18 the Representation of Joko Widodo's Figure in the Jakarta Post

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

18 the Representation of Joko Widodo's Figure in the Jakarta Post Passage2015, 3(2), 18-38 The Representation of Joko Widodo’s Figure in the Jakarta Post Amalia Dwi Utami English Language and Literature Universitas Pendidikan Indonesia [email protected] ABSTRACT This research investigates the representation of Jokowi’s figure as the governor of Jakarta, the presidential candidate, and the President of Indonesia in the Jakarta Post by using nomination and predication strategies of Discourse Historical Approach (DHA) proposed by Reisigl and Wodak (2009). By employing descriptive qualitative method, this research examines fifteen editorials focusing on Jokowi. The findings reveal three main points. First, deixis and synecdoches become the nomination strategies that signify changes. The strategies signal that the Jakarta Post prefers to focus on Jokowi when he becomes the president since his every action represents the action that the government and Indonesia take. Second, the Jakarta Post prefers to use positive predication strategies in presenting Jokowi’s figure in all categories except in the KPK issue. Third, the signification of the representation indicates that nomination and predication strategies are employed to represent the shift in political support towards Jokowi: from positive to negative. The Jakarta Post supports Jokowi since his performance as a leader is in line with the Jakarta Post values. However, the fact that the Jakarta Post no longer gives him its full support on the KPK issue indicates that his action contradicts the Jakarta Post’s ideology that supports anticorruption movement. Keywords: Jokowi, the Jakarta Post, discourse historical approach, nomination strategies, predication strategies 18 Amalia Dwi Utami The Representation of Joko Widodo’s Figure in the Jakarta Post INTRODUCTION candidate, and the President of Joko “Jokowi” Widodo has become Indonesia, is reflected in the news Indonesia’s new media darling. He reporting what he does. The mass gains popularity for his unique ‘street media as the producers of the news democracy’ style of leading starting have the responsibility to present the 0077hen he occupied a position as pros and the cons of what he does the mayor of Surakarta and when he objectively (Cohen-Almagor, 2008). became the Jakarta governor in 2012. However, there is no such thing as In 2014, his popularity increased being neutral in reporting news; they since he was nominated as the will always have standpoint. It is presidential candidate from the because the news will always contain Indonesian Democratic Party of certain ideology (van Djik, 1988). Struggle (PDIP). His nomination has Therefore, news as part of media caused controversy because it plays an important role in happened when he was still in charge constructing what people think is of Jakarta. This controversy real, interesting, beautiful, and moral continued even after he won the (Matheson, 2005). In other words, election; barely a month since his they have power to change the point inauguration, he decided to raise the of view or ideology of a society fuel prices by an average of 30%. His (Trčková, 2011). decision to nominate Comr. Gen. An example of the mass Budi Gunawan who has fat bank media’s standpoint is displayed by accounts as the National Police chief the Jakarta Post. It openly declared also caused an uproar. It happened the endorsement for Jokowi in the since the case ended up with the presidential election campaign criminalization of the Corruption through its editorial entitled Eradication Commission (KPK) “Endorsing Jokowi”. The Jakarta leaders. Post argued that the endorsement His popularity during his was made as a moral choice and was leadership, particularly as the not expected to sway votes governor of Jakarta, the presidential (“Endorsing Jokowi”, 2014). 19 Passage2015, 3(2), 18-38 Nevertheless, the Jakarta Post has systemic-functional linguistics. used its power to change the point of Unger (2010) studies how language view of the society by presenting the ideologies about Scots language are good side of Jokowi during the realized linguistically. Meanwhile, campaign. Chiu and Chiang (2012) examine the Regarding the fact, this use of metaphor in the representation research is conducted to investigate of people’s name rectification how the Jakarta Post’s editorials movement of Taiwan’s indigenous in report Jokowi’s figure as the newspaper. DHA is also used by governor of Jakarta, the presidential Larasati (2014) and Lacerda (2015) candidate, and the President of to investigate news. While Larasati Indonesia. Editorial is chosen to be (2014) focuses on war discourse, analysed since it represents the Lacerda (2015) centers the analysis newspaper’s opinion; i.e. the on the political discourse on favelas ideology of the newspaper (van Djik, (slums). 