Thoreau's Civil Disobedience: a Reassessment
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Black Anarchism, Pedro Riberio
TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. Introduction.....................................................................................................................2 2. The Principles of Anarchism, Lucy Parsons....................................................................3 3. Anarchism and the Black Revolution, Lorenzo Komboa’Ervin......................................10 4. Beyond Nationalism, But not Without it, Ashanti Alston...............................................72 5. Anarchy Can’t Fight Alone, Kuwasi Balagoon...............................................................76 6. Anarchism’s Future in Africa, Sam Mbah......................................................................80 7. Domingo Passos: The Brazilian Bakunin.......................................................................86 8. Where Do We Go From Here, Michael Kimble..............................................................89 9. Senzala or Quilombo: Reflections on APOC and the fate of Black Anarchism, Pedro Riberio...........................................................................................................................91 10. Interview: Afro-Colombian Anarchist David López Rodríguez, Lisa Manzanilla & Bran- don King........................................................................................................................96 11. 1996: Ballot or the Bullet: The Strengths and Weaknesses of the Electoral Process in the U.S. and its relation to Black political power today, Greg Jackson......................100 12. The Incomprehensible -
Radical Pacifism, Civil Rights, and the Journey of Reconciliation
09-Mollin 12/2/03 3:26 PM Page 113 The Limits of Egalitarianism: Radical Pacifism, Civil Rights, and the Journey of Reconciliation Marian Mollin In April 1947, a group of young men posed for a photograph outside of civil rights attorney Spottswood Robinson’s office in Richmond, Virginia. Dressed in suits and ties, their arms held overcoats and overnight bags while their faces carried an air of eager anticipation. They seemed, from the camera’s perspective, ready to embark on an exciting adventure. Certainly, in a nation still divided by race, this visibly interracial group of black and white men would have caused people to stop and take notice. But it was the less visible motivations behind this trip that most notably set these men apart. All of the group’s key organizers and most of its members came from the emerging radical pacifist movement. Opposed to violence in all forms, many had spent much of World War II behind prison walls as conscientious objectors and resisters to war. Committed to social justice, they saw the struggle for peace and the fight for racial equality as inextricably linked. Ardent egalitarians, they tried to live according to what they called the brotherhood principle of equality and mutual respect. As pacifists and as militant activists, they believed that nonviolent action offered the best hope for achieving fundamental social change. Now, in the wake of the Second World War, these men were prepared to embark on a new political jour- ney and to become, as they inscribed in the scrapbook that chronicled their traveling adventures, “courageous” makers of history.1 Radical History Review Issue 88 (winter 2004): 113–38 Copyright 2004 by MARHO: The Radical Historians’ Organization, Inc. -
Selected Chronology of Political Protests and Events in Lawrence
SELECTED CHRONOLOGY OF POLITICAL PROTESTS AND EVENTS IN LAWRENCE 1960-1973 By Clark H. Coan January 1, 2001 LAV1tRE ~\JCE~ ~')lJ~3lj(~ ~~JGR§~~Frlt 707 Vf~ f·1~J1()NT .STFie~:T LA1JVi~f:NCE! i(At.. lSAG GG044 INTRODUCTION Civil Rights & Black Power Movements. Lawrence, the Free State or anti-slavery capital of Kansas during Bleeding Kansas, was dubbed the "Cradle of Liberty" by Abraham Lincoln. Partly due to this reputation, a vibrant Black community developed in the town in the years following the Civil War. White Lawrencians were fairly tolerant of Black people during this period, though three Black men were lynched from the Kaw River Bridge in 1882 during an economic depression in Lawrence. When the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in 1894 that "separate but equal" was constitutional, racial attitudes hardened. Gradually Jim Crow segregation was instituted in the former bastion of freedom with many facilities becoming segregated around the time Black Poet Laureate Langston Hughes lived in the dty-asa child. Then in the 1920s a Ku Klux Klan rally with a burning cross was attended by 2,000 hooded participants near Centennial Park. Racial discrimination subsequently became rampant and segregation solidified. Change was in the air after World "vV ar II. The Lawrence League for the Practice of Democracy (LLPD) formed in 1945 and was in the vanguard of Post-war efforts to end racial segregation and discrimination. This was a bi-racial group composed of many KU faculty and Lawrence residents. A chapter of Congress on Racial Equality (CORE) formed in Lawrence in 1947 and on April 15 of the following year, 25 members held a sit-in at Brick's Cafe to force it to serve everyone equally. -
