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Political Outcomes of the Slips of the Tongue of Japanese Ministers
『広島平和科学』24 (2002) pp. 197-221 ISSN0386-3565 Hiroshima Peace Science 24 (2002) Political Outcomes of the Slips of the Tongue of Japanese Ministers Noriyuki KAWANO International Radiation Information Center, Research Institute for Radiation Biology and Medicine, Hiroshima University Masatsugu MATSUO Institute for Peace Science, Hiroshima University SUMMARY “Slips of the tongue” of Japanese cabinet ministers have attracted the attention of scholars. But, focusing mainly on the backgrounds of these slips, the scholars have not paid sufficient attention to the outcomes. The present paper is an attempt at empirical identification of the political outcomes of such slips of the tongue. We distinguishs two levels of outcomes: the personal level and the government or party level. At the personal level, acknowledgment of individual responsibility is the most important of the outcomes. The ministers in question have to bear responsibility for their verbal missteps in one of three ways: resignation, apology or explanation. If they have to resign from the ministerial posts, they will never be appointed again to the post of a minister. Nevertheless, most of them will be successful in holding their seats in the Diet even - 197 - after the slips of the tongue. At the government or party level, there are three major outcomes, two or all of which frequently occur simultaneously. First, slips of the tongue may cause a split in the diplomatic relations of Japan with other countries. Secondly, they may threaten the stability of a coalition government. Thirdly, they may be used as a means of attack against the government or government party by the opposition parties. -
Racism, Sexism, and Foreign Investment
Michigan Journal of International Law Volume 13 Issue 1 1991 Unwelcome Imports: Racism, Sexism, and Foreign Investment William H. Lash III Saint Louis University School of Law Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjil Part of the Banking and Finance Law Commons, Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, Law and Gender Commons, and the Law and Race Commons Recommended Citation William H. Lash III, Unwelcome Imports: Racism, Sexism, and Foreign Investment, 13 MICH. J. INT'L L. 1 (1991). Available at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjil/vol13/iss1/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Michigan Journal of International Law at University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Michigan Journal of International Law by an authorized editor of University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. UNWELCOME IMPORTS: RACISM, SEXISM, AND FOREIGN INVESTMENT William H. Lash III* INTRODUCTION From the acquisition of Rockefeller Center's radio tower' to the purchase of the manicured greens of Pebble Beach golf course, 2 for- eign direct investment in the United States has captured the attention and imagination of the U.S. public and its elected officials. Many Americans do not welcome the current wave of foreign direct invest- ment,3 despite the stated pro-investment policy of the current adminis- tration4 and past U.S. policy.5 Responses to foreign direct investment have included legislative action to stop or limit foreign direct invest- ment 6 and an uproar of angry voices calling for protectionism. -
The Politics of the Futenma Base Issue in Okinawa: Relocation Negotiations in 1995-1997, 2005-2006
Asia-Pacific Policy Papers Series THE POLITICS OF THE FUTENMA BASE ISSUE IN OKINAWA: RELOCATION NEGOTIATIONS IN 1995-1997, 2005-2006 By William L. Brooks Johns Hopkins University The Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies tel. 202-663-5812 email: [email protected] The Edwin O. Reischauer Center for East Asian Studies Established in 1984, with the explicit support of the Reischauer family, the Edwin O. Reischauer Center for East Asian Studies at the Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS) actively supports the research and study of trans-Pacific and intra-Asian relations to advance mutual understanding between North-east Asia and the United States. The first Japanese-born and Japanese-speaking US Ambassador to Japan, Edwin O. Reischauer (serv. 1961–66) later served as the center’s Honorary Chair from its founding until 1990. His wife Haru Matsukata Reischauer followed as Honorary Chair from 1991 to 1998. They both exemplified the deep commitment that the Reischauer Center aspires to perpetuate in its scholarly and cultural activities today. Asia-Pacific Policy Papers Series THE POLITICS OF THE FUTENMA BASE ISSUE IN OKINAWA: RELOCATION NEGOTIATIONS IN 1995-1997, 2005-2006 By William L. Brooks William L. Brooks William L. Brooks, an adjunct professor for Japan Studies, has 15 years of experience as head at the Embassy Tokyo’s Office of Media Analysis and Translation unit spanning from 1993 until his retirement in September 2009. Dr. Brooks also served as a senior researcher at the State Department’s Bureau of Intelligence and Research and provided the Secretary of State and Washington with policy analysis on Japan (1983-1987, 1990-1993). -
August 20, 2012
