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The Tea Party in Congress: Examining Voting Trends on Defense and International Trade Spending Legislation
The Tea Party in Congress: Examining Voting Trends on Defense and International Trade Spending Legislation Peter Ganz Creighton University I test how members of the United States House of Representatives associated with the Tea Party movement vote on four pieces of legislation relating to Both defense and international trade spending. Members with high FreedomWorKs scores, an interest group rating associated with the Tea Party, were found to have distinctly different voting patterns than the House of Representatives in general, while representatives that self-identified themselves as Tea Party showed no distinct voting patterns. Ganz 1 Research Question Since the Tea Party’s emergence in American politics in 2009 and its role in the Republican taKeover of Congress in the 2010 midterm elections, political scientists, politicians, media outlets, and special interest groups have sought to understand exactly what maKes the movement unique. While those associated with the Tea Party often call themselves RepuBlicans, there must Be differences that set the two apart; otherwise there would Be no reason for such a movement. Until now, investigations into the Tea Party have typically discovered that members of the movement are in favor of smaller government, decreased spending, and economic freedom, elements shared with the RepuBlican Party (Scherer, Altman, Cowley, Newton-Small, and Von Drehle, 2010; Courser, 2011; BullocK and Hood, 2012). Is there anything more significant that can be used to distinguish between the Tea Party and the rest of Congress? Drawing inferences from commonly accepted ideas about the Tea Party, this paper investigates whether or not members of the Tea Party extend their Beliefs in smaller government and decreased spending to the defense budget and the international trade budget. -
November 20, 2019 the Honorable Mitch Mcconnell Majority Leader
November 20, 2019 The Honorable Mitch McConnell Majority Leader United States Senate 317 Russell Senate Office Building Washington, DC 20510 Dear Leader McConnell, The undersigned conservatives urge you to modify the Continuing Resolution recently passed by the House of Representatives to extend government funding for a full year. As we outlined in the attached letter, signed by over 100 conservative leaders, a CR into December gives leverage to Democrat demands on key issues, including significant pro-life policies, border spending, and other key areas. This is reflected in the partisan vote in which the CR passed the House, with 219 Democrats voting in favor, joined by only 12 Republicans. From both a strategic and fiscal perspective, we believe a CR into December would be an error. For both these reasons and those outlined in the attached letter, we urge the Senate to modify the timeline of the current CR to allow for full deliberation and debate of critical spending issues in 2020. Sincerely, Alfred S. Regnery Tom McClusky Chairman, Conservative Action Project President Chairman, Law Enforcement Legal Defense March for Life Action Fund The Honorable Colin A. Hanna Myron Ebell President Director, Center for Energy and Environment Let Freedom Ring, Inc. Competitive Enterprise Institute Kelly J. Shackelford, Esq. Jenny Beth Martin Chairman, CNP Action, Inc. Chairman President and CEO, First Liberty Institute Tea Party Patriots Citizen Fund ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ The Conservative Action Project (CAP) was founded in 2008 by many conservative leaders with former Attorney General Edwin Meese III serving as the Founding Chairman. CAP is currently chaired by Mr. Alfred S. -
Download the Full What Happened Collection [PDF]
