism, and the Crisis of American Democracy ...................... 614 C. Reining in the Margins .................... 618 D. Free Speech and Propagandain the "Marketplace of Ideas"..................... 628 V. THE BRANDEIS GAMBIT ........................ 631 EPILOGUE: SAN DIEGO FREE SPEECH FIGHT REVISITED .... 649 INTRODUCTION A little after two o'clock on the sixth afternoon of 1941, Frank- lin Roosevelt stood at the clerk's desk of the U.S. House of Rep- resentatives waiting for the applause to end before delivering one of the most difficult State of the Union Addresses of his * Assistant Professor of Law, University of Nebraska College of Law. -
THE HISTORICAL SIGNIFICANCE of JUDGE LEARNED HAND: What Endures and Why?
digitalcommons.nyls.edu Faculty Scholarship Articles & Chapters 2018 The iH storical Significance of Judge Learned Hand: What Endures and Why Edward A. Purcell Jr. Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.nyls.edu/fac_articles_chapters Part of the Judges Commons, and the Legal History Commons THE HISTORICAL SIGNIFICANCE OF JUDGE LEARNED HAND: What Endures and Why? Edward A. Purcell, Jr.* The 100th anniversary of Judge Learned Hand's opinion in Masses Publishing Co. v. Patten' invites us to look back on its author's long career and to consider his contributions to American law and his significance in the nation's history. Spanning more than fifty years from the presidency of William Howard Taft to the presidency of John F. Kennedy, Hand's judicial career presents an exceptionally rich subject for such reflection. INTRODUCTION As Gerald Gunther's massive biography2 and Constance Jordan's edition of his letters3 make clear, Learned Hand's life merits scholarly attention for any number of reasons. An unusual personal psychology, friendships with major historical figures, social and political involvements, extensive law reform efforts, highly regarded essays and speeches, insightful and controversial ideas about democracy, and valuable contemporaneous commentaries on the people and events of his day all warrant general interest.4 In revealing ways Hand's life and activities track the course of the nation's history through the first half of the twentieth century. Richard Posner surely betrayed the narrowest of professional, and perhaps judicial, * Joseph Solomon Distinguished Professor, New York Law School. I thank the participants in this symposium for comments on a shorter oral presentation and my colleagues at the New York Law School Faculty Colloquium for comments on an earlier and much longer version of this paper. -
Civil Liberties Enforcement and the New Deal State
CIVIL LIBERTIES ENFORCEMENT AND THE NEW DEAL STATE Laura M. Weinrib In May 1937, just one month after the Supreme Court upheld the constitutionality of the National Labor Relations Act,1 the American Civil Liberties Union issued a report on the merits of judicial review. Its subject was only incidentally the Court’s persistent invalidation of New Deal economic legislation, which prompted President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s ill- fated Judicial Procedures Reform Bill. Instead, the ACLU’s report— prepared by Osmond Fraenkel, a member of the Board of Directors and the ACLU’s Supreme Court litigator—addressed the question “how far the Court has been a defender of civil liberties.” To that end, it evaluated the Court’s record in civil liberties cases since the nineteenth century.2 It concluded that the Court had “more often failed to protect the Bill of Rights than preserve it,” and that those decisions favorable to civil liberties involved “less important issues.” Still, the Court had begun to protect “personal rights” (a term encompassing privacy, bodily integrity, and expressive freedom) more vigilantly as a result of its “widening conception” of the due process clause.3 As Fraenkel reflected in comments to the ACLU Board, “so long as we believe in safeguarding the rights of minorities, the power of review is essential to protect these rights.”4 The report was poorly timed to influence debate. By May, the prospects for the president’s court-packing plan were dim, and the ACLU’s eleventh-hour contribution to the discussion garnered relatively little notice. 1 NLRB v. -
1923 Journal