August 20, 2012 Prepared: NGO Network for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (ERD Net) Submitted: The International Movement Against All Forms of Discrimination and Racism – Japan Committee – IMADR-JC To the CERD Secretariat: We are pleased to submit the report concerning the hate speech against minority communities in Japan hoping that this could contribute to the CERD thematic discussion on hate speech of August 30, 2012. The report covers the propaganda of hate speech and dissemination of derogatory messages against some minority communities in Japan, namely Buraku, Zainichi Koreans and migrants. The present report does not cover the other minority communities such as Ryukyu-Okinawans and the Ainu, but we believe that a similar manifestation would be demonstrated against them when they face the challenge of hate speech. When we discuss about the hate speech in Japan, it is nothing but only a problem under no control. The main reasons rest with the absence of criminal code that prohibits and sanctions racist hate speech. Unless a committed hate speech has some connections or implications to other crimes, there is no legal means that forces an immediate halt of such act. Hate speech could constitute an illegal act under the civil law and only when it is aimed at specific individuals. As indicated in several cases contained in this report, perpetrators of hate speech have been arrested, charged and convicted for the crimes of defamation, forgery of private documents, damage to property, and etc. that are not intended to sanction hate speech. Racially motivated acts are only sanctioned as petty crimes under the present law in Japan, thus, conviction of such acts is less effective in terms of prevention of crimes. -
Nbr Analysis
GREEN AND SAMUELS 1 ANALYSIS Volume 5, No. 4 RECALCULATING AUTONOMY: JAPAN’S CHOICES IN THE NEW WORLD ORDER Michael J. Green and Richard J. Samuels THE NATIONAL BUREAU OF ASIAN RESEARCH 2 NBR ANALYSIS © 1994 by The National Bureau of Asian Research. ISSN 1052-164X Printed in the United States of America. The National Bureau of Asian Research, a nonprofit, nonpartisan institution, conducts advanced policy research on contemporary and future issues concerning East Asia, Russia, and U.S. relations with the Asia-Pacific region. NBR does not advocate policy positions, but rather is dedicated to providing expert information and analysis for effective and far-sighted policy decisions. The NBR Analysis, which is published five times annually, offers timely reports on countries, events, and issues from recognized experts. The views expressed in these essays are those of the authors, and do not necessarily reflect the views of other NBR research associates or institutions that support NBR. This report may be reproduced for personal use. Otherwise, its articles may not be reproduced in full without the written permission of NBR. When information from this report is cited or quoted, please cite the author and The National Bureau of Asian Research. Funding for this publication was provided by the Henry M. Jackson Foundation. Publishing and production services by Laing Communications Inc., Redmond, Washington. NBR is a tax-exempt, nonprofit corporation under I.R.C. Sec. 501(c)(3), qualified to receive tax-exempt contributions. This is the nineteenth NBR Analysis. For further information about NBR, call or write: THE NATIONAL BUREAU OF ASIAN RESEARCH 715 SAFECO Plaza Seattle, WA 98185 (206) 632-7370 Fax (206) 632-7487 GREEN AND SAMUELS 3 FOREWORD Not since the Second World War has Japan faced a future fraught with so much uncertainty. -
Recalculating Autonomy: Japan's Choices in the New World Order
GREEN AND SAMUELS 1 ANALYSIS Volume 5, No. 4 RECALCULATING AUTONOMY: JAPAN’S CHOICES IN THE NEW WORLD ORDER Michael J. Green and Richard J. Samuels THE NATIONAL BUREAU OF ASIAN RESEARCH 2 NBR ANALYSIS © 1994 by The National Bureau of Asian Research. ISSN 1052-164X Printed in the United States of America. The National Bureau of Asian Research, a nonprofit, nonpartisan institution, conducts advanced policy research on contemporary and future issues concerning East Asia, Russia, and U.S. relations with the Asia-Pacific region. NBR does not advocate policy positions, but rather is dedicated to providing expert information and analysis for effective and far-sighted policy decisions. The NBR Analysis, which is published five times annually, offers timely reports on countries, events, and issues from recognized experts. The views expressed in these essays are those of the authors, and do not necessarily reflect the views of other NBR research associates or institutions that support NBR. This report may be reproduced for personal use. Otherwise, its articles may not be reproduced in full without the written permission of NBR. When information from this report is cited or quoted, please cite the author and The National Bureau of Asian Research. Funding for this publication was provided by the Henry M. Jackson Foundation. Publishing and production services by Laing Communications Inc., Redmond, Washington. NBR is a tax-exempt, nonprofit corporation under I.R.C. Sec. 501(c)(3), qualified to receive tax-exempt contributions. This is the nineteenth NBR Analysis. For further information about NBR, call or write: THE NATIONAL BUREAU OF ASIAN RESEARCH 715 SAFECO Plaza Seattle, WA 98185 (206) 632-7370 Fax (206) 632-7487 GREEN AND SAMUELS 3 FOREWORD Not since the Second World War has Japan faced a future fraught with so much uncertainty. -
ETD Template
