RESEARCH ARTICLE

Ethnobiology and Conservation 2020, 9:6 (15 February 2020) doi:10.15451/ec2020-02-9.06-1-18 ISSN 2238­4782 ethnobioconservation.com Mycophilic Degree among the Wixaritari and Mestizos in Villa Guerrero, Jalisco, Mexico

Mara Ximena Haro­Luna1, 2; Laura Guzmán­Dávalos2; Felipe Ruan­Soto3*

ABSTRACT

The appreciation and taste towards mushrooms are influenced by sociocultural factors and ecological variables. This study evaluated the mycophilic degree among the Wixaritari and mestizo communities in a municipality in the north of Jalisco, settled in different types of vegetation, to determine if ecological and sociocultural factors influence the attitude towards the mushrooms. The Mycophilia­Mycophobia Index was evaluated in 10 communities in which structured interviews were conducted with a representative number of people. Responses to 18 indicators were analyzed by statistical tests. In general, the population resulted mycophilic. There were significant differences between the Wixaritari and mestizo attitudes in 10 of the 18 indicators. The model that best explained the mycophilic attitudes was community­cultural group in which the vegetation type was involved. Nevertheless, the cultural group alone affected the perception towards some issues, as the indicators include here have shown. One Wixarika community in pine­oak forest was extremely mycophilic, in contrast to a mestizo community in oak forest that was indifferent to the mushrooms; these attitudes were the result of historical events that have modified the lifestyle of people. The differences in the evaluated indicators were due to the cosmovision of each cultural group. Changes in lifestyle and diet have caused a lack of interest and an apathetic attitude towards wild mushrooms in a community, but the farthest communities showed a greater appreciation towards mushrooms, especially since these and the rest of the wild resources are used to meet their basic needs. These attitudes could have implications for biological conservation because of the appreciation of a strong dependence on the environment.

Keywords: Edible Wild Mushrooms; Ethnomycology; Huichol; Wixarika.

1 Maestría en Ciencias en Biosistemática y Manejo de Recursos Naturales, Universidad de Guadalajara.

2 Departamento de Botánica y Zoología, Universidad de Guadalajara, Apdo. postal 1­139, 45101, Zapopan, Jalisco, Mexico.

3 Instituto de Ciencias Biológicas, Universidad de Ciencias y Artes de Chiapas, 29039, Tuxtla

Gutiérrez, Chiapas, Mexico. * Corresponding author. E‐mail address: MXHL ([email protected]), LGD ([email protected]), FRS* ([email protected]) INTRODUCTION respectively (Ruan­Soto et al. 2013; Wasson and Wasson 1957). These positions towards Mushrooms are organisms that provoke mushrooms are at the extreme ends since different feelings and attitudes in people, there are many stances that can fall in from fear and disgust in some persons to joy between, such as disinterest, apathy, or the and affection in others, which have been ignorance of their existence (Ruan­Soto et named mycophobic and mycophilic attitudes, al. 2013). 1 Haro­Luna et al. 2020. Mycophilic Degree among the Wixaritari and Mestizos in Villa Guerrero, Jalisco, Mexico. Ethnobio Conserv 9:6