American Compass December 2020 WHAT HAPPENED THE TRUMP PRESIDENCY IN REVIEW AMERICAN COMPASS is a 501(c)(3) non-profit organization, launched in May 2020 with a mission to restore an economic consensus that emphasizes the importance of family, community, and industry to the nation’s liberty and prosperity— REORIENTING POLITICAL FOCUS from growth for its own sake to widely shared economic development that sustains vital social institutions; SETTING A COURSE for a country in which families can achieve self-sufficiency, contribute productively to their communities, and prepare the next generation for the same; and HELPING POLICYMAKERS NAVIGATE the limitations that markets and government each face in promoting the general welfare and the nation’s security. www.americancompass.org [email protected] What Happened: The Trump Presidency in Review Table of Contents FOREWORD: THE WORK REMAINS President Trump told many important truths, but one also has to act by Daniel McCarthy 1 INTRODUCTION 4 TOO FEW OF THE PRESIDENT’S MEN An iconoclast’s administration will struggle to find personnel both experienced and aligned by Rachel Bovard 5 A POPULISM DEFERRED Trump’s transitional presidency lacked the vision and agenda necessary to let go of GOP orthodoxy by Julius Krein 11 THE POTPOURRI PRESIDENCY A decentralized and conflicted administration was uniquely inconsistent in its policy actions by Wells King 17 SOME LIKE IT HOT Unsustainable economic stimulus at an expansion’s peak, not tax cuts or tariffs, fueled the Trump boom by Oren Cass 23 Copyright © 2020 by American Compass, Inc. Electronic versions of these articles with hyperlinked references are available at www.americancompass.org. -
WHY COMPETITION in the POLITICS INDUSTRY IS FAILING AMERICA a Strategy for Reinvigorating Our Democracy
SEPTEMBER 2017 WHY COMPETITION IN THE POLITICS INDUSTRY IS FAILING AMERICA A strategy for reinvigorating our democracy Katherine M. Gehl and Michael E. Porter ABOUT THE AUTHORS Katherine M. Gehl, a business leader and former CEO with experience in government, began, in the last decade, to participate actively in politics—first in traditional partisan politics. As she deepened her understanding of how politics actually worked—and didn’t work—for the public interest, she realized that even the best candidates and elected officials were severely limited by a dysfunctional system, and that the political system was the single greatest challenge facing our country. She turned her focus to political system reform and innovation and has made this her mission. Michael E. Porter, an expert on competition and strategy in industries and nations, encountered politics in trying to advise governments and advocate sensible and proven reforms. As co-chair of the multiyear, non-partisan U.S. Competitiveness Project at Harvard Business School over the past five years, it became clear to him that the political system was actually the major constraint in America’s inability to restore economic prosperity and address many of the other problems our nation faces. Working with Katherine to understand the root causes of the failure of political competition, and what to do about it, has become an obsession. DISCLOSURE This work was funded by Harvard Business School, including the Institute for Strategy and Competitiveness and the Division of Research and Faculty Development. No external funding was received. Katherine and Michael are both involved in supporting the work they advocate in this report. -
The Evolution of the Digital Political Advertising Network
PLATFORMS AND OUTSIDERS IN PARTY NETWORKS: THE EVOLUTION OF THE DIGITAL POLITICAL ADVERTISING NETWORK Bridget Barrett A thesis submitted to the faculty at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts at the Hussman School of Journalism and Media. Chapel Hill 2020 Approved by: Daniel Kreiss Adam Saffer Adam Sheingate © 2020 Bridget Barrett ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT Bridget Barrett: Platforms and Outsiders in Party Networks: The Evolution of the Digital Political Advertising Network (Under the direction of Daniel Kreiss) Scholars seldom examine the companies that campaigns hire to run digital advertising. This thesis presents the first network analysis of relationships between federal political committees (n = 2,077) and the companies they hired for electoral digital political advertising services (n = 1,034) across 13 years (2003–2016) and three election cycles (2008, 2012, and 2016). The network expanded from 333 nodes in 2008 to 2,202 nodes in 2016. In 2012 and 2016, Facebook and Google had the highest normalized betweenness centrality (.34 and .27 in 2012 and .55 and .24 in 2016 respectively). Given their positions in the network, Facebook and Google should be considered consequential members of party networks. Of advertising agencies hired in the 2016 electoral cycle, 23% had no declared political specialization and were hired disproportionately by non-incumbents. The thesis argues their motivations may not be as well-aligned with party goals as those of established political professionals. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES .................................................................................................................... V POLITICAL CONSULTING AND PARTY NETWORKS ............................................................................... -
