Lesson 1 - Introduction to the Arab World
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Rediscovering the Arab Dimension of Middle East Regional Politics
Review of International Studies page 1 of 22 2011 British International Studies Association doi:10.1017/S0260210511000283 The New Arab Cold War: rediscovering the Arab dimension of Middle East regional politics MORTEN VALBJØRN AND ANDRÉ BANK* Abstract. This article provides a conceptual lens for and a thick interpretation of the emergent regional constellation in the Middle East in the first decade of the 21st century. It starts out by challenging two prevalent claims about regional politics in the context of the 2006 Lebanon and 2008–09 Gaza Wars: Firstly, that regional politics is marked by a fundamental break from the ‘old Middle East’ and secondly, that it has become ‘post-Arab’ in the sense that Arab politics has ceased being distinctly Arab. Against this background, the article develops the understanding of a New Arab Cold War which accentuates the still important, but widely neglected Arab dimension in regional politics. By rediscovering the Arab Cold War of the 1950–60s and by drawing attention to the transformation of Arab nationalism and the importance of new trans-Arab media, the New Arab Cold War perspective aims at supplementing rather that supplanting the prominent moderate-radical, sectarian and Realist-Westphalian narratives. By highlighting dimensions of both continuity and change it does moreover provide some critical nuances to the frequent claims about the ‘newness’ of the ‘New Middle East’. In addition to this more Middle East-specific contribution, the article carries lessons for a number of more general debates in International Relations theory concerning the importance of (Arab-Islamist) non-state actors and competing identities in regional politics as well as the interplay between different forms of sovereignty. -
The Question of 'Race' in the Pre-Colonial Southern Sahara
The Question of ‘Race’ in the Pre-colonial Southern Sahara BRUCE S. HALL One of the principle issues that divide people in the southern margins of the Sahara Desert is the issue of ‘race.’ Each of the countries that share this region, from Mauritania to Sudan, has experienced civil violence with racial overtones since achieving independence from colonial rule in the 1950s and 1960s. Today’s crisis in Western Sudan is only the latest example. However, very little academic attention has been paid to the issue of ‘race’ in the region, in large part because southern Saharan racial discourses do not correspond directly to the idea of ‘race’ in the West. For the outsider, local racial distinctions are often difficult to discern because somatic difference is not the only, and certainly not the most important, basis for racial identities. In this article, I focus on the development of pre-colonial ideas about ‘race’ in the Hodh, Azawad, and Niger Bend, which today are in Northern Mali and Western Mauritania. The article examines the evolving relationship between North and West Africans along this Sahelian borderland using the writings of Arab travellers, local chroniclers, as well as several specific documents that address the issue of the legitimacy of enslavement of different West African groups. Using primarily the Arabic writings of the Kunta, a politically ascendant Arab group in the area, the paper explores the extent to which discourses of ‘race’ served growing nomadic power. My argument is that during the nineteenth century, honorable lineages and genealogies came to play an increasingly important role as ideological buttresses to struggles for power amongst nomadic groups and in legitimising domination over sedentary communities. -
Arabs at the Crossroads: Political Identity and Nationalism
Book Review of Hilal Khashan's Arabs at the Crossroads: Political Identity and Nationalism (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2000), The Arab World Geographer/Le Géographe du monde arabe 3(2):141-147, 2000. In the book Arabs at the Crossroads, Hilal Khashan, an associate professor of political science at the American University of Beirut, provides a vivid description of Arab political performance since the decline of the Ottoman Empire in the nineteenth century and the subsequent formal abrogation of the Islamic Caliphate in 1924 amidst rising European colonialism and Zionism. The book is small (149 pages of text) but concise and well written. Despite raising some very controversial issues, Khashan has combined the coolness of scholarship with intellectual rigor and political concern. His dispassionate perspective is refreshing and makes the book unapologetically independent and provocative. The book consists of nine chapters mostly focused on Arab political experience during the twentieth century. Chapter 1 examines the roots of the identity crisis in the Arab world, especially the ways in which “nineteenth-century reformers disturbed the Arab mind by sowing distrust in the Ottoman empire, without securing a tenable ideological alternative to that religious state and to Islam which it embodied” (page 1). Chapter 2 discusses the birth and the universalization of the European nation-state model of secular nationalism and its many incomplete versions in non-Western cultures, particularly in Muslim countries where “the clash between ethnocentrism and religion seems to resolve itself to the detriment of the former, without the latter emerging as a clear victor” (page 24). While this is a brilliant description of how modern Arab identity seems to swing constantly from Arab nationalism to Islamic identity and back, it stops short of an in-depth theoretical analysis of what constitutes the essence of identity in the Arab world. -
