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Special Committee on Apartheid Begins Work for 1972 Special Committee on Apartheid begins work for 1972 http://www.aluka.org/action/showMetadata?doi=10.5555/AL.SFF.DOCUMENT.nuun1971_02 Use of the Aluka digital library is subject to Aluka’s Terms and Conditions, available at http://www.aluka.org/page/about/termsConditions.jsp. By using Aluka, you agree that you have read and will abide by the Terms and Conditions. Among other things, the Terms and Conditions provide that the content in the Aluka digital library is only for personal, non-commercial use by authorized users of Aluka in connection with research, scholarship, and education. The content in the Aluka digital library is subject to copyright, with the exception of certain governmental works and very old materials that may be in the public domain under applicable law. Permission must be sought from Aluka and/or the applicable copyright holder in connection with any duplication or distribution of these materials where required by applicable law. Aluka is a not-for-profit initiative dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of materials about and from the developing world. For more information about Aluka, please see http://www.aluka.org Special Committee on Apartheid begins work for 1972 Alternative title Notes and Documents - United Nations Centre Against ApartheidNo. 1/71 Author/Creator United Nations Centre against Apartheid Contributor Farah, Abdulrahim Abby Publisher Department of Political and Security Council Affairs Date 1971-01-00 Resource type Reports Language English Subject Coverage (spatial) South Africa Coverage (temporal) 1971 Source Northwestern University Libraries Description Text of the statment by the Chairman of the Special Committee, H.E. Mr. Abdulrahim Abby Farah (Somalia). The Anglican Dean of Johannesburg - Latest Victim of the "Terrorism Act." Format extent 11 page(s) (length/size) http://www.aluka.org/action/showMetadata?doi=10.5555/AL.SFF.DOCUMENT.nuun1971_02 http://www.aluka.org UNIT ON APARTHEID UNIT ON APARTHEID DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL AND SECURITY COUNCIL AFFAIRS NOTES AND DOCUMENTS* January 1971 SPECIAI kNorfl-" rvity LKary APRP 2 ' 1/2 C'WITTPEE ON AP R.U D BEGINS WORK FJR 1971 TEXT OF STATEMENT BY THE CHAIRMAN OF THE SPECIAL COWMITTEE,-H.E. MR. ABDULRAHIM ABBY FARAH (SOMALTA), JANUARY 19, 1971 THE ANGLICAN DEAN OF JOHANNESBURG - LATEST VICTIM OF THE "TERRORISM ACT" No. 1/71 *All material in these notes and documents may be freely reprinted. Acknowledgement, together with a copy of the publication containing the reprint, would be appreciated. SPECIAL COMMITTEE ON APARTHEID BEGINS WORK FOR 1971 The Special Committee on A partheid. now with an expanded membership and broader terms of reference, met on 19 January 1971, and elected the following officers: Chairman: H.E. Abdulrahim Abby Farah (Somalia) Rapporteur: Mr. Uddhav Deo Bhatt (Nepal) Chairman of the Sub-Committee on Petitions: Mr. Ahmed Cucif (Algeria) Chairman of the Sub-Committee on Information on Apartheid: Mr. Yeop Adlan-Rose (Malaysia) (Election of vice-chairmen was deferred to a later meeting.) The Committee's membership was expanded in pursuance of a decision by the General Assembly at the last session. It now consists of: Algeria, Ghana, Guatemala, Guinea, Haiti, Hungary, India, Malaysia, Nepal, Nigeria, Philippines, Somalia, Sudan, Syria, Trinidad and Tobago and the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic. (It has not yet been possible to fill two more seats allocated to Western Europe.) The mandate of the Special Committee was revised by the General Assembly at its last session. The Committee has been requested "constantly to review all aspects of the policies of apartheid in South Africa and its international repercussions, including: "a. legislative, administrative and other racially discriminatory measures in South Africa and their effects; "b. repression of opponents of aprtheid; "c. efforts by the South African Government to extend its inhuman policies of apartheid beyond the borders of South Africa; and "d. ways and means of promoting concerted international action to secure the elimination of apartheid." - 2 - TEXT OF STATEMENT BY THE CHAIRMAN OF THE SPECIAL COMITTEE ON APARTHEID, H.E. Mr. Abdulrahim Abby Farah (Somalia), 19 January 1971 (The following is the text of a statement made by the Chairman of the Special Committee on his election.) Cn being elected to chair this Committee for the third successive year, I am conscious not only of the honour that you have accorded my country and myself, but also of the heavy responsibilities that are involved. My own contribution to the task thatilies ahead will be facilitated by the fact that my Government is totally committed to the struggle against prtheid. It does not entertain any illusions that the basic human rights and the political rights of the non-white population of South Africa will be secured by compromises in the stand taken by the United Nations