Ur-Fascism and Neo-Fascism
The Journal of International Relations, Peace Studies, and Development Volume 5 Issue 1 The Journal of International Relations, Article 2 Peace Studies, and Development 2019 Ur-Fascism and Neo-Fascism Andrew Johnson Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.arcadia.edu/agsjournal Recommended Citation Andrew Johnson (2019) "Ur-Fascism and Neo-Fascism," The Journal of International Relations, Peace Studies, and Development: Vol. 5 : Iss. 1 , Article 2. Available at: https://scholarworks.arcadia.edu/agsjournal/vol5/iss1/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks@Arcadia. It has been accepted for inclusion in The Journal of International Relations, Peace Studies, and Development by an authorized editor of ScholarWorks@Arcadia. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Journal of International Relations, Peace and Development Studies A publication by Arcadia University and the American Graduate School in Paris Ur-Fascism and Neo-Fascism Andrew Johnson Abstract: Fascism was once a momentous and imperative subject of study, but as the memory of atrocity faded there has been a lessening of stakes and a forgetting of its previous import. The election of Donald J. Trump, along with the Brexit referendum, growing support for economic nationalism, and a global rise of authoritarian populists, has revitalized the “fascism question,” both by scholars and the general public. The reemergence (and electoral successes) of far-right ideological partisans threatens the neoliberal consensus, challenging received wisdom within political science. The dominant approach within international political economy failed to predict escalating political opposition to global capitalism. A prescient exception is the heterodox scholar William Robinson, who had warned his readers of emergent 21st century fascism. -
Trump's Conundrum for in Republicans
V21, 28 Thursday, March 24, 2016 Trump’s conundrum for IN Republicans Leaders say they will support the ‘nominee,’ while McIntosh raises down-ballot alarms By BRIAN A. HOWEY BLOOMINGTON – GOP presidential front runner Donald J. Trump is just days away from his Indiana political debut, and Hoosier Republicans are facing a multi-faceted conundrum. Do they join the cabal seeking to keep the nominating number of delegates away from him prior to the Republi- can National Convention in July? This coming as Trump impugns the wife of Sen. Ted Cruz, threatening to “spill the beans” on her after two weeks of cam- paign violence and nativist fear mongering representing a sharp departure dent Mitch Daniels, former secretary of state Condoleezza modern Indiana internationalism. Rice, former senator Tom Coburn or former Texas governor Do they participate in a united front seeking an Rick Perry? alternative such as Sen. Ted Cruz, Ohio Gov. John Kasich, Or do they take the tack expressed by Gov. Mike or a dark horse consensus candidate such as Purdue Presi- Continued on page 3 Election year data By MORTON MARCUS INDIANAPOLIS – Let’s clarify some issues that may arise in this contentious political year. These data covering 2005 to 2015 may differ somewhat from those offered by other writers, speakers, and researchers. Why? These data are “This plan addresses our state’s from the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics’ “Quarterly Census of immediate road funding needs Wages and Employment” via the while ensuring legislators come Indiana Department of Workforce Development’s Hoosiers by the back to the table next year ready Numbers website, where only the first three quarters of 2015 are to move forward on a long-term available. -