1988). One of the approaches that Nevertheless, there have not can be used to investigate this issue been many studies about important is Discourse Historical Approach people in the mass media, especially (DHA) proposed by Reisigl and in Indonesian context, that employ Wodak (2009). By employing DHA, DHA. Given that particular reason, this research explores how discursive this research explores how discursive strategies especially nomination and strategies especially nomination and predication strategies are used by the predication strategies are used by the mass media in presenting Jokowi. mass media in presenting Jokowi. Literature shows that there Therefore, the research is conducted have been volumes of studies that to answer the following questions: employ DHA, for instance, van 1. How is Joko Widodo as the Leeuwen and Wodak (1999) who governor of Jakarta and the investigate the rejection of Austrian President of Indonesia immigrants’ family reunion during his first months applications by combining DHA with leadership and as the 20 Amalia Dwi Utami The Representation of Joko Widodo’s Figure in the Jakarta Post presidential candidate power to represent and disseminate represented through particular meaning (Vihersalo, nomination and predication 2009). The group then decides “what strategies in the selected is to be taken as the correct, editorials? appropriate, or preferred 2. What does the representation” (Holquist, 1983; representation signify? Fairclough, 1992; Wodak, 2001 as cited in Wenden, 2005, p. 90). As the LITERATURE REVIEW result, the representation is often The concept of representation is manipulated, exaggerated, or important in this research as it relates distorted (Signes, 2007). to the process of how the mass media Another concept that is important in constructs someone’s figure. From this research is Critical Discourse discourse analysis perspective, Analysis (CDA). To understand the representation refers to the way concept of CDA, it is necessary to language is employed in a text to see how CDA defines discourse. express the underlying meanings of Discourse is not simply an isolated the descriptions of people, places, or textual or dialogical structure (van social practices (van Dijk, 2002). Dijk, 1988). It is seen as socially The representation of immigrants as constructed ways that do not only people who have a higher birth-rate shape but also enable (social) reality in a text, for instance, can be used to (Foucault, 1977; Paltridge, 2006). It show that they are ‘problems’. also helps to establish power The representation relations between social classes, determines the way people think gender, or majorities and minorities about particular objects, events, groups (Wodak & Meyer, 2009). situations, and even social practices Therefore, CDA acts as an approach (Signes, 2007). However, it should that critically investigates the be noted that the representation is not relationship between discourse and always described objectively; it the reproduction of power in social depends on the group who has the practices and interactions 21 Passage2015, 3(2), 18-38 (Fairclough, 1995 as cited in interdiscursivity denotes the Mancini, 2011). connection between discourses in a CDA develops into many various ways through explicit or approaches that emerge with their implicit references (Wodak & own characteristics. They are Forchtner, 2014). Dispositive Analysis (Jӓger and In analyzing a specific Maier), Sociocognitive Approach discourse and related texts, DHA (van Dijk), Social Actors Approach uses discursive strategies as the tools. (van Leeuwen), Dialectical- Discursive strategy means an Relational Approach (Fairclough), elaborate and systematic ways of and Discourse Historical Approach using language to reach a particular (Wodak). The last approach, social, political, psychological, or Discourse Historical Approach linguistic goal (Wodak & Meyer, (DHA), focuses on political issues by 2009). Discursive strategy consists of emphasizing on historical dimension five strategies: nomination, of the issues and the background