There are many factors that can influence about mushrooms and were the main these behaviors, like the culture of the group transmitters of this knowledge (Garibay­ of people in question, as well as their life Orijel et al. 2012; Montoya et al. 2012). In history. López­Austin (2004) proposed that addition, this was better preserved in the the traditions, lifestyle, and activities of a communities settled near forested areas, society transform and adapt the ideas, where there was a greater availability of conceptions, and perceptions of each resources (Burrola­Aguilar et al. 2012; individual and the way that they relate with Villarreal and Pérez­Moreno 1989). Although biotic or abiotic elements. Attitudes towards in rural areas in Mexico, the mestizos make mushrooms can also be related with socio­ use of wild mushrooms (Mariaca et al. 2001; economic besides cultural factors (Garibay­ Moreno­Fuentes 2013; Ruan­Soto et al. Orijel et al. 2012; Montoya et al. 2012; 2006), it has been considered that the Pérez­Moreno et al. 2008). For instance, in indigenous population tends to preserve a the case of mushrooms, Ruan­Soto et al. greater heritage of knowledge about (2013) found that the degree of mycophilia is mushrooms (Guzmán 2008; Pérez­Moreno not related to the ecological region but is et al. 2008). instead mostly affected by sociocultural One of the 68 ethnic groups of Mexico factors such as gender, cultural group, that has attracted much attention from occupation, or the origin of the people. In various researchers has been the Huichol or contrast, Mapes et al. (2002) suggested that Wixarika. This group, despite having mycophilia or mycophobia were not suffered abuse from the oppression, associated only to cultural factors, but also discrimination, and violence, has a great others such as ecological variables (e.g., capacity of self­affirmation and strong vegetation type) had an influence and might syncretism (Diguet 1899; Neurath 2002). cause differences within the same culture The Wixarika’s cosmovision is contradictory about the importance assigned to because several realities can exist mushrooms. When a cultural group simultaneously. It agrees with the chaos, it colonizes new places with different types of does not distinguish between good and evil, ecosystems, they may or may not take nor separates nature and society from magic advantage of the mushrooms that belong to and religion (Neurath 2005; Neurath and this new environment. Thus, they could Pacheco 2011; Villegas 2016). In any of the change their conceptions related to these interpretations of the tangible and intangible new species and, due to this, their degree of world, there are variations and changes at mycophilia would change over time (Arora distinct levels within and among the and Shepard 2008; Mapes et al. 2002). communities, especially in their ritual It is known that people with mycophilic practices (Kindl 2003). attitude has a higher traditional knowledge Anthropological and ethnographic studies on its ecosystems, in this case specifically have reported Wixaritari consuming mushrooms, encouraging them to a better mushrooms to cope with periods of scarcity conservation of their environment (Ruan­ (Lumholtz 1902; Neurath and Pacheco Soto et al. 2013). On the other hand, certain 2011). Furthermore, anthropolinguistic and patterns can be observed in the traditional ethnobotanical studies have listed names of mycological knowledge and in the practices edible (Bauml 1989, 1994; Grimes 1980; related to using wild mushrooms. Usually, Price 1967) and some toxic (Torres 2000) women were the ones who know the most mushrooms in the Wixarika language. Until

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now, the only ethnomycological works on the MATERIAL AND METHODS Wixaritari are Villaseñor­Ibarra et al. (2018) and Haro­Luna et al. (2019), who reported Study area the relationship of this cultural group in the communities Tateikie and Villa Guerrero, This study was carried out in 10 with 20 and 36 species of wild mushrooms, communities in the municipality of Villa respectively. In comparison, mestizo Guerrero, in the northern part of the state of population of Villa Guerrero only know 14 Jalisco, Mexico (Figure 1). Three of these species (Haro­Luna et al. 2019). communities belong to the Wixarika group, The municipality of Villa Guerrero, at the five are mestizo communities, and two have North of Jalisco, Mexico, has Wixaritari and people from both cultural groups that live mestizo communities near pine and oak together (Table 1). In these communities, forests, and others near subtropical scrub. mushrooms are a wild resource with cultural According to Bello­Cervantes et al. (2019), and nutritional importance (Haro­Luna et al. the persons in the communities closest to 2019). In the municipality, the semi­warm the forests where there is a greater semi­dry and semi­warm sub­humid biological diversity of sporomes have a tempered climates predominated. In the better relationship with the mushrooms. And region, the average annual temperature was following the above mentioned that the 18.7 ºC and the average annual rainfall of indigenous groups, as well as the women, 803.2 mm, throughout the months of June to retain a greater ethnomycological September. The elevation varies from 980 to knowledge, our objective was to carry out a 2360 m a.s.l. (INEGI 2019). The terrain is comparative study of the degree of extremely rugged but allow the development mycophilia­mycophobia present in the of diverse types of vegetation such as pine­ population of a multicultural municipality oak forest, oak forest, and subtropical where Wixarika —an indigenous group— scrubland, as well as grasslands by human and mestizo —mixture of various cultures, activities, such as land­clearing of areas including European— people converge. We destined for livestock and agriculture. In the proved the hypothesis that the Wixaritari had region, the oak forest is very fragmented, a higher degree of mycophilia compared to also due to human activities (IIEG 2019; the mestizo population in Villa Guerrero, INEGI 2019; SEMARNAT 2005). Jalisco, Mexico. Likewise, we explored the The municipality is categorized by the possibility that other socio­demographic or Mexican government as a region with a low ecological factors, such as gender or degree of connectivity in roads and vegetation type, can better explain the highways. Most of its communities are attitude that people have towards located inside of the Sierra Madre mushrooms. With this information, we can Occidental, among canyons and ravines, recognize the cultural group, and the factors thus they are kept uncommunicated most of around it, that have a better relationship with the time. The basic economic activities are mushrooms and that are aware of the ways rainfed agriculture and extensive cattle to make use and maintenance of non­timber raising for local consumption and export. resources such as mushrooms (Ruan­Soto Nevertheless, other practices are also et al., 2013). carried out such as fishing and the use of wild resources to complement their diet and

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Figure 1. Communities studied in Villa Guerrero, Jalisco, Mexico.

