The Mysterious Case of Aafia Siddiqui
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Dr. Aafia Siddiqui
Dr. Aafia Siddiqui Compiled by The Peace Thru Justice Foundation and Families United for Justice in America Foreword by Dr. Tarek Mehanna © Copyright 1433 AH / 2012 AC 2012—All Rights Reserved for all original material contained in this publication. Contact Information: The Peace Thru Justice Foundation 11006 Veirs Mill Road STE L-15, PMB 298 Silver Spring, MD. 20902 Tel: (301) 220-0133 or (202) 246-9608 E-mail: [email protected] website: www.peacethrujustice.org Official Website: www.FreeAafia.org DEDICATION For the Oppressed BEFORE AFTER TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction .................................................................................7 Foreword: The Aafia Siddiqui I Saw by Dr. Tarek Mehanna ...................................................................17 Family & Friends - Who was Dr. Aafia Siddiqui? An Eyewitness Account by Andy Purcell .........................................................................26 - My Memories of Aafia in Boston by Bashir Hanif .........................................................................32 - Aafia Siddiqui – Memories of MIT to Carswell Prison by Hena Zuberi .........................................................................36 - A Tale of Two Prisoners by Dr. Fowzia Siddiqui ..............................................................42 Other Voices - The Sentencing of Dr. Aafia Siddiqui by Mauri’ Saalakhan .................................................................48 - WikiLeaks Renews Dr. Afia Siddiqui Mystery by John Floyd and Billy Sinclair ..............................................60 -
Global War on Terrorism and Prosecution of Terror Suspects: Select Cases and Implications for International Law, Politics, and Security
GLOBAL WAR ON TERRORISM AND PROSECUTION OF TERROR SUSPECTS: SELECT CASES AND IMPLICATIONS FOR INTERNATIONAL LAW, POLITICS, AND SECURITY Srini Sitaraman Introduction The global war on terrorism has opened up new frontiers of transnational legal challenge for international criminal law and counterterrorism strategies. How do we convict terrorists who transcend multiple national boundaries for committing and plotting mass atrocities; what are the hurdles in extraditing terrorism suspects; what are the consequences of holding detainees in black sites or secret prisons; what interrogation techniques are legal and appropriate when questioning terror suspects? This article seeks to examine some of these questions by focusing on the Global War on Terrorism (GWOT), particularly in the context of counterterrorism strategies that the United States have pursued towards Afghanistan-Pakistan (Af-Pak) since the September 2001 terror attacks on New York and Washington D.C. The focus of this article is on the methods employed to confront terror suspects and terror facilitators and not on the politics of cooperation between the United States and Pakistan on the Global War on Terrorism or on the larger military operation being conducted in Afghanistan and in the border regions of Pakistan. This article is not positioned to offer definitive answers or comprehensive analyses of all pertinent issues associated with counterterrorism strategies and its effectiveness, which would be beyond the scope of this effort. The objective is to raise questions about the policies that the United States have adopted in conducting the war on terrorism and study its implications for international law and security. It is to examine whether the overzealousness in the execution of this war on terror has generated some unintended consequences for international law and complicated the global judicial architecture in ways that are not conducive to the democratic propagation of human rights. -
The Muslim Woman Activist’: Solidarity Across Difference in the Movement Against the ‘War on Terror’
ORE Open Research Exeter TITLE ‘The Muslim woman activist’: solidarity across difference in the movement against the ‘War on Terror’ AUTHORS Massoumi, N JOURNAL Ethnicities DEPOSITED IN ORE 13 March 2019 This version available at http://hdl.handle.net/10871/36451 COPYRIGHT AND REUSE Open Research Exeter makes this work available in accordance with publisher policies. A NOTE ON VERSIONS The version presented here may differ from the published version. If citing, you are advised to consult the published version for pagination, volume/issue and date of publication ‘The Muslim woman activist’: solidarity across difference in the movement against the ‘War on Terror’ Abstract Feminist scholars have widely noted the centrality of gendered discourses to the ‘War on Terror’. This article shows how gendered narratives also shaped the collective identities of those opposing the ‘War on Terror’. Using interview data and analysis of newspaper editorials from movement leaders alongside focus groups with grassroots Muslim women activists, this article demonstrates how, in responding to the cynical use of women’s rights to justify war, participants in the anti- ‘War on Terror’ movement offered an alternative story. Movement activists deployed representations of Muslim women’s agency to challenge the trope of the ‘oppressed Muslim woman’. I argue that these representations went beyond strategic counter-narratives and offered an emotional basis for solidarity. Yet, respondents in the focus groups illustrated the challenges of seeking agency through an ascribed identity; in that they simultaneously refused and relied upon dominant terms of the debate about Muslim women. Keywords Muslim women, social movements, war on terror, collective identity, symbol Introduction Something horrible flits across the background in scenes from Afghanistan, scuttling out of sight. -