; 1 SUPEBME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES. Present: The Chief Justice, Mr. Justice McKenna, Mr. Justice Holmes, Mr. Justice Van Devanter, Mr. Justice Brandeis, Mr. Justice McReynolds, Mr. Justice Sutherland, Mr. Justice Butler, and Mr. Justice Sanford. Claude Duty, of Rogers, Ark.; Adelbert H. Sweet, of San Diego, Calif.; Henry E. Bolt, of Wichita Falls, Tex.; Foster Wood, of D. ; Henry, of Washington, Washington, C. Conder C. D. C. ; Joseph D. Hern, of Pittsburgh, Pa.; Charles Whitney Babcock, of Mil- waukee, Wis.; Louis J. Cohen, of Newark, N. J.; W. Randolph Montgomery, of New York City; John M. Niven, of Milwaukee, Wis.; Percy H. Stewart, of New York City; Clyde C. Souders, of Wichita, Kans. ; Louis W. Bennett, of Berkeley, Calif. Perry Post ; Taylor, of St. Louis, Mo.; William C. Todd, of Cristobal, Canal Zone ; Walter A. Wade, of Chicago, 111. ; J. Henry Doyle, of Green- field, 111.; Albert M. Cristy, of Honolulu, Hawaii; Karl F. Griffith, of Dallas, Tex. ; E. Irving Smith, of Boston, Mass. ; Stokes V. Robert- son, of Jackson, Miss.; Elmer H. Groefsema, of Detroit, Mich.; Arthur W. Kilpatrick, of Detroit, Mich.; Andrew B. Dougherty, of Lansing, Mich.; William T. Sabine, jr., of Washington, D. C. Clayton D. Potter, of Jackson, Miss.; Alvah L. Sawyer, of Me- nominee, Mich.; Daniel Coleman, of Norfolk, Va. ; Louis Cohane, of Detroit, Mich.; and Stephen E. Hurley, of Chicago, 111., were admitted to practice. The Chief Justice announced that after entertaining motions for admission to the bar, and all other motions noticed for to-day, the court would adjourn in order that the members of the court might pay their respects to the President of the United States. -
Rossinow, %22Radicalization of the Social
Center for the Study of Religion and American Culture The Radicalization of the Social Gospel: Harry F. Ward and the Search for a New Social Order, 1898–1936 Author(s): Doug Rossinow , Reviewed work(s): Source: Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation, Vol. 15, No. 1 (Winter 2005), pp. 63-106 Published by: University of California Press on behalf of the Center for the Study of Religion and American Culture Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1525/rac.2005.15.1.63 . Accessed: 05/07/2012 11:06 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. University of California Press and Center for the Study of Religion and American Culture are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation. http://www.jstor.org The Radicalization of the Social Gospel: Harry F. Ward and the Search for a New Social Order, 1898–1936 Doug Rossinow Since the publication of Paul A. Carter’s The Decline and Re- vival of the Social Gospel (1954), many scholars have acknowledged the continuing existence of the social gospel. This movement to apply Christianity’s message of salvation to society as well as to the individ- ual in an urban, industrial age extends well past the World War I era. -
The Cases of Eugene Debs and Alexander Berkman Kathleen Kennedy
NORTH CAROLINA LAW REVIEW Volume 82 Number 5 Law, Loyalty, and Treason: How Can the Article 6 Law Regulate Loyalty Without Imperiling It? 6-1-2004 Manhood and Subversion during World War I: The Cases of Eugene Debs and Alexander Berkman Kathleen Kennedy Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.unc.edu/nclr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Kathleen Kennedy, Manhood and Subversion during World War I: The Cases of Eugene Debs and Alexander Berkman, 82 N.C. L. Rev. 1661 (2004). Available at: http://scholarship.law.unc.edu/nclr/vol82/iss5/6 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Carolina Law Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in North Carolina Law Review by an authorized administrator of Carolina Law Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. MANHOOD AND SUBVERSION DURING WORLD WAR I: THE CASES OF EUGENE DEBS AND ALEXANDER BERKMAN KATHLEEN KENNEDY* This Article re-examines the trials of Eugene Debs and Alexander Berkman during World War I in order to map how court officials, Debs, and Berkman deployed masculinity during their trials. This Article argues that this deployment of masculinity was fundamental to how prosecutors and judges understood the bad tendency of Debs and Berkman's anti-war remarks and the dangers those remarks posed to the public. It also explores how Debs and Berkman's constructions of masculinity critiqued patriotic manhood and the strengths and limitations of those critiquesfor anti-wardiscourses. INTROD U CTIO N ..................................................................................... 1662 I. H ISTORICAL CONTEXT ............................................................. 1663 A. -