of predication, argumentation, the social and political fields within perspectivization, and intensification. which the issues are embedded (van Out of those five discursive Leeuwen & Wodak, 1999; Wodak, strategies mentioned above, this 2010). research focuses on two strategies, DHA considers the historical namely nomination and predication and current context of the subject strategies. investigated important as they allow Nomination strategy is a to deconstruct intertextual and strategy in using linguistic devices to interdiscursive relations of the refer to persons, things, places, or subject. Intertextuality refers to the event. By using this strategy, the relation of one text to other
Recommended publications
  • Analysis of Chiang Mai Initiative (CMI) Within ASEAN+3 Framework
    Multilateralism in East Asia 101 Jurnal Kajian Wilayah, Vol. 1, No. 1, 2010, Hal. 101-118 © 2010 PSDR LIPI ISSN 021-4534-555 Multilateralism in East Asia: Analysis of Chiang Mai Initiative (CMI) within ASEAN+3 Framework M. Sigit Andhi Rahman1 Abstrak Sektor finansial merupakan sektor kerjasama yang paling intensif di dalam ASEAN+3. Penandatangan Chiang Mai Initiative (CMI) pada Mei 2000 dan kemudian diperluas melalui Chiang Mai Initiative multilateralization (CMIM) atau Common Fund Agreement pada bulan Mei 2009, menandakan sebuah babak baru dalam relasi antara negara-negara tersebut dan juga dalam perdebatan akademik mengenai multilateralisme dan regionalisme di wilayah Asia Timur. Makalah ini menganalisis CMI dalam konteks multilateralisme, bukan dengan cara membandingkan dengan Uni Eropa misalnya, akan tetapi dari segi prinsip-prinsip multilateralisme itu sendiri sebagaimana diformulasikan oleh John Gerard Ruggie. Kata kunci : Chiang Mai initiative, multilateralisme, regionalisme, ASEAN +3 Introduction The ASEAN+3 framework (China, Japan, and the Republic of South Korea)2 has broadened and deepened in many areas of cooperation (20 areas). It ranges from political cooperation and security to youth and women. Researchers have been debating whether ASEAN+3 can be considered as multilateralism in East Asia or not (See Acharya 2008, Liu and Yan 2004, Mahbubani 2008, 1 Master Program of IRIO RUG (International Relations & International Organizations), the Netherlands. He can be reached at [email protected] 2 Although many discussion on whether East Asia Community should include Australia, New Zealand, and India as stated in the first East Asia Summit (EAS) in 2005, ASEAN+3 has being considered as the main vehicle for East Asian regional integration and carrying out many cooperative activities compare to EAS.
    [Show full text]
  • Representation of 212 Rallies in the Jakarta Post Articles: a Hybridity of CDA
    328 | Studies in English Language and Education, 8(1), 328-345, 2021 Representation of 212 Rallies in the Jakarta Post Articles: A Hybridity of CDA and SFL Analysis P-ISSN 2355-2794 E-ISSN 2461-0275 Siti Sarah Fitriani1 Rizki Ananda2 Andi Muhammad Irawan3 Iskandar Abdul Samad*1 Sukardi Weda4 1English Education Department, Faculty of Teacher Training and Education, Universitas Syiah Kuala, Banda Aceh 23111, INDONESIA 2English Education Department, Faculty of Teacher Training and Education, STKIP An-Nur, Banda Aceh 23115, INDONESIA 3English Literature Department, Faculty of Languages and Arts, Universitas Negeri Padang, Padang, 25131, INDONESIA 4English Literature Department, Faculty of Language and Literature, Universitas Negeri Makassar, Makassar 90222, INDONESIA Abstract For decades, newspapers have become a daily need for people across the globe to update information. There is a tendency of the people to believe in the news published in newspapers, for media is considered neutral. In Indonesia, 212 rallies are the events that were widely reported as headlines for weeks by national and international newspapers. This study showcases the brief portrait of The Jakarta Post representations on the 212 rallies by its use of linguistic properties, to see whether The Jakarta Post is impartial in delivering the news. This study employs Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) strategies and applies the analytical tools drawn from Systemic Functional Grammar (SFG). The data were taken from sixteen 212 rallies related news, including seven headlines, collected from The Jakarta Post archives. The result of this study reveals that by using transitivity and conceptual metaphor, The Jakarta Post tends to stand on the side of the one being protested, and oppose the rallies.