The 21 Century New Muslim Generation Converts in Britain And
The 21st Century New Muslim Generation Converts in Britain and Germany Submitted by Caroline Neumueller to the University of Exeter as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Arab and Islamic Studies October 2012 1 2 Abstract The dissertation focuses on the conversion experiences and individual processes of twenty-four native British Muslim converts and fifty-two native German Muslim converts, based on personal interviews and completed questionnaires between 2008 and 2010. It analyses the occurring similarities and differences among British and German Muslim converts, and puts them into relation to basic Islamic requirements of the individual, and in the context of their respective social settings. Accordingly, the primary focus is placed on the changing behavioural norms in the individual process of religious conversion concerning family and mixed-gender relations and the converts’ attitudes towards particularly often sensitive and controversial topics. My empirical research on this phenomenon was guided by many research questions, such as: What has provoked the participants to convert to Islam, and what impact and influence does their conversion have on their (former and primarily) non-Muslim environment? Do Muslim converts tend to distance themselves from their former lifestyles and change their social behavioural patterns, and are the objectives and purposes that they see themselves having in the given society directed to them being: bridge-builders or isolators? The topic of conversion to Islam, particularly within Western non-Muslim societies is a growing research phenomenon. At the same time, there has only been little contribution to the literature that deals with comparative analyses of Muslim converts in different countries. -
In This Interview: Adam Tells Resurgence Azzam Al-Amriki June 25, 2015
In this interview: Adam tells Resurgence Azzam al-Amriki June 25, 2015 [Please note: Images may have been removed from this document. Page numbers may have been added.] Targeting India will remain one of the Mujahideen’s priorities as long as it pursues its antagonistic policies and continues to engage in and condone the persecution, murder and rape of Muslims and occupation of their land The way forward for our persecuted brothers in Bangladesh is Da’wah and Jihad The Pakistani regime bears responsibility for the toppling of the Islamic Emirate and the occupation of Afghanistan, and its crimes are continuing unabated While in Pakistan, I and my brothers were blessed with numerous supporters who sheltered and took care of us despite the risk The Americans and their Pakistani agents almost captured me in Karachi on at least two occasions Shaykh Abu Mus’ab al-Zarqawi had the qualities of a great leader and a smile which could illuminate a city The Americans came close to martyring Shaykh Abu Mus’ab (may Allah have mercy on him) in Afghanistan, but Allah preserved him until he became America’s number one enemy in Iraq Shaykh Abu Mus’ab was a champion of unity who fought for the Ummah, and he should not be held responsible for the deviation today of some people who falsely claim to follow him and his methodology A Muslim’s blood is sacred, more sacred even than the Ka’aba, and spilling it without right is not only an act of oppression, it is the greatest sin after Kufr and Shirk The blessed raids of September 11th rubbed America’s nose in -
AWAN Tres ABBAS
M426 - ABBAS TEXT M/UP 18/5/06 11:40 AM Page 207 Gary Gary's G4:Users:Gary:Public:Gary's Jo CHAPTER 15 Transitional Religiosity Experiences: Contextual Disjuncture and Islamic Political Radicalism Akil N. Awan On 7 July 2005, four young indigenous British Muslims, three of Pakistani provenance and the fourth a Jamaican convert to Islam, became Britain’s first domestic suicide bombers. A fortnight later, eliciting an unsettling sense of déjà-vu, a second abortive wave of attacks on the London transport network followed, the culprits this time being British asylum seekers hailing from the troubled horn of Africa. These ‘martyrdom operations’ (as they are alluded to in the idiom of Islamist- Jihadist discourse), until now, only experienced vicariously through theatres of conflict such as Iraq and Israel, shocked us all, leaving many of us reeling at the prospect of this new threat posed by a small (but as of yet unknown) propor- tion of Britain’s 1.6 million-strong Muslim community. The events of July 2005 were exceptional only in the sense that this was the first time British Muslims had perpetrated terrorist acts of this magnitude on home soil; however, they were not entirely without precedent. British Muslims have been drawn to radical Islamism in the past and have included, inter alia, Richard Reid, the ‘shoe bomber’ of December 2001; the five members of the ‘Tipton Taliban’ captured by coalition forces in Afghanistan in January 2002; Ahmed Omar Saeed Sheikh, responsible for conveying US journalist Daniel Pearl to his death in Pakistan in February 2002; the group of Britons granted asylum from North African who were responsible for a failed chemical attack on the London Underground in November 2002; Asif Mohammed Hanif and Omar Khan Sharif, who con- ducted suicide bomb attacks in Tel Aviv in May 2003; and eight British Pakistanis from Luton, who were found to be in possession of a large quantity of explosive material in March 2004. -