Common Misconceptions and Stereotypes About the Middle East
Common Misconceptions and Stereotypes about the Middle East The Middle East does not have clear-cut boundaries. There are cross-cultural connections that stretch from North Africa through Western Asia into Central Asia. The most basic map of the Middle The Middle East is a clearly defined East includes Bahrain, Cyprus, Egypt, Iran, Iraq, Israel, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Oman, the Palestinian Territories, Qatar, Saudi place. Arabia, Syria, Turkey, the United Arab Emirates, and Yemen. People in the Middle East live as nomads. Very few people in the Middle East live as nomads. The Middle East is quite urbanized and has some of the oldest cities in the world. There is nothing but desert and oil in 60% of the region’s population lives in major cities such as the Middle East. Damascus, Istanbul and Cairo. Ancient Middle Eastern kingdoms such as Sumer, Babylon and Egypt were all cradles for western The Middle East and the Islamic World civilization. are the same. Everyone in the Middle East speaks There is more than desert and oil in the Middle East. The geography of the Middle East is diverse and includes everything from fertile Arabic. river deltas and forests, to mountain ranges and arid plateaus. Some Everyone in the Middle East is Muslim. countries in the Middle East are oil rich, while others have little or no All Arabs are Muslim. oil reserves. Violence in the Middle East is The Middle East and the Islamic World are not the same. While inevitable. Islam first developed in the Arabian Peninsula and Arabic is its Everyone in the Middle East hates the liturgical language, the majority of the world’s Muslims are not Arab and live outside the Middle East. -
“The Sorrows of Egypt,” Revisited in Knowledge He Sought Years Idol Masses
A HOOVER INSTITUTION ESSAY on A us strateGIC vision in A CHANGING WORLD “The Sorrows of Egypt,” Revisited SAMUEL TADROS The sorrow of Egypt is made of entirely different material: the steady decline of its public life, the inability of an autocratic regime and of the middle class from which this regime issues to rid the country of its dependence on foreign handouts, to transmit to the vast underclass the skills needed for the economic competition of nations; to take the country beyond its endless alternations between glory and self-pity. (Fouad Ajami, “The Sorrows of Egypt”) In his authoritative 1995 essay “The Sorrows of Egypt,”1 Fouad Ajami, with the knowledge and experience of someone who had known Egypt intimately, and the spirit and pen of a poet who had come to love the place, attempted to delve deeply into what ailed the ancient land. The essay moved masterfully from the political to the social and Islamism and the International Order International the and Islamism from the religious to the economic, weaving an exquisite tapestry of a land of sorrows. This was not the first time that Ajami had approached Egypt. The country his generation had grown up knowing was the Egypt of promise and excitement, where Gamal Abdel Nasser’s towering presence and deep voice had captivated millions of Arabic speakers. Ajami had been one of those young men. He had made the pilgrimage to Damascus, watching and cheering as Nasser made his triumphant entry into the city in 1958, crowned as the idol of the Arabs by adoring masses. -
Egypt in Transition the Third Republic
Egypt in Transition The Third Republic BY M. CHERIF BASSIOUNI n January 25, 2011, the Egyptian people took to the streets and in 18 days were able to bring down the 30-year corrupt dictatorial regime of Hosni Mubarak, using entirely Opeaceful means. That revolution set the Arab Republic of Egypt on a hopeful path to democracy. After Mubarak resigned, the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) became the custodian of the transition. In June of 2012, in Egypt’s first free and fair presidential election, Muslim Brotherhood candidate Mohammed Morsi was elected President. Slightly more than 50 percent of registered voters actually voted, and those voters gave Morsi a majority of just less than 52 percent. Having won by this slim margin, Morsi was sworn in as President on June 30, 2012, and thus the Second Republic came to be.1 He was removed by the military on July 3, 2013 and a temporary President, Adly Mansour, was appointed on July 4, 2013. Thus began the Third Republic. The Second Republic Five months later, Morsi declared his decisions beyond judicial review, and thus his authority unchallengeable. In December, 2012, he pushed a pro-Islamist constitution through a popular referendum; it passed but with less than 30 percent of the popular vote. There was no constitu- tional way to recall, impeach, or remove Morsi. The path to democracy was taking a turn towards theocratic autocracy. The serving People’s Assembly (Majliss al-Sha‘ab) had been elected under a law later declared unconstitutional. Over 60 percent of the members of the new parliament were Muslim Brotherhood (MB) and Salafists. -