    [Show full text]
  • New Museum of Indonesian Batik: an Architecture of “Showing Off”
    Journal of Civil Engineering and Architecture 11 (2017) 305-312 doi: 10.17265/1934-7359/2017.03.010 D DAVID PUBLISHING “A” New Museum of Indonesian Batik: An Architecture of “Showing off” Yuke Ardhiati Architecture Department, Universitas Pancasila, Jakarta, 12640, Indonesia Abstract: For the “A” New Museum of Indonesian Batik, Ivan Saputra was the architect winner of the Museum Design Competition in 2013. Preparation for the competition required architectural design guidelines, which were an important part of the terms of reference for the project. This paper aims to provide an overview of the issues surrounding the work involved in the collaboration work between the Indonesian government and multi-disciplinary participants to establish museum design guidelines for this competition. By articulating and elaborating the characteristics of several famous museums design in the world, by defining relevant architectural theories, and by exploring an in-depth analysis of “batik”, which UNESCO designated as Intangible Heritage of Humanity of UNESCO in 2009, the architectural design guidelines were developed based onfindings revealedby inserting “batik” itself as the museum storyline into contemporary architecture. By referring to trans-disciplinary methods and concepts, then the process of batik making is potentially a kind of architectural “showing off” to expose the uniqueness of Indonesian batik as well as the Architecture-Event theory promoted by French philosopher Jacques Derrida. Key words: Architecture-event, architectural guidelines, Indonesian batik, museum storyline, “showing off”. 1. Introduction strict heritage guidelines result in the fact that museums are limited in regard to museum design. The “Love Our National Museums Movement” According to the author, with such restrictions, the started in the year 2010 as part of Indonesian Museum general public often perceive the final design to be Reform initiative to reform iconic museums.
    [Show full text]
  • The Perceived Destination Image of Indonesia: an Assessment on Travel Blogs Written by the Industry’S Top Markets
    The perceived destination image of Indonesia: an assessment on travel blogs written by the industry’s top markets By Bernadeth Petriana A thesis submitted to the Victoria University of Wellington in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Tourism Management Victoria University of Wellington 2017 1 Abstract The tourist gaze theory suggests that tourists are taught by the destination marketing organisation to know how, when, and where to look. However, the birth of travel blogs has challenged this image as they offer the public “unfiltered” information. Travel bloggers have become more powerful in influencing the decision making of potential tourists. This study employs textual and photographic content analysis to investigate the destination image of Indonesia held by the industry’s key markets; Singapore and Australia. 106 blog entries and over 1,500 pictures were content analysed, and the results suggest that overall tourists tended to have positive images of Indonesia. International tourists are still very much concentrated in the traditionally popular places such as Bali and Jakarta. Negative images of Indonesia include inadequate infrastructure, ineffective wildlife protection, and westernisation of Bali. Natural and cultural resources are proven in this thesis to be Indonesia’s top tourism products. Influenced by their cultural backgrounds, Singaporean and Australian bloggers have demonstrated a dissimilar tourist gaze. The current study also analysed the bloggers’ image of Indonesia as opposed to the image projected by the government through the national tourism brand “Wonderful Indonesia”. The results indicate a narrow gap between the two images. Implications for Indonesian tourism practitioners include stronger law enforcement to preserve local culture and natural attractions, and recognising the market’s preference to promote other destinations.