Ch 4, Launching the Peace Movement, and Skim Through Ch
-----------------~-----~------- ---- TkE u. s. CENT'R.A.L A.MERIC.A. PE.A.CE MOVEMENT' CHRISTIAN SMITH The University of Chicago Press Chicago and London List of Tables and Figures ix Acknowledgments xi Acronyms xiii Introduction xv portone Setting the Context 1. THE SOURCES OF CENTRAL AMERICAN UNREST 3 :Z. UNITED STATES INTERVENTION 18 J. Low-INTENSITY WARFARE 33 porttwo The Movement Emerges -'. LAUNCHING THE PEACE MOVEMENT 5 9 5. GRASPING THE BIG PICTURE 87 '. THE SOCIAL STRUCTURE OF MORAL OUTRAGE 13 3 '1'. THE INDIVIDUAL ACTIVISTS 169 porlthreeMaintaining the Struggle 8, NEGOTIATING STRATEGIES AND COLLECTIVE IDENTITY 211 1'. FIGHTING BATTLES OF PUBLIC DISCOURSE 231 1 O. FACING HARASSMENT AND REPRESSION 280 11. PROBLEMS FOR PROTESTERS CLOSER TO HOME 325 1%. THE MOVEMENT'S DEMISE 348 portfour Assessing the Movement 1J. WHAT DID THE MOVEMENT ACHIEVE? 365 1-'. LESSONS FOR SOCIAL-MOVEMENT THEORY 378 ii CONTENTS Appendix: The Distribution and Activities of Central America Peace Movement Organizations 387 Notes 393 Bibliography 419 ,igures Index 453 Illustrations follow page 208. lobles 1.1 Per Capita Basic Food Cropland (Hectares) 10 1.2 Malnutrition in Central America 10 7.1 Comparison of Central America Peace Activists and All Adult Ameri cans, 1985 171 7.2 Occupational Ratio of Central America Peace Movement Activist to All Americans, 1985 173 7.3 Prior Social Movement Involvement by Central American Peace Activists (%) 175 7.4 Central America Peace Activists' Prior Protest Experience (%) 175 7.5 Personal and Organizational vs. Impersonal -
Fortress of Liberty: the Rise and Fall of the Draft and the Remaking of American Law
Fortress of Liberty: The Rise and Fall of the Draft and the Remaking of American Law Jeremy K. Kessler∗ Introduction: Civil Liberty in a Conscripted Age Between 1917 and 1973, the United States fought its wars with drafted soldiers. These conscript wars were also, however, civil libertarian wars. Waged against the “militaristic” or “totalitarian” enemies of civil liberty, each war embodied expanding notions of individual freedom in its execution. At the moment of their country’s rise to global dominance, American citizens accepted conscription as a fact of life. But they also embraced civil liberties law – the protections of freedom of speech, religion, press, assembly, and procedural due process – as the distinguishing feature of American society, and the ultimate justification for American military power. Fortress of Liberty tries to make sense of this puzzling synthesis of mass coercion and individual freedom that once defined American law and politics. It also argues that the collapse of that synthesis during the Cold War continues to haunt our contemporary legal order. Chapter 1: The World War I Draft Chapter One identifies the WWI draft as a civil libertarian institution – a legal and political apparatus that not only constrained but created new forms of expressive freedom. Several progressive War Department officials were also early civil libertarian innovators, and they built a system of conscientious objection that allowed for the expression of individual difference and dissent within the draft. These officials, including future Supreme Court Justices Felix Frankfurter and Harlan Fiske Stone, believed that a powerful, centralized government was essential to the creation of a civil libertarian nation – a nation shaped and strengthened by its diverse, engaged citizenry. -
The Good War and Those Who Refused to Fight It the Story of World War II Conscientious Objectors
Teacher’s Guide Teacher’s Guide: The Good War and Those Who Refused to Fight It The Story of World War II conscientious objectors A 58-minute film Available for purchase or rental from Bullfrog Films Produced and Directed by Judith Ehrlich and Rick Tejada-Flores ©2001, Paradigm Productions A production of ITVS, with major funding from the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation DVD and special features Produced in collaboration with Lobitos Creek Ranch © 2006 By Judith Ehrlich, Steve Michelson and Dan Newitt To Rent or purchase please contact: Bullfrog Films PO Box 149 Oley, PA 19547 Phone (800) 543-3764 (610) 779-8226 Fax: (610) 370-1978 Web: www.bullfrogfilms.com 1 An Educators’ Guide for The Good War and Those Who Refused to Fight It By Judith Ehrlich M.Ed. Overview This program provides insights into profound questions of war and peace, fighting and killing, national security and citizen rights, and responsibilities in a democracy. By telling a little-known story of conscientious objectors to World War II, The Good War and Those Who Refused to Fight It offers a new window on the current post–9/11 period of national crises, war and the challenges that face dissenters at such times. Objective The decision to take a public stand as a conscientious objector comes from a deep inner place. It is a decision rooted in one’s spiritual life, faith or belief system rather than in logic or political persuasion. It is not a way to get out of the draft or to avoid life-threatening situations. -
Introduction