The Rise of Arabism in Syria Author(S): C
The Rise of Arabism in Syria Author(s): C. Ernest Dawn Source: Middle East Journal, Vol. 16, No. 2 (Spring, 1962), pp. 145-168 Published by: Middle East Institute Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4323468 Accessed: 27/08/2009 15:10 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=mei. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit organization founded in 1995 to build trusted digital archives for scholarship. We work with the scholarly community to preserve their work and the materials they rely upon, and to build a common research platform that promotes the discovery and use of these resources. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Middle East Institute is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Middle East Journal. http://www.jstor.org THE RISE OF ARABISMIN SYRIA C. Ernest Dawn JN the earlyyears of the twentiethcentury, two ideologiescompeted for the loyalties of the Arab inhabitantsof the Ottomanterritories which lay to the east of Suez. -
Hofstra University Model United Nations Conference 2021
Hofstra University Model United Nations Conference 2021 Future Crisis Committee Maheen Safian, Chair Sameer Mamun, Crisis Director 1 Hey, delegates! My name is Maheen Safian, and I am the future crisis chair for HUMUNC 2021! Currently, I'm a sophomore double-majoring in political science and global studies. In addition to being the vice president of Hofstra Model UN, I've been a strategy article writer for the Model UN training website allamericanmun.com for the past several years. Previously, I assisted in SPECPOL as a dais during HUMUNC 2020, and attended the Columbia College Model UN Conference during my first semester at Hofstra. My experience in MUN is extensive, ranging from my sophomore year of high school until now! Undeniably, it has made me grow incredibly as a student and leader. In addition to MUN, I'm involved as the Hofstra Campus Organizer for Peace Action, an organization furthering pro- peace foreign policy through lobbying and political organization. Outside of campus, I'm the ECOSOC intern for the Pakistan Permanent Mission to the United Nations, where I research sustainable development initiatives in developing nations. I'm excited to see all of you soon, and the solutions you may bring! Sincerely, Maheen Safian Future Crisis Chair HUMUNC 2021 2 Greetings honorable delegates! My name is Sameer Mamun, but you may all soon know me as your Future Crisis Committee Director during this Hofstra Model United Nations Conference! Currently, it is my second year here at Hofstra and I am a Business Management major. In terms of MUN experience, I have plenty at both the high school and collegiate level. -
Pan-Arabism and the United Arab Republic by Michael Habib
Pan-Arabism and the United Arab Republic by Michael Habib A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of The Wilkes Honors College in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Bachelor of Arts in Liberal Arts and Sciences with a Concentration in History Wilkes Honors College of Florida Atlantic University Jupiter, Florida May 2016 Pan-Arabism and the United Arab Republic By Michael Habib This thesis was prepared under the direction of the candidate’s thesis advisor, Dr. Christopher Ely, and has been approved by the members of his supervisory committee. It was submitted to the faculty of The Honors College and was accepted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Arts in Liberal Arts and Sciences. SUPERVISORY COMMITTEE: ___________________________ Dr. Christopher Ely ____________________________ Dr. Douglas McGetchin ______________________________ Dean Jeffrey Buller, Wilkes Honors College ____________ Date i ABSTRACT Author: Michael Habib Title: Pan-Arabism and the United Arab Republic Institution: Wilkes Honors College of Florida Atlantic University Thesis Advisor: Dr. Christopher Ely Degree: Bachelor of Arts in Liberal Arts and Sciences Concentration: History Year: 2016 This thesis seeks to analyze Pan-Arabism through the lens of the United Arab Republic. I argue that even though the UAR faced many internal issues, it ultimately failed due to external pressures. I argue this to provide a new perspective on the Middle East and the Arab world, by showing how it came to be as it is. I organize my thesis into four chapters: I. Introduction: Arab Unity and its Limits, II. The Marriage of Syria and Egypt, III. -
The United Arab Republic Today, Part I: the Liberation of Egypt