    [Show full text]
  • CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION 1.1 Background of the Study Joko
    CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION 1.1 Background of The Study Joko Widodo's figure, which in few back years ago has become known as a major of Solo and managed to launch local production cars, as known as ESEMKA cars. Joko Widodo is also known by people because he officiate as The Governor of DKI Jakarta on period 2012-2014. After that, Joko Widodo's name skyrocketed because of that time many policies made by Joko Widodo are populist. Through his good track record and pragmatic approach, as shown through the "blusukan" program, Jokowi dominated the presidential candidate surveys and get rid of other candidates, so the discourse appears for make it a presidential candidate. Joko Widodo has become a hot issue that has been discussed in the media, especially online newspaper. His popularity during his leadership, particularly as the governor of Jakarta, the presidential candidate, and the President of Indonesia, is reflected in the news reporting what he does. The Jakarta Post and The Jakarta Globe are online newspaper that has several times presented Joko Widodo as their news headline. 1 2 There are two leading Indonesian online media in English that report the issue about Joko Widodo as a president candidate, they are The Jakarta Post and The Jakarta Globe. Both media are the representative of Indonesia perspective on global flow of information. They also provide the readers forum in every article where the readers can put their comments related to the article. However, the two news publications have different histories which contribute the ways they construct the meaning or represent the issues.
    [Show full text]
  • Textual Analysis of the Jakarta Post Online Representation of Presidential Candidates in Indonesia
    HUMANIORA VOLUME 28 Number 3 October 2016 Page 339–347 Textual Analysis of the Jakarta Post Online Representation of Presidential Candidates in Indonesia Prayudi & Retno Hendariningrum Universitas Pembangunan Nasional “Veteran” Yogyakarta Email: [email protected] ABSTRACT General Election 2014 in Indonesia principally was a gate to more democratic Indonesia. People were given rights to directly vote their preferred legislative representatives and president and vice president for the next five-year period. New political learning process was introduced as all presidential candidates must show their capabilities in all aspects to attract constituents. The role of mass media became important as each candidate worked hard to gain sympathy from people. This paper examines how Indonesian online news media critically reported the presidential candidates. Further, this paper analysed how the issue were represented in the online media and why it was represented in such ways. Keywords: general election, news media, textual analysis, presidential candidate, the Jakarta Post INTRODUCTION the nation for five years to come. The election of The election of Indonesian president and the president and vice president directly invites the vice president held in 2014 has directly led to public to vote for leaders they think are best to lead a political learning process. The president and this nation. vice president candidates must demonstrate their In a broader context, the 2014 President and capability politically, socially and economically Vice President
    [Show full text]
  • Prabowo Subianto and Indonesia's Geostrategic Defence Outlook
    No.No. 09 09 / / 27 27 January January 2020 2020 www.habibiecenter.or.idwww.habibiecenter.or.id Prabowo Subianto and Indonesia’s Geostrategic Defence Outlook: Between US-China and ASEAN By Naifa Rizani Intern at The Habibie Center [email protected] Introduction The appointment of the new Indonesian Minister of Defence, Prabowo Subianto, has stirred a lot of debate due to his questionable track record from his previous career in the Indonesian Military. After being appointed by President Joko Widodo in the new cabinet, Prabowo Subianto promptly held several meetings with foreign representatives, notably from the two great power countries, discussing defence cooperation while he also gave a bold statement urging the strengthening of regional security at the ASEAN Defence Ministerial Meeting (17/11).1 This raised a discourse on how Prabowo will translate President Joko Widodo’s vision and mission into Indonesia’s defence policy in the future. What is his focus for Indonesia’s Ministry of Defence? How will he maintain the defence ties between the great powers and with ASEAN? And how will Indonesia’s defence ties turn under his watch? Prabowo Subianto as the New Defence Minister Prabowo Subianto was (in)famously known for his military career and later as President Joko Widodo’s contender in the general elections of 2014 and 2019. Nevertheless his military background and political standing are expected to help him in his new role as Defence Minister. As a former Army lieutenant general, he is well-informed of the need to improve Indonesia’s defence situation, and is perceived to have gained the full trust of the President who even declared, “I believe I don’t have to tell him about his job -- he knows more than I do.”2 Despite the criticism received by several human rights groups that are concerned by the possibility of a greater military role in the civil sphere and also his seeming lack of concern on human rights issues, Prabowo Subianto’s longstanding experiences in the field appear No.