THE RHETORIC OF THE FOREIGN WORKER PROBLEM IN CONTEMPORARY JAPAN by Junya Morooka Dokkyo University, B.A., 1996 Wake Forest University, M.A., 1998 Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of Arts and Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Pittsburgh 2006 UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH FACULTY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES This dissertation was presented by Junya Morooka It was defended on February 22, 2006 and approved by Peter Simonson, Ph.D., Department of Communication Akiko Hashimoto, Ph.D., Department of Sociology Gordon Mitchell, Ph.D., Department of Communication Lester Olson, Ph.D., Department of Communication Dissertation Director: Peter Simonson, Ph.D., Department of Communication ii Copyright © by Junya Morooka 2006 iii THE RHETORIC OF THE FOREIGN WORKER PROBLEM IN CONTEMPORARY JAPAN Junya Morooka, Ph.D. University of Pittsburgh, 2006 Abstract The dissertation conducts a rhetorical analysis of Japan’s foreign worker problem from the early 1980s to 2005. To this end, it provides three episodes in a two-decade case study in media representations of “illegal” foreign workers, specifically the emergence and the dominant framing of the foreign worker problem in the media and one organized resistance to the dominant framing of the problem. Chapter 2 provides an overview of Japan’s foreign worker problem to set contexts for rhetorical criticism in subsequent chapters. Specifically, it outlines Japan’s immigration policies, offers a historical account of its foreign worker problem, and supplies statistical data to document the recent trends and current status of labor migration in Japan. Chapter 3 explores the gendered nature of Japan’s foreign worker problem. -
The Domestic Context of the Alliances: the Politics of Tokyo
The Domestic Context of the Alliances: The Politics of Tokyo Akihiko Tanaka January 2000 1 2 About the Author Professor Akihiko Tanaka, of the Institute of Oriental Culture at Tokyo University, works on East Asian security issues, Japan’s foreign relations, and the international and Asian regional systems. His many publications include Anzen hosho (National Security), 1997; Atarashii chusei (The New Middle Ages), 1997; and Senso to kokusai shisutemu (Wars: The Interna- tional System), edited with Y. Yamamoto, 1992. 3 4 The Domestic Context of the Alliances: Tokyo Domestic Politics Akihiko Tanaka It is now almost a cliché to say that domestic politics and foreign policy are closely connected.1 Yet however trite this expression, nonetheless it is true. Japan’s international behavior and particularly its security policy cannot be fully understood without analyzing its domestic poli- tics. In post–World War II Japan, security policy has been the dominant theme of domestic politics and source of ideological divide.2 Once one starts to take domestic conditions into account, however, one is immediately reminded of the fact that no ready-made theories exist. Traditional decision-making “mod- els” such as Graham Allison’s “organization process” model or the “bureaucratic politics” model are limited to offering some useful concepts, categories, and heuristic hypotheses. The recently more popular “two-level games” approach remains in the same theoretical state; that is, it too is limited to offering useful concepts such as “win-sets” and some tentative hypoth- eses.3 This paper is informed by no path-breaking theoretical ideas. I would like to offer a fairly straightforward attempt to describe and, hopefully, explain the impact of Japan’s domestic politics on the alliance between Japan and the United States. -
How Did Politics Respond to the Occurrence and Collapse of The
Inquiry 11 Inquiry 11 Japan over the years. It is possible that not only time and assets, but also human Politics After the Collapse of the Bubble Economy resources and trust were lost. Another issue is that the Japanese economy and politics during these years were comparable to the essence of failure(3) which revealed the former Japanese forces’ organizational flaws. Not only was it common to avoid taking responsibility for decisions, but also to postpone important decisions. Similar to How Did Politics Respond To the organizational theory in the essence of failure before the war, the leading figures Occurrence and Collapse of the Bubble of financial institutions, the Ministry of Finance, and the government that were Economy? involved in making decisions during the collapse of the bubble economy were the best and the brightest,(4) just like those involved in the essence of failure and the Vietnam War. As they were considered elites according to their alma mater Yasunori Sone and career, one has to wonder what problem these elites could not deal with. In Political Scientist, Professor, Graduate School of Media and other words, from the perspective of the theory of decision making, why did they Governance, Keio University choose to postpone response (even if they did not do so consciously)? Also, from the perspective of epistemology, why did no one recognize the seriousness of the bubble economy’s collapse? 1. Problem Identification: The Essence of Failure and the Best and While these are issues common among individual companies and financial Brightest institutions, this chapter examines these issues on a political level. -
SHINZŌ ABE's CABINET (2018) Chaired by Kelvin Qian