Introduction Introduction In this book I have gathered documents that show how war tax resistance devel- oped in the Society of Friends in America and how Quaker war tax resistance was seen by other Americans. These documents highlight the search for truth within the Society of Friends as well as the interest, concern, and occasional aggravation of those outside of the Society who found themselves trying to understand or nav- igate the Quaker point of view. Here, I’ll introduce some of the common themes found in these documents. The bounds to Quaker taxpaying were marked by two Biblical instructions in particular, found in Romans 13 and Acts 5. The first says: Let every soul be subject unto the higher powers. For there is no power but of God: the powers that be are ordained of God. Whosoever therefore resists the power, resists the ordinance of God.... ye must needs be subject, not only for wrath, but also for conscience sake. For for this cause pay ye tribute also... The second provides an exception to the rule: We ought to obey God rather than men. Much of the debate about Quaker war tax resistance, both inside the Society of Friends and with its critics, centered on how liberally this exception was to be interpreted. Does providing funds to help the government make war violate God’s commands in a way that triggers this exception, or are today’s higher powers no less deserving of tribute than was Cæsar in his day? A typical Quaker war tax resistance position went something like this: We must cheerfully pay taxes for the support of civil government even when that gov- ernment uses the tax money to fund a budget that includes military spending, but we must refuse to pay any tax that is levied expressly for the purpose of conduct- ing a war or supporting the military. -
Draft, 10/28/75 (2)” of the Charles E
The original documents are located in Box 5, folder “Final Report - Draft, 10/28/75 (2)” of the Charles E. Goodell Papers at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library. Copyright Notice The copyright law of the United States (Title 17, United States Code) governs the making of photocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted material. Charles Goodell donated to the United States of America his copyrights in all of his unpublished writings in National Archives collections. Works prepared by U.S. Government employees as part of their official duties are in the public domain. The copyrights to materials written by other individuals or organizations are presumed to remain with them. If you think any of the information displayed in the PDF is subject to a valid copyright claim, please contact the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library. Digitized from Box 5 of the Charles E. Goodell Papers at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library TODAY 1 S DATE 10/28/75 1633 06 lstl11e 222-001 CUSTOMER a2220 OPERATOR 001 PCB 222-001 Chapter 3 001 Chapter 3 DATE STORED 10/28/75 1256 w WIDTH 060 DEPTH 64 ----t---t----t----t-----------------------------------------t pj PRINT POSITION 07 LINE 03 A. Introduction Chance and circumstance had much to do with the sacrifices faced by each individual during the Vietnam War. Only 9% of all draft-age men served in Vietnam. War and conscription are. by nature. selective. In a sense. Clemency Board applicants were victims of misfortune as much as they were guilty of willful offenses. Most other young Americans did not have to face the same choices. -
Bedau’S Introduction Sets out the Issues and Shows How the Various Authors Shed Light on Each Aspect of Them
CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE in focus How can civil disobedience be defined and distinguished from revolution or lawful protest? What, if anything, justifies civil disobedience? Can nonviolent civil disobedience ever be effective? The issues surrounding civil disobedience have been discussed since at least 399 BC and, in the wake of such recent events as the protest at Tiananmen Square, are still of great relevance. By presenting classic and current philosophical reflections on the issues, this book presents all the basic materials needed for a philosophical assessment of the nature and justification of civil disobedience. The pieces included range from classic statements by Plato, Thoreau, and Martin Luther King, to essays by leading contemporary thinkers such as Rawls, Raz, and Singer. Hugo Adam Bedau’s introduction sets out the issues and shows how the various authors shed light on each aspect of them. Hugo Adam Bedau is Austin Fletcher Professor of Philosophy at Tufts University. ROUTLEDGE PHILOSOPHERS IN FOCUS SERIES General Editor: Stanley Tweyman York University, Toronto GÖDEL’S THEOREM IN FOCUS Edited by S. G. Shanker J. S. MILL: ON LIBERTY IN FOCUS Edited by John Gray and G. W. Smith DAVID HUME: DIALOGUES CONCERNING NATURAL RELIGION IN FOCUS Edited by Stanley Tweyman RENÉ DESCARTES’ MEDITATIONS IN FOCUS Edited by Stanley Tweyman PLATO’S MENO IN FOCUS Edited by Jane M. Day GEORGE BERKELEY: ALCIPHRON IN FOCUS Edited by David Berman ARISTOTLE’S DE ANIMA IN FOCUS Edited by Michael Durrant WILLIAM JAMES: PRAGMATISM IN FOCUS Edited by Doris Olin JOHN LOCKE’S LETTER ON TOLERATION IN FOCUS Edited by John Horton and Susan Mendus CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE in focus Edited by Hugo Adam Bedau London and New York First published 1991 by Routledge 11 New Fetter Lane, London EC4P 4EE This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2002. -
Literary Conscientious Objector E.E