American Civil Liberties Union Pamphlets, 1913-1937, (C2537)
C American Civil Liberties Union Pamphlets, 1913-1937 2537 1.6 linear feet This collection is available at The State Historical Society of Missouri. If you would like more information, please contact us at [email protected]. INTRODUCTION The papers contain printed pamphlets and reports on issues involving civil liberties, published by the American Civil Liberties Union and such related organizations as the Free Speech League and the League for Industrial Democracy. Also included is miscellaneous socialist and communist literature. DONOR INFORMATION The papers were transferred to the University of Missouri form the UMC Ellis Library on 28 March 1968 (Accession No. 3752). FOLDER LIST f. 1 "On Liberty of the Press for Advocating Resistance to Government Being Part of an Essay Written for the Encyclopedia Britannica, Sixth Edition, 1821." James Mill. Reprinted, with introduction by Theodore Schroeder, by the Free Speech League, New York, 1913. f. 2 "Some Aspects of the Constitutional Questions Involved in the Draft Act of May 18, 1917." New York and Washington, American Union Against Militarism. f. 3 "The War and the Intellectuals," Randolph Bourne. Reprinted from The Seven Arts (June 1917) by the American Union Against Militarism, New York. f. 4 "Constitutional Rights in War Time." New York, American Union Against Militarism, 1917. f. 5 "'Not Guilty!' Chicago, National Office of the Socialist Party, 1917. f. 6 "National Civil Liberties Bureau." New York, National Civil Liberties Bureau, November, 1917. f. 7 "Liberty in Wartime! The issue in the United States today in the light of England's experience." Alice Edgerton. Reprinted from the New York Evening Post (December 20, 1917). -
Civil Liberties Lawyering Between the World Wars
LCH0010.1177/1743872116641871Law, Culture and the HumanitiesWeinrib 641871research-article2016 LAW, CULTURE AND THE HUMANITIES Article Law, Culture and the Humanities 1 –34 From Left to Rights: Civil © The Author(s) 2016 Reprints and permissions: Liberties Lawyering Between sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/1743872116641871 the World Wars lch.sagepub.com Laura M. Weinrib University of Chicago Law School, USA Abstract In the formative years of the modern First Amendment, civil liberties lawyers struggled to justify their participation in a legal system they perceived as biased and broken. For decades, they charged, the courts had fiercely protected property rights even while they tolerated broad- based suppression of the “personal rights,” such as expressive freedom, through which peaceful challenges to industrial interests might have proceeded. This article focuses on three phases in the relationship between the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) and the courts in the period between the world wars: first, the ACLU’s attempt to promote worker mobilization by highlighting judicial hypocrisy; second, its effort to induce incremental legal reform by mobilizing public opinion; and third, its now-familiar reliance on the judiciary to insulate minority views against state intrusion and majoritarian abuses. By reconstructing these competing approaches, the article explores the trade-offs – some anticipated and some unintended – entailed by the ACLU’s mature approach. Keywords ACLU, civil liberties, First Amendment, social movements, cause lawyering, labor, courts, constitution, rights “The decisions of the courts have nothing to do with justice.”1 At the height of the New Deal, that was the pithy assessment of Morris Ernst, General Counsel to the American 1. -
World War I and the Civil Liberties Path Not Taken
University of Chicago Law School Chicago Unbound Journal Articles Faculty Scholarship 2016 Freedom of Conscience in War Time: World War I and the Civil Liberties Path Not Taken Laura Weinrib Follow this and additional works at: https://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/journal_articles Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Laura Weinrib, "Freedom of Conscience in War Time: World War I and the Civil Liberties Path Not Taken," 65 Emory Law Journal 1051 (2016). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at Chicago Unbound. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal Articles by an authorized administrator of Chicago Unbound. For more information, please contact [email protected]. FREEDOM OF CONSCIENCE IN WAR TIME: WORLD WAR I AND THE LIMITS OF CIVIL LIBERTIESt LauraM Weinrib* This Article examines the relationship between expressive freedom and freedom of conscience as the modern FirstAmendment took shape. It focuses on efforts by the American Union Against Militarism and National Civil Liberties Bureau-the organizational precursors to the ACLU to secure exemptions from military service for conscientious objectors whose opposition to American involvement in the First World War stemmed from socialist or radical labor convictions rather than religious scruples. Although such men asserted secular, ethical objections to war, advocates strainedto expand the First Amendment's Free Exercise Clause to encompass them. Concurrently, they sought to import a generalized theory of freedom of conscience into constitutionalconstructions offreedom of speech andpress, within and outside the courts. The conception of liberty of conscience that they advanced, which they linked to an "Anglo-Saxon tradition" of individual rights, clashed with progressive understandingsof democraticcitizenship andfailed to gain broad- based traction. -
The Century Club When Roger Nash Baldwin Was Finally Forced out As Executive Director of the ACLU, He No Longer Had the Luxury O
VOL 18 The Century Club When Roger Nash Baldwin was finally forced out as Executive Director of the ACLU, he no longer had the luxury of the ACLU paying his membership fees. He had to make those payments himself. However, there was a single membership that he secretly paid for years, apparently to hide it from the ACLU membership. He had secretly belonged to the Century Club in New York City for 27 years. This semi-secret group was a private club of media moguls and their invited friends, and it was widely believed to run the country. It finally admitted women in 1986. Rupert Murdoch is a member today. The Century Club was at the center of every conspiracy story imaginable. At least all the conspiracies not run by the Vatican, Jews, or Freemasons. Is it any wonder why Baldwin would hide this membership from the ACLU? It probably had the most regressive membership list in the United States. One cannot imagine Roger Nash Baldwin inviting his friend Emma Goldman for lunch. Her sex would rule her out. This was a boys club only. Unfortunately, Baldwin’s membership only serves to reinforce a consistent pattern of connections between extreme right wingers and extreme leftists to the detriment of the great American middle. The ‘politics make strange bedfellows’ cliché could not be more apropos. The Anglo elite were pro Lend-Lease. So was Stalin. J.P. Morgan was the chief financier for Mussolini. Lend-Lease would provide them a new customer; Stalin. Stalin could now afford buy arms from US munitions makers. -
World War I and the Limits of Civil Liberties
Emory Law Journal Volume 65 Issue 4 2016 Freedom of Conscience in War Time: World War I and the Limits of Civil Liberties Laura M. Weinrib Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.emory.edu/elj Recommended Citation Laura M. Weinrib, Freedom of Conscience in War Time: World War I and the Limits of Civil Liberties, 65 Emory L. J. 1051 (2016). Available at: https://scholarlycommons.law.emory.edu/elj/vol65/iss4/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Emory Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Emory Law Journal by an authorized editor of Emory Law Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. WEINRIB GALLEYSPROOFS2 4/18/2016 2:23 PM FREEDOM OF CONSCIENCE IN WAR TIME: WORLD WAR I † AND THE LIMITS OF CIVIL LIBERTIES ∗ Laura M. Weinrib This Article examines the relationship between expressive freedom and freedom of conscience as the modern First Amendment took shape. It focuses on efforts by the American Union Against Militarism and National Civil Liberties Bureau—the organizational precursors to the ACLU—to secure exemptions from military service for conscientious objectors whose opposition to American involvement in the First World War stemmed from socialist or radical labor convictions rather than religious scruples. Although such men asserted secular, ethical objections to war, advocates strained to expand the First Amendment’s Free Exercise Clause to encompass them. Concurrently, they sought to import a generalized theory of freedom of conscience into constitutional constructions of freedom of speech and press, within and outside the courts.