Thank You for Downloading This Podcast of the Report. in This Edition Linda Presley Looks at Iranian Softpower in the UK
(00:0) Voiceover – Thank you for downloading this podcast of The Report. In this edition Linda Presley looks at Iranian Softpower in the UK. To find out more about the programme and other BBC podcasts visit the BBC Radio 4 website. (00:15) Men chanting and screaming (00:19) Linda Presley: The storming of the British embassy in Tehran last month brought relations between the UK and Iran to a new low. In response all Irans diplomats were expelled by the Foreign secretary William Hague. But Iran still has a presence here in Britain. (00:37) Woman 1: I think sometimes Iranian people living in the UK, they see the face of Iranian government really powerful in the UK aswell. (00:46) Linda Presley: And what about Press TV, the satellite TV channel funded by the Iranian Government? (00:51) Man 1: The people on Press TV, alot of them are sitting in London. They’re not all card carrying Islamists (00:58) Linda Presley: In the Report this week we explore the influence of Iranian organisations in the UK. Does Iran have soft power in Britain? And If so, what is it trying to do? (01:16)Linda Presley: If you want to know what the government of Iran is thinking, you probably wont do better than tuning in to Press TV on the sky satellite. And its here in a bland looking office block in Hanger Lane just off the A40 in West London that a production company called Press TV ltd is based. Press TV is a glossy English medium channel that comes under the umbrella of Irans state broadcaster. -
Camus' Catch: How Democracies Can Defeat Totalitarian Political Islam
Camus’ Catch: How democracies can defeat Totalitarian Political Islam Alan Johnson Editor’s Note: This is a version of a speech given at a conference organised by MedBridge Strategy Center, Camus: Moral Clarity in an Age of Terror, in Paris, 25 February, 2006. …the Cold War was fought with not only weapons that were military or intelligence based; it was fought through newspapers, journals, culture, the arts, literature. It was fought not just through governments but through foundations, trusts, civil society and civic organisations. Indeed we talked of a cultural Cold War – a Cold War of ideas and values – and one in which the best ideas and values eventually triumphed. And it is by power of argument, by debate and by dialogue that we will, in the long term, expose and defeat this extremist threat and we will have to argue not just against terrorism and terrorists but openly argue against the violent perversion of a peaceful religious faith. it is … necessary to take these ideas head on – a global battle for hearts and minds, and that will mean debate, discussion and dialogue through media, culture, arts, and literature. And not so much through governments, as through civil society and civic culture – in partnership with moderate Muslims and moderates everywhere – as globally we seek to isolate extremists from moderates. (Gordon Brown, British Chancellor of the Exchequer, February 13 2006) I speak today from the democratic left and, mainly, about the left. But I am seeking interlocutors from, and alliances with, the much wider set of democratic and liberal traditions represented at this conference. -
Military Commissions: a Place Outside the Law’S Reach
MILITARY COMMISSIONS: A PLACE OUTSIDE THE LAW’S REACH JANET COOPER ALEXANDER* “We have turned our backs on the law and created what we believed was a place outside the law’s reach.” Colonel Morris D. Davis, former chief prosecutor of the Guantánamo military commissions1 Ten years after 9/11, it is hard to remember that the decision to treat the attacks as the trigger for taking the country to a state of war was not inevitable. Previous acts of terrorism had been investigated and prosecuted as crimes, even when they were carried out or planned by al Qaeda.2 But on September 12, 2001, President Bush pronounced the attacks “acts of war,”3 and he repeatedly defined himself as a “war president.”4 The war * Frederick I. Richman Professor of Law, Stanford Law School. I would like to thank participants at the 2011 Childress Lecture at Saint Louis University School of Law and a Stanford Law School faculty workshop for their comments, and Nicolas Martinez for invaluable research assistance. 1 Ed Vulliamy, Ten Years On, Former Chief Prosecutor at Guantanamo Slams ‘Camp of Torture,’ OBSERVER, Oct. 30, 2011, at 29. 2 Previous al Qaeda attacks that were prosecuted as crimes include the 1993 bombing of the World Trade Center, the Manila Air (or Bojinka) plot to blow up a dozen jumbo jets, and the 1998 embassy bombings in East Africa. Mary Jo White, Prosecuting Terrorism in New York, MIDDLE E.Q., Spring 2001, at 11, 11–14; see also Christopher S. Wren, U.S. Jury Convicts 3 in a Conspiracy to Bomb Airliners, N.Y. -