in. its campaign against apartheid. That campaign has not been as successful as we would wish, for reasons which are familiar to you all. But my Government believes that it was never more necessary than at the present time to continue, with unabated vigour, the task of keeping the question of apartheid before the conscience of the world, of providing assistance to the oppressed, and continuing to search for ways and means of combating apartheid. The alternative is to abandon the oppressed majority in South Africa to their enslavement by the white minority. The months ahead will be important ones for this Committee. This is the International Year for Action to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination - a campaign in which the question of apartheid must necessarily figure largely. The seven resolutions on a arheid passed by the General Assembly during its twenty- fifth session make clear our goals and responsibilities. It is for us now to draw up an action programme which will enable us to realize them. The advocates of a dialogue with South Africa .mong other matters, we have to consider what we. must say to those who advocate a dialogue with South Africa, who maintain that the United Nations should persuade the racist regime there to change its policies through contact and not by ostracism and those who object to any form of coercive measures arguing that the United Nations should suit its actions to its capabilities. Cn my part I would submit that these are the rationalizations of those who profit from the current political order, and of those who are on the threshold of exploiting the South African market of human misery. The representatives of South Africa's main trading partners speak of United Nations' proposals for remedying the situation proposals carefully formulated and made within the provisions of the - 3 Charter - as if they themselves were free from the obligations imposed by the Charter. They speak as though they are unaware that the capacity of the United Nations and its aims and objectives are set by its Members. If some Members refuse to see the responsibilities of membership of the United Nations, it is for no other reason than narrow self-interest. On the question of dialogue - and this is very important - I should like to be shown one instance over the past 2C years where the white minority Government of South Africa has indicated that it was prepared to enter into discussion on its apartheid policies with anyone critical of them. Not even South Africa's main trading partners, despite their close association with the regime, have been able to persuade it to abandon its racist policies. Basis for a meaningful dialogue I believe that when we speak of dialogue, the most important consideration must be whether or not the possibility exists of a dialogue between the white minority and the black majority of South Africa. Without this, dialogue between the international community and South Africa is meaningless. In other words no dialogue on race relations within South Africa can have any practical meaning unless it is predicated on the truth that all men are entitled without discrimination to equal political, social and other human rights. The non-white people of South Africa have asked for a dialogue on this basis and the whites have rejected these just demands. Presence of black diplomats no breakthrough South Africa's so-called outward policy is sometimes cited as a sign of a thaw in her attitudes to race relations. But the handful of black diplomats who are now being welcomed in Pretoria are there for one reason alone: the mutual benefits of trade with South Africa and aid to their countries. In their official capacity they are able to enjoy some of the courtesies and decencies reserved for the "white baas", but what happens to their compatriots who wish to visit the country as ordinary travellers? They are either refused entry or, if allowed in, are given the same offensive treatment as that reserved for South Africa's non-white population. Those who claim that the presence of black diplomats is a breakthrough in South Africa's racial policies - are either deluding themselves or are deliberately trying to spread a smokescreen over the realities of the situation. The example of the United States My delegation believes that in dealing with artheid we can profit from other examples of entrenched racial discrimination. Those who say that dialogue can be effective in ending racism in South Africa should take into account the experience of the United States. Although the United States constitution accepts as basic tenets the equality of man and the equal rights of citizens, for many decades after the abolition of slavery the Federal Government was unable to persuade a large proportion of the people to abandon an oppressive and inhuman racism. It was only when Civil Rights legislation began to be introduced and enforced initially by coercive measures that meaningful progress was made.
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