SHINZŌ ABE'S CABINET (2018) Chaired by Kelvin Qian Session XXIII Shinzo Abe’s Cabinet (2018) Topic A: Japanese Foreign Policy in East Asia Topic B: Japan’s Demographic Crisis Committee Overview them, these demographic trends show no sign of stopping. “The 21st century is a complex and unforeseeable epoch. Our thinking habits and Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has our values, which until now looked settled, held his office since 2012, following a brief first term in 2006. His party, the are being challenged.” - Hayao Miyazaki1 The year is 2018, and Japan is Liberal Democratic Party, dominates facing the new year with both hope and Japanese politics, and he is on track to trepidation. On one hand, Japan will become Japan’s longest-serving Prime present itself as a powerful and dynamic Minister. However, a series of scandals nation during the 2020 Summer and controversies has caused his Olympics in Tokyo, with centuries of approval ratings to drop abruptly in culture and innovation to be proud of. recent years. In 2017, Abe called snap On the other hand, Japan's problems elections to seek a “fresh mandate” to present a much more sobering reality. confront the North Korean crisis, Japan's neighborhood has become campaigning on security and social much more volatile in recent years, with issues and leading his party to victory.2 3 a nuclear-armed North Korea and a Now, Abe has a new cabinet, rising China posing particular challenges featuring fresh faces, old allies and even to Japan's national security. Meanwhile, political rivals.4 It is this cabinet that Japan’s rapidly declining and aging must come together, make tough population has dragged down its decisions, and come up with smart and economy by straining the welfare system creative ways to address the issues Japan and leading to a shrinkage of the faces. -
Controlling the Prime Minister in Postwar Japan - How Principals Overcame the Collective Action Problem (Too Successfully)
Controlling the Prime Minister in Postwar Japan - How Principals Overcame the Collective Action Problem (too successfully) - Paper Prepared for the 63rd Political Studies Association Annual Conference @ City Hall Cardiff 26 March 2013 KENSUKE TAKAYASU (London School of Economics / Seikei University) DRAFT: PLEASE DO NOT CITE OR QUOTE WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE AUTHOR 1. The Puzzle: Has the Prime Minister Been Strong or Weak in Postwar Japan? A Weak and Reactive Prime Minister? The ‘weak’ and ‘reactive’ nature of the Japanese prime ministership has been well-documented in the literature1. Indeed, some observers have characterized the Japanese system as an ‘un-Westminster’ system, even though it has had similar formal settings to its British counterpart, a typical Westminster system. Aurelia George Mulgan (2003) argued; The [Japanese] system does not produce strong cabinet government with a prominent leadership role played by the prime minister, but a dual power structure of party-bureaucracy policy-making in which the prime minister and cabinet play a subordinate, rather than a superordinate role. … It is a system where the executive is left out of the loop. Others have categorized its premiership as a ‘reactive’ leadership. In one of the most thorough pioneer works on the Japanese prime ministership, Kenji Hayao (1993: 201) concluded; Thus the prime minister does not play a particularly activist role in the policy process: he participates in only a few issues at a time and is not a major actor in initiating change in policy or in determining its contents. The Japanese prime minister appears relatively weak and passive when compared to other heads of government. -
Tora No Maki III. Lessons for Teaching About Contemporary Japan. INSTITUTION National Council for the Social Studies, Washington, DC
DOCUMENT RESUME ED 429 023 SO 030 552 TITLE Tora no Maki III. Lessons for Teaching about Contemporary Japan. INSTITUTION National Council for the Social Studies, Washington, DC. ISBN ISBN-0-87986-077-4 PUB DATE 1998-00-00 NOTE 267p.; For the first two books, see ED 424 133 and ED 424 148. AVAILABLE FROM National Council for the Social Studies, P.O. Box 2067, Waldorf, MD 20604-2067; Tel: 800-683-0812 (Toll Free). PUB TYPE Collected Works - General (020) Guides - Classroom Teacher (052) EDRS PRICE MF01/PC11 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS Area Studies; Comparative Analysis; *Cultural Context; Curriculum Enrichment; Elementary Secondary Education; Foreign Countries; *Japanese Culture; Social Studies IDENTIFIERS Educational Information; Historical Background; *Japan; *Japanese Studies; Technology Integration ABSTRACT The elements of Japan, including history, geography, economics, civics, and cultural studies, are in this collection of original lesson plans. The lessons are meant to provide original content about Japan to augment and supplement an existing unit of study and evoke a spirit of inquiry and introspection. The 24 lessons are as follows: (1) "Family Traditions and Practices in Modern Japan" (Mirian Acosta-Sing); (2) "It's Part of Being Japanese" (Sue Baines); (3) "The Hiroshima Greeting Campaign" (Mariam Baradar); (4) "The Use of 'Mizuhiki'" (Kristi L. Berndt); (5) "Signs and Symbols of Peace" (Margaret Calder); (6) "Japanese and American Families: A Comparative Study" (Mary E. Connor); (7) "Child Development and Education: Whose Responsibility?"