Table 1. Communities in which the interviews were conducted, cultural group to which they belong, and number of interviewees in the municipality of Villa Guerrero, Jalisco, Mexico.

*Number of Wixaritari/number of mestizos. to have a source of income on a smaller carried out at random to a representative scale. The municipality has a high migration number of people above 15 years old in rate as a consequence of the high levels of each community, calculated with the sample poverty (INEGI 2019; Shadow 2002). size (SS) formula SS = Z2*p*(1­p)/C2, where the margin of error was 5%. This work has Data collection and analyses been adhered to the stipulations of the ethics code of the Latin American Society of A total of 454 structured interviews were Ethnobiology (SOLAE) (Cano­Contreras et

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al. 2015). Thus, in addition to managing a of the structured interviews were recorded in general authorization in every community, the pre­established formats and responses we verbally requested permission from each to in­depth interviews, besides the reactions person before conducting the interview, as and extra data, were registered in the field well as their consent to use their information diary, as well as audio and/or video for this study. recordings when the interviewee’s consent Interview formats contained questions was obtained. The collection of these data that tackled each of the cultural domains and was carried out over two years of field work, indicators proposed by Ruan­Soto et al. from Feb 2016 to Mar 2018. (2013) (Table 2) to evaluate the degree of In the analyses of the quantitative data, mycophilia­mycophobia. It was applied one first we carried out frequency distributions, question per indicator —except in some contingency tables, and χ2 tests to find cases, where two were done to make the significant differences among the values of question clearer—, as well as questions to the responses in each of the 18 indicators gather the socio­demographic information between cultural groups and between men (community, age, cultural group, occupation, and women (Ruan­Soto et al. 2014). gender) of each interviewee. The value of To explore the existence of grouping the mycophilia­mycophobia index was patterns by ecological or sociocultural calculated based on Ruan­Soto et al. (2013), variables, cluster analyses were done, and where the score obtained for each of the 18 distance matrices were calculated with the indicators was added up. Responses to each average taxonomic distance method. In indicator were coded with a value of 1 for a addition, principal components analysis positive attitude, 0.5 neutral attitude, and 0 (PCA) was performed with the average for a negative attitude. If the sum of all the values of each indicator per community­ indicators was 0, it was considered as an cultural group (Ruan­Soto et al. 2013). extreme mycophobic attitude, whereas a These multivariate techniques were carried score of 18 as an extreme mycophilic out with NTSYS 2.11x (Numerical Taxonomy attitude. and Multivariate Analysis System). In addition, in­depth interviews, described Four models were constructed using a by Robles (2011), were conducted with a beta probability­density function with total of 12 quality informants —people who maximum likelihood adjustment to evaluate are identified by the community as those which factors (community, gender, or cultural who know more about mushrooms—, who group) better explain the distribution of were inhabitants of each community, except attitudes toward mushrooms in the for the case of the two multicultural population (Ruan­Soto et al. 2013). The four communities where a person from each models could be put in the categories of: (i) cultural group was interviewed. In this null model; (ii) one­factor model: gender, technique, there is no formal exchange of cultural group; (iii) two­factor models: questions and answers, but an intimate talk community­cultural group. Each of these is established during several sessions in models was compared with the Akaike which topics of interest are gradually being Information Criterion (AIC) to determine addressed. These interviews helped to which was best supported by the data. clarify the conceptions, ideas, and perceptions of each cultural group. Answers

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Table 2. Indicators and questions applied in structured interviews about the mycological knowledge to Wixaritari and mestizo communities in Villa Guerrero, Jalisco, Mexico.