To Download the PDF File
Contemporary Canadian military/media relations: Embedded reporting during the Afghanistan War by Sherry Marie Wasilow Submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Communication Carleton, University Ottawa, ON 2017 © 2017 Sherry M. Wasilow ABSTRACT News reporters have been sporadically attached to military units as far back as the Franco-Prussian War of 1870, but the U.S. implemented the first official and large-scale embedded program in 2003 during the Iraq War. The Canadian Forces Media Embedding Program (CFMEP) was officially implemented in 2006 during the Afghanistan War. While considerable research has been carried out on the U.S. and British embed programs and their impact on media coverage, there has been very little academic study of Canada’s CFMEP, or its impact on media coverage of the Afghanistan War. This work seeks to investigate Canadian military/media relations throughout a period of roughly 10 years during Canada’s mission in Afghanistan. In doing so, it will examine how official procedures governing media coverage – particularly embedding policy – gave shape to the war reporting received by Canadians. First, within the broader subject area of military/media relations, this study establishes the origins of embedded reporting, and Canada’s reasons for becoming involved in the Afghanistan War. Second, it weaves together academic, official (both military and government), and journalist perspectives regarding the practice and effects of embedded reporting on Canadian war reporting during the Afghanistan mission. Third, it analyzes coverage by four major media organizations of Canada’s participation in the Afghanistan War during a 10-year period: from its initial military contributions in 2001 through to the end of troop deployment in 2011. -
Siddiqui Aafia Complaint
Approved: (Signature of CHRISTOPHER L. LAVIGNE) 08 MAG 1697 CHRISTOPHER L. LAVIGNE Assistant United States Attorney Before: HONORABLE THEODORE H. KATZ United States Magistrate Judge Southern District of New York ___ UNITED STATES OF AMERICA SEALED COMPLAINT - v. - Violations of : 18 U.S.C. §§ 111, 1114 AAFIA SIDDIQUI, Defendant. SOUTHERN DISTRICT OF NEW YORK, ss.: Mehtab Syed, being duly sworn, deposes and states that she is a Special Agent of the Federal Bureau of Investigation ("FBI")/ and charges as follows: COUNT ONE 1. On or about July 18, 2008, in an offense begun and committed outside of the jurisdiction of any particular State or District of the United States, AAFIA SIDDIQUI, the defendant, who will be first brought to and arrested in the Southern District of New York, unlawfully, willfully, and knowingly did use a deadly and dangerous weapon and did forcibly assault, resist, oppose, impede, intimidate, and interfere with a person designated in Title 18, United States Code, Section 1114, namely, officers and employees of the FBI and the United States armed services, while engaged in and on account of the performance of official duties, to wit, SIDDIQUI obtained a United States Army Officer's M-4 rifle and fired it at officers and employees of the FBI and the United States armed services. (Title 18, United States Code, Sections 111(a)(1), (b), and 323 8.) COUNT TWO 2. On or about July 18, 2008, in an offense begun and committed outside of the jurisdiction of any particular State or District of the United States, AAFIA SIDDIQUI, -
Al Qaeda Financing and Conflict Diamonds a Sentinel TMS Analysis
Al Qaeda Financing and Conflict Diamonds A Sentinel TMS Analysis Lindsey Worth, FMS Inc. August, 2004 Copyright © 2004 FMS Inc. All Rights Reserved Introduction Washington Post investigative reporter Douglas Farah, European investigators, and the Sierra Leone war crimes tribunal have uncovered a multitude of evidence suggesting that Al Qaeda has been operating in West Africa for years. There they have built an extensive operation using so-called “conflict diamonds,” much harder to trace than bank accounts, to hold their assets. Using Farah’s reporting and other open-source information, I com- piled a database of information on Al Qaeda and diamonds using Sentinel TMS. This document presents examples of ways Sentinel TMS can help organize and analyze infor- mation, using the example of Al Qaeda and West Africa. I shall move from a broad over- view to increasingly detailed looks at the way the network operates and how it fits into the larger Al Qaeda story. Overview Figure 1 is a broad overview of the West Africa network: Figure 1 This network is greatly simplified; generating all possible links from every entity would result in a web too complicated to be visually useful, as links spread away from the focus on West Africa. Instead, I have concentrated here on the most relevant entities and rela- tionships. I shall explain more about the network itself (e.g. who these people are) in the detail sections. Sentinel TMS can help analyze this network in a variety of ways. It can, for example, cal- culate which entities are the biggest threats. In Figure 2, threat is represented on a scale of red (highest threat) to yellow (lowest threat): Figure 2 Sentinel TMS can also highlight “cells” within the larger network.