    [Show full text]
  • Indonesia 2021 Back to Growth
    INDONESIA 2021 BACK TO GROWTH IPSOS FLAIR COLLECTION IPSOS FLAIR COLLECTION | INDONESIA 2021 INDONESIA 2021: BACK TO GROWTH. 3 IPSOS FLAIR COLLECTION | INDONESIA 2021 IPSOS EDITIONS MARCH 2021 ©2021 – IPSOS 4 IPSOS FLAIR COLLECTION | INDONESIA 2021 IPSOS FLAIR: Understand to Foresee Henri Wallard Deputy CEO – Ipsos Group Président Ipsos en France After the success of our second Ipsos Flair in Indonesia, made possible thanks to the commitment of our teams and great reception of our clients, we are pleased to present the third edition. This new edition is quite positive despite the social and economic impact of the COvid-19 crisis; there was no quarantine, stop & go nor curfew in the country, but social distancing rules applied in restaurants and other public places that remained open. Since March 2020, Indonesia has seen around 1.5 million infected by Covid-19 and 42,000 deaths as a result of the virus from a total population of 270.6 million people, which is a fairly low proportion compared to many other countries. Vaccinations began in December with priority given to 18-59 year-olds, considered the most mobile population and therefore the most likely to contaminate others, and the demographic able to participate in the economic and social recovery with minimal risk of side effects. The purpose of Ipsos Flair since its creation in 2005 has been: to analyze the values and attitudes of consumer-citizens and their view of all aspects of society in a number of countries around the world, providing substantial analysis and recommending the best ways forward. Flair is instinctive and intuitive, able to capture the atmosphere of a country, recognize the right direction, and know when to act.
    [Show full text]
  • The Ideology Stance of the Jakarta Post Through Headlines on Negara Islam Indonesia’S Case
    Advances in Social Science, Education and Humanities Research (ASSEHR), volume 247 International Conference on Science and Education and Technology 2018 (ISET 2018) The Ideology Stance of the Jakarta Post through Headlines on Negara Islam Indonesia’s Case Sugeng Irianto1, Sukarno2, Joko Sutopo3, Mursid Saleh4 1,2,3,4Graduate School, Universitas Negeri Semarang, Indonesia 1Coresponding Email: [email protected] Abstract This research is aimed to unfold the Ideology stance of the Jakarta Post when publishing the news on Negara Islam Indonesia (NII) case through its headlines. The data were headlines published in the Jakarta Post 2010-2014. This research was qualitative in nature, although simple quantitative also done to count the quantity of headlines and appraisal system. The qualitative was used to explain the ideology belongs to the Jakarta Post when publishing the news on NII. The study uses the model developed by White (2001) and Martin and Rose (2003) to reveal the ideology stance of the Jakarta Post. The result of this study is the Jakarta Post follows the government ideology by looking at the NII group as an illegal, terrorist, radical group which has to be eliminated. However, the Jakarta Post give the big portion (space) in the newspaper for the NII group through its headlines and national news to follow the Post policy to accommodate all the parties in Indonesia, specifically to minor groups or suppressed groups. This policy of the Jakarta Post reflects the democratic way as one of the vision of the Jakarta Post. Keywords: ideology, Negara Islam Indonesia, the Jakarta Post, headlines 1. Introduction.
    [Show full text]
  • The 36Th ASEAN Summit: Still Responsive and Cohesive?
    No.No. 19 19 / / 25 25 June June 2020 2020 www.habibiecenter.or.idwww.habibiecenter.or.id The 36th ASEAN Summit: Still Responsive and Cohesive? By A. Ibrahim Almuttaqi Head of ASEAN Studies Program at The Habibie Center [email protected] This Friday, June 26, 2020 Southeast Asian leaders will hold the 36th ASEAN Summit. However due to the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic, Vietnam, as this year’s current chair, has decided that the high- level meeting will take place virtually. Amidst ongoing tensions in the Indo-Pacific region over long-standing issues – such as the South China Sea, developments on the Korean Peninsula, and superpower rivalry between the United States and China – ASEAN Leaders will also have to contend with the consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic that has to date infected at least 128,890 people and claimed the lives of at least 3,793 in Southeast Asia.1 What can be expected from the 36th ASEAN Summit? What will be the limitations of a virtual summit? Will ASEAN be responsive and cohesive? Answering Doubters of Multilateralism and Globalization The COVID-19 pandemic has arguably served as fuel to the simmering question marks about the relevancy of multilateralism and the benefits of globalization. The scale, scope and speed in which the coronavirus was able to spread to every corner of the world has been held up as an example of the dangers that an increasingly open and connected society poses. In such an unprecedented situation, governments have been accused of adopting an ‘every man for himself’ mentality with countries competing with one another in order to secure supplies of limited personal protective equipment (PPE), surgical face masks, and medicine.