The Tea Party Movement and Popular Constitutionalism
Copyright 2011 by Northwestern University School of Law Vol. 105 Northwestern University Law Review Colloquy THE TEA PARTY MOVEMENT AND POPULAR CONSTITUTIONALISM Ilya Somin* INTRODUCTION The rise of the Tea Party movement followed a period during which many academic students of constitutional law focused on ―popular constitu- tionalism‖: the involvement of public opinion and popular movements in influencing constitutional interpretation.1 Many of these scholars argue that popular constitutional movements have a beneficial impact on constitution- al law,2 and some even contend that popular constitutionalism should sup- plant judicial review entirely.3 At the very least, the last generation of constitutional scholarship has established that public opinion influences and significantly constrains judicial interpretation of the Constitution.4 Most of the previous scholarship on popular constitutionalism focuses on movements identified with the political left, such as the civil rights *Associate Professor of Law, George Mason University School of Law. For helpful suggestions and comments, I would like to thank Jonathan Adler, Jared Goldstein, participants in the 2011 AALS panel on the Tea Party and the Constitution, and the editors of the Northwestern University Law Review Col- loquy. I would also like to thank Eva Choi and Eric Facer for helpful research assistance. 1 See, e.g., LARRY D. KRAMER, THE PEOPLE THEMSELVES: POPULAR CONSTITUTIONALISM AND JUDICIAL REVIEW (2004); MARK TUSHNET, TAKING THE CONSTITUTION AWAY FROM THE COURTS (1999); JEREMY WALDRON, LAW AND DISAGREEMENT (1999); Matthew D. Adler, Popular Constitutio- nalism and the Rule of Recognition: Whose Practices Ground U.S. Law?, 100 NW. U. L. REV. 719 (2006) (link); Larry Alexander & Lawrence B. -
GOP Senate Race Begins Taking Deånition
V15, N30 Thursday, April 15, 2010 !"#$%&'()&$*(+&$,&-.'/$)(0.'-$1&a'.).3' Rep. Paul’s nod to Hostettler, Coats on air, FEC reports By BRIAN A. HOWEY FRANKLIN - Indiana’s Republican U.S. Senate race !""#$"%$&'(!'%)!$&*[%'!'"%$",*-$ the past 24 hours. Dan Coats .*/0%$!1*$[-(!$20'&$3*&'0$0%&$ reported raising $378,799 on his [-(!$450-!*-$678$-*2"-!9$:"1%$ Hostettler was awaiting the en- U.S. Senate candidates (from left) Dan Coats, John Hostettler and Marlin Stutzman enter the WXNT &"-(*3*%!$";$<'.*-!0-'0%$=*25. - debate last Thursday at the Indiana War Memorial. (HPI Photo by Steve Dickerson) lican U.S. Rep. Ron Paul, which he hopes will open enough !1'($'($0$)0320'/%$";F$.@$0%&$;"-$I""('*-(9P >0??*!($!"$20@$;"-$1'($">%$AB$)0320'/%9$C!0!*$C*%9$D0-?'%$ $ A1*$"%?@$"!1*-$678$%53.*-($)03*$;-"3$C!5!E30%F$ C!5!E30%$(0'&$1*F$!""F$>"5?&$.*/'%$0$AB$0&$)0320'/%$0%&$ >1"$(0'&$&5-'%/$?0(!$>**#R($QSTA$&*.0!*$1*$>'??$-*2"-!$ ?*;!$"2*%$!1*$2"(('.'?'!@$!10!$1*$3'/1!$5(*$2*-("%0?$;5%&($!"$ UKVWFXXX9$C!5!E30%$!"?&$IYL$1*$10($-0'(*&$UKWFXXX$('%)*$ [%0%)*$0$?0!*$25(19$ then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ontinued on page 4 0-*$I""('*-($0%&$JM$2*-)*%!$";$(30??$&"%"-($0-*$I""('*-(F$ A Tea Party in the township? By BRIAN A. -
NOTABLE NORTH CAROLINA 12 Things to Know About Former North
NOTABLE NORTH CAROLINA 12 Things to Know About Former North Carolina 11th District Congressman and New Presidential Chief of Staff Mark Meadows1 Compiled by Mac McCorkle, B.J. Rudell, and Anna Knier 1. Friendship with His Recently Deceased Counterpart on the House Oversight Committee, Congressman Elijah Cummings (D‐MD) Despite political differences, Rep. Meadows and recently deceased Democratic Congressman Elijah Cummings (D‐MD) developed an uncommonly strong friendship that helped bridge partisan divides on the procedures of the House Oversight Committee. NPR | Washington Post 2. A Founder of the House Freedom Caucus Along with outgoing Chief of Staff Mick Mulvaney (a former South Carolina congressman), Rep. Meadows was one of the nine founding members of the conservative House Freedom Caucus in January 2015. Time | Washington Post | Pew Research Center 3. Support for Governmental Shutdown in the Cause of Limited Government A GOP attempt to stop implementation of the Affordable Care Act resulted in a 16‐day government shutdown in October 2013. As a newly elected representative, Rep. Meadows helped galvanize the effort by circulating a