p=0.00), harvesting practices (3, p=0.00), RESULTS recognition of the existence of toxic species (8, p=0.025), morphological knowledge of When comparing the results, about the toxic species (9, p=0.01), attitude toward positive, neutral and negative responses of species without cultural importance (10, the Wixaritari and mestizos, it was found that p=0.04), other uses besides food (12, there were significant differences in 10 of the p=0.00), existence of specialists in collection 18 indicators (test χ2, p<0.05). These 10 or salespeople of mushrooms (13, p=0.00), indicators were (number following Table 2, knowledge of the role of mushrooms in the and statistical significance): traditional ecosystem (14, p=0.005), knowledge of the taxonomic knowledge of edible species (2, relationship between mushrooms and animals (15, p=0.00), and existence of

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knowledge transmission mechanism (16, responses. p=0.00). In general, the Wixaritari presented Both groups had a generally positive a higher frequency of positive attitudes in all attitude for the eight indicators in which there indicators, except in indicator 13 ‘existence was no significant difference (test χ2, of specialists in collection or salespeople of p>0.05), which were: recognition of edible mushrooms’ , where they had more negative species (1, p=0.35), consumption of edible answers and mestizos had more positive species (4, p=0.1), appreciation of

Figure 2. Frequency distribution of the 18 indicators of mycophilic­mycophobic degree of Wixaritari and mestizo interviewees in the municipality of Villa Guerrero, Jalisco, Mexico. W: Wixaritari, M: mestizos. The numbers mean 1. Recognition of edible species; 2. Traditional taxonomic knowledge of edible species; 3. Harvesting practices; 4. Consumption of edible species; 5. Appreciation of mushrooms as food; 6. Culinary knowledge; 7. General attitude towards edible species; 8. Recognition of the existence of toxic species; 9. Morphology knowledge of the toxic species; 10. Attitude toward species without cultural significance; 11. Existence of tales or myths of origin that include mushrooms; 12. Other uses besides food; 13. Existence of specialists in harvesting or salespeople of mushrooms; 14. Knowledge of the role of mushrooms in the ecosystem; 15. Knowledge of the relationship between mushrooms and animals; 16. Existence of knowledge transmission mechanisms; 17. General attitude towards mushrooms as a whole; 18. Perceived importance of mushrooms as a group.

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mushrooms as food (5, p=0.35), culinary Valles), as it can be seen from the cluster knowledge (6, p=0.06), general attitude analysis (Figure 3). towards edible species (7, p=0.5), existence The principal components analysis of tales or myths of origin that include (Figure 4) showed that the principal mushrooms (11, p=0.5), general attitude component 1, which explained 49.50% of the towards mushrooms as a whole (17, p=0.5), variation, discriminated the mestizo and perceived importance of mushrooms as population Ojo de Agua de Cardos from the a group (18, p=0.35). rest. The most important characteristics were the existence of harvesting practices Ordination and classification (3, see Table 2) and the existence of according to the attitude towards knowledge transmission mechanisms (16). mushrooms The principal component 2, which explained 16.56% of the variation, discriminated the The ordination and classification tests mestizo communities of Izolta, San Lorenzo, showed that two large groups of Santa Rita, and Villa Guerrero, and the communities were formed and one of the Wixarika settlement of Los Valles from the mestizo communities (Ojo de Agua de rest of the Wixaritari communities, where the Cardos) was left out of the groups. One existence of specialists in harvesting or group was composed mostly of the Wixaritari salespeople of mushrooms are unknown populations (San Antonio, San Lorenzo, (13), as well as settlements in which most Rancho de en Medio, Villa Guerrero) and people had knowledge about characteristics two mestizo settlements (Ciénega de to recognize toxic mushroom species (9). Márquez, La Guásima). The other group was composed mostly of mestizo communities (Izolta, San Lorenzo, Santa Rita, Villa Guerrero) and only one Wixarika (Los

Figure 3. Cluster analysis by community­cultural group in a study of the mycological knowledge of Wixaritari and mestizo communities in the municipality of Villa Guerrero, Jalisco, Mexico. The first two letters correspond to the community, CM: Ciénega de Márquez; IZ: Izolta; LG: La Guásima; OA: Ojo de Agua de Cardos; RE: Rancho de en Medio; SA: San Antonio; SL: San Lorenzo de Atzqueltán; SR: Santa Rita; VG: Villa Guerrero; VS: Valles. The third letter corresponds to the cultural group, W: Wixarika; M: mestizo.