TIM WENZELL Literary Conscientious Objector e.e. cummings and The Great War he Mexican War had just begun in the summer of 1846 when Henry David Thoreau, living in Concord, Massachusetts, engaged in an act to denounce the war—he refused to pay his state’s poll tax. As a result of this Tpassive protest, he was thrown in jail for a night, upon which he wrote “On Civil Disobedience.” During his one-night stay, his friend Ralph Waldo Emerson visited him behind bars. Emerson was against the war but continued to pay his poll tax, thinking it pointless to protest something of such magnitude, and to protest by not doing something, he believed, was even more futile. When Emerson asked Thoreau, “What are you doing in there?” Thoreau replied, “What are you doing out there?” (Zinn 154). Emerson was not able, at this point, to see the value of Thoreau’s actions, nor was Thoreau himself. While his initial motive was to protest America’s brutality in The Mexican War, he became, in the course of one night’s stay, inspired by his unexpected and thoroughly humanizing view of the world from behind the bars of his own cell, a view wholly apolitical and individual. In “On Civil Disobedience,” Thoreau states, “I saw that, if there was a wall of stone between me and my townsmen, there was a still more difficult one to climb or break through before they could get to be as free as I was. I did not for a moment feel confined, and the walls seemed a great waste of stone and mortar” (Thoreau 67). -
ISSN: 2320-5407 Int. J. Adv. Res. 8(05), 471-476
ISSN: 2320-5407 Int. J. Adv. Res. 8(05), 471-476 Journal Homepage: - www.journalijar.com Article DOI: 10.21474/IJAR01/10950 DOI URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.21474/IJAR01/10950 RESEARCH ARTICLE THOREAU’S CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE: A VOICE OF NON-VIOLENT RESISTANCE TO DISSENT AN UNJUST POLITICAL CONTEXT Dr. C. Masilamani Asst. Professor of English Kristu Jayanti College Bangalore, India-560077. …………………………………………………………………………………………………….... Manuscript Info Abstract ……………………. ……………………………………………………………… Manuscript History This article reviews Henry David Thoreau‟s social and political Received: 12 March 2020 philosophy of Civil Disobedience, which rebels against government‟s Final Accepted: 14 April 2020 brutality and it suggests fighting against tyranny to get freedom, Published: May 2020 breaking with conventional customs, rejecting the social traditions and values and unjust law and policies affecting the democrats. This study Key words:- Civil Disobedience, Political also reviews some of the writings of political situations which display Philosophy, Transcendentalism, Slavery, the political meanings and aspirations. The purpose of the article is to Literature of Politics, Mass of Men, explore the power and importance of individual over groups, especially Rebellion, Rationalism, and Non-Violent government through Thoreau‟s Civil Disobedience. In addition, it also Resistance tries to discuss how people‟s taxes are misused by the government for an unnecessary war and dispute with other countries instead of taking good care their own citizens. Therefore, this article seeks to discuss and eventually justify the relevance of civil disobedience as a catalyst of positive change for the stability and sustainability of the democratic process and system of government in a state. It also evaluates his open call for every citizen to sacrifice oneself for the nation‟s cause not to pay taxes and avoid colluding with government by refusing to play an active role. -
These Strange Criminals: an Anthology Of
‘THESE STRANGE CRIMINALS’: AN ANTHOLOGY OF PRISON MEMOIRS BY CONSCIENTIOUS OBJECTORS FROM THE GREAT WAR TO THE COLD WAR In many modern wars, there have been those who have chosen not to fight. Be it for religious or moral reasons, some men and women have found no justification for breaking their conscientious objection to vio- lence. In many cases, this objection has lead to severe punishment at the hands of their own governments, usually lengthy prison terms. Peter Brock brings the voices of imprisoned conscientious objectors to the fore in ‘These Strange Criminals.’ This important and thought-provoking anthology consists of thirty prison memoirs by conscientious objectors to military service, drawn from the United Kingdom, the United States, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand, and centring on their jail experiences during the First and Second World Wars and the Cold War. Voices from history – like those of Stephen Hobhouse, Dame Kathleen Lonsdale, Ian Hamilton, Alfred Hassler, and Donald Wetzel – come alive, detailing the impact of prison life and offering unique perspectives on wartime government policies of conscription and imprisonment. Sometimes intensely mov- ing, and often inspiring, these memoirs show that in some cases, indi- vidual conscientious objectors – many well-educated and politically aware – sought to reform the penal system from within either by publicizing its dysfunction or through further resistance to authority. The collection is an essential contribution to our understanding of criminology and the history of pacifism, and represents a valuable addition to prison literature. peter brock is a professor emeritus in the Department of History at the University of Toronto.