NORTHEAST AFRICA SERIES Vol. VII No. 1 (United Arab Republic) American Unive THE UNITED ARAB REPUBLIC TODAY Part I: The Liberation of Egypt by Charles F. Gallagher Cairo January 8, 1960 This publication is one of a continuing series on current developments in world The transition from the rugged coast of the affairs ~~rittenby associates of the Ameri- Levant across a choppy winter sea to the shores of can Universities Field Staff. It is distribu- Egypt is abrupt and the change of scene total. By ted by the AUFS as a useful addition to the plane it is scarcely more than an hour after leav- American fund of information on foreign ing Beirut before the first sighting is made of the affairs. long sandbanks which divide the waves of the Medi- AUFS associates have been chosen for terranean from the still waters of the countless their skill in collecting, reporting, and inland lagoons into which a weary, muddy Nile has evaluating data. Each has combined long emptied itself at the end of its long odyssey from personal observation and experience in his tropical Africa. foreign area with advanced studies relating to it. The thin, gray sliver stretching out on the CHA~~LESE'. GALLAGHER, the author of left is Suez, still the alimentary canal of an oil- this report, is based in Tangier and makes dependent world. Directly below is a checkerboard occ,~sionalvisits to the Middle East to write landscape of green fertility and mud-brown vil- about affairs of the Arab world. Upon com- lages, floating like lotus flowers in a giant pond pleting a five-year program of Islamic whose triangular shape can just be made out- -the studies, Mr. -
Mediation and Conflict Resolution in the Arab World: the Role of the Arab League
In: IFSH (ed.), OSCE Yearbook 2013, Baden-Baden 2014, pp. 299-310. Hesham Youssef Mediation and Conflict Resolution in the Arab World: The Role of the Arab League The Middle East has more than its fair share of global problems. In fact, the region sometimes seems to almost have a monopoly on major con- flicts, many of which have implications that go far beyond the region’s borders. Looking at the map of conflicts and crises in the Middle East can therefore be quite a frustrating experience. During the past three decades or so, the Arab World has suffered from two wars against Iraq (1991 and 2003), two wars against Gaza (2008- 2009 and 2012), two wars against Lebanon (1982 and 2006), prolonged intermittent political turmoil in Yemen, a civil war that led to the seces- sion of South Sudan in 2011, another civil war that started in 1991 and led to the failure of the state in Somalia, and a military coup in Mauritania (August 2008). Numerous countries in the region are currently facing daunting challenges of transition hopefully towards democracy and the rule of law. This started with the revolution in Tunisia (December 2010), then the Egyptian revolution (January 2011), which was followed by dramatic developments in Libya, Yemen, and Syria, with changes affect- ing the region and beyond. The objective of this article is to examine the role played by the Arab League in attempting to resolve or mediate a number of conflicts in the Arab world through addressing the following elements: - The legal provisions of the Arab League pertaining to mediation - The acceptance of a mediator by the parties concerned - How the Arab League has dealt with the perception of being biased - Addressing the wrong framing of a conflict - The time factor - Reaching and accepting compromises that conflict with the principles of the Arab League - The role of external powers - Reform of the Arab League and conflict resolution. -
Read Middle East Brief 140 (Pdf)
Crown Family Director Professor of the Practice in Politics Gary Samore Director for Research Charles (Corky) Goodman Professor The Great Thaw in Arab Domestic Politics of Middle East History Naghmeh Sohrabi David Siddhartha Patel Associate Director Kristina Cherniahivsky Associate Director for Research t has been a tumultuous decade in the Middle East since David Siddhartha Patel Ithe beginning of the Arab uprisings in 2010–2011. Bouts Myra and Robert Kraft Professor of Arab Politics of popular mobilization recur and echo across borders. Six Eva Bellin long-standing Arab rulers have fallen. Civil wars erupted Founding Director and continue in Libya, Syria, and Yemen. Regional and global Professor of Politics Shai Feldman powers jockey for influence, and, throughout the region, Henry J. Leir Professor of the states interfere in one another’s internal affairs. All this is Economics of the Middle East typically described as part of a regionwide revolutionary Nader Habibi hangover—the “post–Arab Spring period”—that will Renée and Lester Crown Professor of Modern Middle East Studies inevitably subside as the dust settles. Pascal Menoret This Brief argues that, on the contrary, the unrest of the past decade seems like Founding Senior Fellows Abdel Monem Said Aly an aberration only because, in several important ways, domestic political life Khalil Shikaki in Arab states was frozen from the late 1970s until the 2000s. It is that period Goldman Faculty Leave Fellow of authoritarian stability—when Arab leaders almost never fell—that was the Andrew March real anomaly. Before a huge increase in oil rents from 1973 to 1986 dramatically strengthened states and regimes, the domestic politics of the Arab Middle East Harold Grinspoon Junior Research Fellow Alex Boodrookas were just as tumultuous as they have been since 2011.