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Figure 4. Principal components analysis (PCA) community­cultural group in a study of the mycological knowledge of Wixaritari and mestizo communities in the municipality of Villa Guerrero, Jalisco, Mexico. The first two letters correspond to the community, CM: Ciénega de Márquez; IZ: Izolta; LG: La Guásima; OA: Ojo de Agua de Cardos; RE: Rancho de en Medio; SA: San Antonio; SL: San Lorenzo de Atzqueltán; SR: Santa Rita; VG: Villa Guerrero; VS: Valles. The third letter corresponds to the cultural group, W: Wixarika, M: mestizo.

Probability distribution of the distribution of the mestizo community Ojo de Mycophilia­Mycophobia Index Agua de Cardos, in oak forest, did not present a bell shape because they did not In general, people from the municipality of exhibit a mycophobic or mycophilic tendency Villa Guerrero had a tendency towards (Figure 5d). mycophilic attitudes (Figure 5a); however, The comparison of models through the there was a greater probability of finding AIC values showed that the model that best Wixarika people with a high mycophilic explained the distribution of data was the degree than mestizo people (Figure 5b). two­factor model: community­cultural group Although there was a greater possibility to (Table 3). According to the value of AIC the find extremely mycophilic women in both gender model lacks any explanatory or groups (Figure 5c). predictive power followed by the null mode There was a greater number of extremely and cultural group model. mycophilic people in a Wixarika community in pine­oak forest (Rancho de en Medio) and DISCUSSION in a multicultural community settled in scrubland and oak forest (Villa Guerrero), In general, the population interviewed followed by a mestizo settlement in a presented a mycophilic attitude. In Mexico, it subtropical scrubland (Izolta) (Figure 5d). In was previously thought that mycophilic the two multicultural communities, there was people were mostly concentrated in a higher probability of finding Wixaritari than temperate zones at the center of the country mestizos with a higher mycophilic degree because it is in this region where a greater (Figure 5d). The adjusted probability number of species are consumed and the

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Figure 5. Probability distribution of the mycophilic­mycophobic index of Wixaritari and mestizo communities in the municipality of Villa Guerrero, Jalisco, Mexico, with the different models tested: a) Null model (total data); b) One factor model: gender; c) One factor model: cultural group (Wixaritari­ mestizo); d) Two factors model: community­cultural group. The first two letters correspond to the community, CM: Ciénega de Márquez; IZ: Izolta; LG: La Guásima; OA: Ojo de Agua de Cardos; RE: Rancho de en Medio; SA: San Antonio; SL: San Lorenzo de Atzqueltán; SR: Santa Rita; VG: Villa Guerrero; VS: Valles. The third letter corresponds to the cultural group, W: Wixarika, M: mestizo.

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Table 3. Akaike Information Criterion (AIC) other countries such as Poland (Andrzej et values for the compared models in a study of the al. 2019); as these foods become popular, mycological knowledge of Wixaritari and mestizo also the mushrooms they contain. communities in the municipality of Villa Guerrero, As shown by the AIC (Table 3), the model Jalisco, Mexico. that best explained mycophilic attitudes was that which fused the ethnic group and community, where the vegetation type was the main driving force in the second one. The cultural group model was not the one that best explained the attitude that people presented towards mushrooms, as it harvest and sale of mushrooms represent a occurred in other areas of the country significant economic income for people (Ruan­Soto et al. 2013), since both the (Burrola­Aguilar et al. 2012; Mapes et al. Wixaritari and mestizos presented 2002; Montoya et al. 2008; Moreno­Fuentes mycophilic tendencies. Although, while the and Garibay­Orijel 2014; Moreno­Fuentes et cultural group to which each person belongs al. 2001). Nevertheless, Ruan­Soto et al. did not influence the degree of mycophilia, it (2006, 2013, 2014) realized that also in did affect the perception towards some southern Mexico the population is generally issues as the indicators included here had mycophilic, even in tropical lowlands where shown. This coincided with that reported in mushrooms are also consumed and use in other ethnic groups throughout the country, different manners. The present study also where, although traditional knowledge has proved that in a semi­arid region with small eroded and has incorporated knowledge forested areas (subtropical scrub and oak from after cultures, Mexican original groups forest), located at the Mesoamerican retain perceptions and ethnomycological northern border, the general population was wisdom since pre­Hispanic times (Garibay­ mycophilic. As in the study by Ruan­Soto et Orijel and Ruan­Soto 2014; Guzmán 2008; al. (2013), this attitude did not exclude Pérez­Moreno et al. 2008). For instance, the mycophobia, but behaves rather as a Wixaritari recognized different species of gradual scale, i.e., the people in the study toxic mushrooms through morphological area presented either positive or negative characteristics because in their cosmovision postures to the different indicators. there is not a polarized conception of good The increase in studies in regions where and evil (Neurath 2005; Neurath and ethnomycological data is not yet available, Pacheco 2011; Villegas 2016). For them, will allow to find the use of mushrooms by toxic mushrooms precede the appearance of different populations that were thought to be the edible ones and are necessary for their mycophobic and where the mycophilic existence. In contrast, most of the mestizos attitude was not documented. And even in did not know how to recognize a toxic populations where mushrooms are not used, mushroom. we could assume that mycophobia would not In other indicators, such as harvest be extreme, especially because of practices and the existence of specialists in globalization and the insertion of products, this activity, the differences between the mainly foods, that contain mushrooms. cultural groups studied here have nothing to These cultural insertions of mushrooms in do with mycophobia, but they were due to some dishes have been documented in