    [Show full text]
  • History, Memory, and the "1965 Incident" in Indonesia
    HISTORY, MEMORY, AND THE “1965 INCIDENT” IN INDONESIA Mary S. Zurbuchen With the events of 1998 that climaxed in the stunning moment of President Suharto’s resignation, Indonesia embarked on a transi- tion from a tenacious authoritarianism. These changes have prompted re- examination of assumptions and tenets that have shaped the state, its laws and institutions, and the experience of being a citizen. They have also spurred calls for justice and retribution for persistent patterns of violence. Suharto’s New Order is the only government that most Indonesians alive today have ever known, and its passing has sparked notable interest in reviewing and assessing earlier chapters in the national story. This retrospective moment has not been systematic, and there are indications that it may not be sustained under the administration of President Megawati Sukarnoputri. 1 Nonetheless, public discourse continues to spotlight key actors and events from the past, including some that have long been hidden, suppressed, or unmentionable. Among these topics, the killings of 1965–66 are a particularly difficult and dark subject. In this essay, I will discuss some of the recent representations of this particular element of the collective past and offer some thoughts on how “1965” figures in contemporary public discourse, in social and private Mary S. Zurbuchen is Visiting Professor and Acting Director of the Center for Southeast Asian Studies at the University of California, Los Angeles. Asian Survey , 42:4, pp. 564–582. ISSN: 0004–4687 Ó 2002 by The Regents of the University of California. All rights reserved. Send Requests for Permission to Reprint to: Rights and Permissions, University of California Press, Journals Division, 2000 Center St., Ste.
    [Show full text]
  • The League of Thirteen Media Concentration in Indonesia
    THE LEAGUE OF THIRTEEN MEDIA CONCENTRATION IN INDONESIA author: MERLYNA LIM published jointly by: PARTICIPATORY MEDIA LAB AT ARIZONA STATE UNIVERSITY & 2012 The league of thirteen: Media concentration in Indonesia Published jointly in 2012 by Participatory Media LaB Arizona State University Tempe, Arizona United States & The Ford Foundation This report is Based on the research funded By the Ford Foundation Indonesia Office. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons AttriBution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 Unported License How to cite this report: Lim, M. 2012. The League of Thirteen: Media Concentration in Indonesia. Research report. Tempe, AZ: Participatory Media LaB at Arizona State University. AvailaBle online at: http://www.puBlic.asu.edu/~mlim4/files/Lim_IndoMediaOwnership_2012.pdf. THE LEAGUE OF THIRTEEN: MEDIA CONCENTRATION IN INDONESIA By Merlyna Lim1 The demise of the Suharto era in 1998 produced several positive developments for media democratization in Indonesia. The Department of Information, once led By the infamous Minister Harmoko was aBandoned, followed By several major deregulations that changed the media landscape dramatically. From 1998 to 2002, over 1200 new print media, more than 900 new commercial radio and five new commercial television licenses were issued. Over the years, however, Indonesian media went ‘Back to Business’ again. Corporate interests took over and continues to dominate the current Indonesian media landscape. MEDIA OWNERSHIP From Figure 1 we can see that the media landscape in Indonesia is dominated By only 13 groups: the state (with public status) and 12 other commercial entities. There are 12 media groups (see Table 1) have control over 100% of national commercial television shares (10 out of 10 stations).
    [Show full text]