letter urging the GOP House leadership to take action. The letter gained signatures of support from 79 GOP House members. CNN | Fox News | New York Daily News | Asheville Citizen‐Times 4. Meadows Versus GOP House Speaker John Boehner On July 28, 2015, Rep. Meadows introduced H. Res. 385 to “vacate the chair”—a resolution to remove Speaker John Boehner. No House member had filed such a motion since 1910. Boehner announced his resignation as Speaker less than two months later on September 25, 2015. New York Times | National Review | Ballotpedia 1 For historical background on recent chiefs of staff, see Chris Wipple, The Gatekeepers: How the White House Chiefs Define Every Presidency (2017). -
1 in the Shadow of Trump: How the 2016 Presidential Contest Affected
In the Shadow of Trump: How the 2016 Presidential Contest Affected House and Senate Primaries Prepared for the 2017 State of the Parties Conference, Akron, Ohio Robert G. Boatright, Clark University [email protected] The presidential race did not quite monopolize all of the uncivil or bizarre moments of the summer of 2016. One of the more interesting exchanges took place in Arizona in August of 2016, during the weeks before the state’s Senate primary election. Senator John McCain, always a somewhat unpredictable politician, has had difficulties in his last two primaries. Perhaps because he was perceived as having strayed too far toward the political center, or perhaps simply because his presidential bid had created some distance between McCain and Arizonans, he faced a vigorous challenge in 2010 from conservative talk show host and former Congressman J. D. Hayworth. McCain ultimately beat back Hayworth’s challenge, 56 percent to 32 percent, but only after a bitter campaign in which McCain spent a total of over $21 million and abandoned much of his “maverick” positioning and presented himself as a staunch conservative and a fierce opponent of illegal immigration (Steinhauer 2010). His task was made easier by his ability to attack Hayworth’s own checkered career in Congress. In 2016, McCain again faced a competitive primary opponent, physician, Tea Party activist, and two-term State Senator Kelli Ward. Ward, like Hayworth, argued that McCain was not conservative enough for Arizona. Ward was (and is), however, a decade younger than Hayworth, and her shorter tenure in political office made it harder for McCain to attack her. -
The House Freedom Caucus: Extreme Faction Influence in the U.S
The House Freedom Caucus: Extreme Faction Influence in the U.S. Congress Andrew J. Clarke∗ Lafayette College Abstract While political observers frequently attribute influence to ideological factions, politi- cal scientists have paid relatively little attention to the emergence of highly organized, extreme, sub-party institutions. In the first systematic analysis of the House Free- dom Caucus, I argue that non-centrist factions embolden lawmakers to push back against their political party by offsetting leadership resources with faction support. As a result, extreme blocs in the House of Representatives can more effectively dis- tort the party brand. To test these claims, I analyze the impact of Freedom Caucus affiliation on changes in legislative behavior and member-to-member donation pat- terns. I find that Republican lawmakers become (1) more obstructionist and (2) less reliant on party leadership donations after joining the conservative faction. These findings suggest that Freedom Caucus institutions empower lawmakers to more ag- gressively anchor the Republican Conference to conservative policy positions by off- setting the informational and financial deficits imposed by party leaders. ∗Assistant Professor, Department of Government & Law. [email protected], http://www. andrewjclarke.net 0 In 2015, the highly organized and deeply secretive House Freedom Caucus formed in the U.S. Congress. Journalists credited the faction with overthrowing the Speaker of the House, hand-packing his successor, and pushing the House Republican Conference to adopt an increasingly extreme and aggressive posture with the Obama administration — all within a year. Shortly after, Republicans won unified control of the federal government, and the Freedom Caucus quickly reasserted its role a major player in legislative affairs.