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the fact that the collection of edible wild wisdom ranged from the recognition criteria mushrooms was an activity that takes place of edible mushrooms, toxic mushroom every year among the Wixaritari being wild conceptions, places and season of mushrooms an important resource in their collection, to the medicinal use that they diet; meanwhile, in the mestizo population, attributed to some of them. In contrast, some the years in which they did not have the mestizos mentioned that their parents never means or time to go out to harvest, they taught them how to recognize which usually tend to buy them. Therefore, when mushrooms they could eat, so they feel we asked about the existence of specialists some sense of distrust towards them. Others in the harvest or salespeople, the Wixaritari mentioned that their children did not want to responded mostly negatively; however, learn about them, so the kids did not eat mestizos usually know people who sell mushrooms. In general, mestizos did not mushrooms in the streets or in the market. use mushrooms to cure specific ailments, In terms of the ecologic traditional but they considered them an extremely knowledge, the Wixaritari were clear that nutritious food source that can keep the mushrooms grow from the organic matter in body healthy and thus avoid diseases. This decay, such as leaves and trunks, and that is perception coincided with what was reported how these organisms are integrated into the by Bautista­González and Moreno­Fuentes life cycle of the forest and other ecosystems. (2014). The animals that the Wixaritari mentioned The probability distribution (Figure 5d) having seen eating mushrooms or related showed that the Wixaritari living near the with them, although not necessarily edible forests were highly mycophilic, as well as the ones, range from deer, coyotes, foxes, Wixaritari of Villa Guerrero, who after having raccoons, squirrels to turtles. On the other migrated from indigenous communities in hand, some mestizos mentioned that the pine­oak forest to an urban center had cattle could eat mushrooms; nevertheless, adapted and conserved their practices and most of the mestizos were not aware if any relationships with mushrooms in the areas of wild animal could eat mushrooms and few scrubland and a nearby oak forest. However, possessed knowledge about the role of fungi there were also cases in which mestizo in the ecosystem. This coincides with communities (Ciénega de Márquez, Izolta, Salmón (2000), who proposes that a close La Guásima, and Santa Rita), settled in relationship with the environment is subtropical scrubland (with poorer maintained when it relates with surviving, mushroom diversity, pers. observ.), were therefore having greater knowledge about higher mycophilic than one mestizo the elements that make up the ecosystem community (Ojo de Agua de Cardos) in oak on which the people depend. Examples of forest (with richer mushroom diversity, pers. this dependence on nature are the original observ.), who had an indifferent attitude to groups who use biota daily, either as food, mushrooms. This contrasted with other medicine, in ceremonies or with a symbolic studies where it was proven that in use, among others (Salmón 2000). settlements close to forested areas the All the knowledge around mushrooms availability of the resource favored the was part of the oral tradition heritage that, establishment of a closer relationship with like other indigenous groups (Toledo 2001), mushrooms (Burrola­Aguilar et al. 2012; keeps the Wixarika culture alive. This Villarreal and Pérez­Moreno 1989).

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According to the results of the ordination knowledge might be due to both ecological and classification (Figures 3–4), the two and historical factors. mestizo settlements, Ciénega de Márquez The mestizo community Ojo de Agua de and La Guásima, included in a group with Cardos was different from the rest, as shown indigenous communities, presented a high by the ordination analysis and the probability degree of mycophilia in the probability distribution (Figures 3, 4, 5d). In this site, the distribution (Figure 5d). These communities people showed no interest in mushrooms, were the most isolated mestizo communities. manifesting an apathetic condition as The hours of travel by rugged and rustic proposed by Ruan­Soto et al. (2013). This roads did not make viable the transportation attitude was maybe due, as in other of foreign food for these communities, so populations (e.g., Benz et al. 2000; Leal et they depended mostly on their crops and al. 2018; Pérez­Moreno et al. 2008), to the wild resources. This may have fostered a change in diet and way of life of this people. closer relationship with mushrooms and a This community has a greater dependence great appreciation for them as a food on agricultural resources, which leads to a source. This behavior was consistent with disuse of wild resources, and consequently that mentioned by Healey and Hunn (1993) to the loss of traditional knowledge about on isolated human settlements that had their utilization. As Saynes­Vásquez et al. achieved a degree of self­sufficiency as an (2013) mentioned, populations with a higher adaptation to cover their primary needs degree of modernity expressed in several through the use and exploitation of nearby factors, including economic activities, had wild elements. The use of wild resources in less traditional knowledge. remote communities where cultivation is not In the communities studied, there were possible and markets are not available, has more mycophilic men; however, the women been reported in other works such as Kumar presented a greater degree of mycophilia. (2013) and Misra et al. (2008). Despite this, there was no difference in In turn, the Wixarika community in Los attitude towards mushrooms between Valles was included in a group with mestizo women and men. This was similar to that communities (Figure 3). The inhabitants reported by Somnasang and Moreno­Black settled in Los Valles, with a subtropical (2000), who demonstrate that gender did not scrubland, after being expelled from their influence the attitude of Thai people towards original territory located in wooded areas by wild foods. Other authors, such as Dovie et a privatization process by herders and al. (2007) and Sundriyal et al. (2004), found farmers (Liffman 2011; Torres 2000). Unlike that gender did not influence the use, other Wixaritari, in this settlement few people management, and preference among wild practice temporary migration. These events plants. Lozada et al. (2006) proposed that might have caused a loss of the both women and men had the same ethnomycological wisdom. Currently, the knowledge and interaction with wild new generations do not have any resources because, although they would attachment to mushrooms and only the play distinct roles, they were in contact with three­elderly people of the community have the same ecosystem. In line with the field a broad understanding and knowledge about observations in the municipality of Villa these organisms. As Mapes et al. (2002) Guerrero, gender roles did not differ in any established, these variations in the degree of community, since women and men of both

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cultural groups performed the same tasks some of the habits and activities of the whether in the countryside or at home. In a groups were also influenced by the similar way to that reported by Mariaca et al. adaptation to the geographical conditions in (2001), the transmission of knowledge, as an effort to make the most of the resources. well as practical and participatory teaching of Gender did not determine the mycophilic children, was carried out by both parents. degree, since the ways and customs of The differences lied in the place and these communities have led men and circumstance of harvesting. Women tended women to relate in the same manner to their to harvest wild resources in places close to environment. Although the diversity of their home throughout the year, while men mushrooms that could be found in areas of carried out temporary migrations to their subtropical scrub was considerably less than more remote properties, due to the sowing those that grow in temperate forests, people and harvesting cycles, for which they must living in semi­arid regions surrounded by this subsist with wild plants and mushrooms type of vegetation showed clear mycophilic collected there. attitudes towards the mushrooms with which Mycophilic attitudes found in the studied they have contact, just as in communities communities are reflection of the surrounded by forests. conservation of traditional ecological In Wixaritari and mestizo communities, knowledge, as was reported in the same traditional knowledge and the relationship of municipality by Haro­Luna et al. (2019). This people with wild natural resources such as knowledge could have implications for the mushrooms were affected both by the biological conservation because of the transformation of lifestyle and economic appreciation of the wild resources and their activities, as well as by historical events that strong dependence on the ecosystems. had caused the displacement and adaptation to a new ecological environment. CONCLUSIONS Furthermore, other social phenomena such as the interruption of some traditions, like In the studied communities, the factor temporary migration for religious festivities, ethnicity alone not explain the degree of had also influenced such knowledge and mycophilia or mycophobia. However, the relationships. Only one community did not traditions and cosmovision of each cultural present mycophilic tendencies due to the group affected the attitudes that were fact that mushrooms had an insignificant demonstrated in some of the evaluated presence in their lives as a subsistence indicators. While for mestizo people, the resource or as part of the knowledge characteristic that determined whether a inherited by their parents and grandparents. mushroom was edible or not was the place In this community, knowledge about wild where they grew and while they had a vague mushrooms stopped being transmitted two idea of their function in the ecosystem, the generations ago, causing the current apathy Wixaritari were aware of the ecological role towards these organisms. of fungi, and in their conceptions, toxic This work demonstrated that, in the study mushrooms were of significant importance area, traditional knowledge about for the maintenance of natural cycles and for mushrooms changed over time due to the emergence of the edible ones. On the historical­social factors and this in term could other hand, regardless of the cultural group, affect the degree of mycophilia of a

14 Haro­Luna et al. 2020. Mycophilic Degree among the Wixaritari and Mestizos in Villa Guerrero, Jalisco, Mexico. Ethnobio Conserv 9:6

population. The conceptions that a person Arora D, Shepard Jr GH (2008) Mushrooms and had towards mushrooms could be influenced economic botany. Economic Botany 62:207– 212. by the cultural group to which they belong as well as the type of vegetation with which Bautista­González JA, Moreno­Fuentes A (2014) Los hongos medicinales de México. In: they had the most contact. Nevertheless, Moreno­Fuentes A, Garibay­Orijel R (eds) La people with high degree of mycophilia, etnomicología en México, estado del arte. whether mestizo or indigenous, could be CONACYT, UAEH & UNAM, Mexico City, pp. 3– found in semi­arid territories in which the 30. appreciation and taste towards mushrooms Bauml AJ (1989) A review of Huichol Indian was high even though there were few ethnobotany. Mirrors of the Gods. San Diego Museum Papers 25:1–10. species present. In the same way, attitudes Bauml AJ (1994) Ethnobotany of the Huichol of apathy towards mushrooms could be people of Mexico. Doctoral Thesis, Claremont, found in places where this resource was The Claremont Graduate School, CA, USA. widely available, due to the displacement of Bello­Cervantes E, Correa­Metrio A, Montoya A, wild resources by other commodities. Trejo I, Cifuentes­Blanco J (2019) Variation of Understanding the different aspects that ethnomycological knowledge in a community influence how different cultural groups from Central Mexico. Journal of Fungal Diversity 1:6–26. perceive fungi, we can have a clearer idea of how these people are related to fungi and Benz BF, Cevallos E, Santana M, Rosales A, Graf M (2000) Losing knowledge about plant get closer to knowing how it has been over use in the sierra de Manantlán Biosphere time. This knowledge is of great help when Reserve, Mexico. Economic Botany 54:183– we seek to build strategies that allow better 191. use and conservation of resources. Burrola­Aguilar C, Montiel O, Garibay­Orijel R, Zizumbo­Villarreal L (2012) Conocimiento Acknowledgements tradicional y aprovechamiento de los hongos comestibles silvestres en la región de Amanalco, Estado de México. Revista We thank every person who was Mexicana de Micología 35:1–16. interviewed and collaborated with us in the Cano­Contreras EJ, Medinaceli A, Diago OLS, fieldwork; Josefina Torres and Robertina Villamar AA (2015) Código de ética para la Valdez deserve a special recognition for investigación. La investigación­acción y la colaboración etnocientífica en América being Huichol translators to Spanish. We Latina. Vs 1. Etnobiología 12:5–31. would like to thank CONACyT for awarding Diguet L (1899) 4. La Sierra de Nayarit y sus the scholarship grant to MXHL and for the indígenas: contribución al estudio post­graduate grant to the Coordinación de etnográfico de las razas primitivas de México. Humanidades UNAM to FRS, and to the In: Jauregui J, Meyer J (eds) Por tierras Universidad de Guadalajara for supporting occidentales: entre sierras y barrancas. Centro de Estudios Mexicanos y Centroamericanos de this research. la Embajada de Francia en México e Instituto Nacional Indigenista (reprint 1992), Mexico City, REFERENCES pp. 109–150. Dovie DBK, Shackleton CM, Witkowski ETF Andrzej M, Pietras M, Łuczaj L (2019) Extreme (2007) Conceptualizing the human use of wild levels of mycophilia documented in Mazovia, edible herbs for conservation in South a region of Poland. Journal of Ethnobiology and African communal areas. Journal of Ethnomedicine 15:12. Environmental Management 84:146–156.

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Received: 28 October 2019 Accepted: 05 February 2020 Published: 15 February 2020

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