DOCSLIB.ORG

Rising Anti-Chinese Sentiment in Central Asia: a Harbinger of Regional Unrest?

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Rising Anti-Chinese Sentiment in Central Asia: a Harbinger of Regional Unrest? DISCUSSION PAPER Rising Anti-Chinese Sentiment in Central Asia: A Harbinger of Regional Unrest? Aruuke Uran Kyzy DISCUSSION PAPER Rising Anti-Chinese Sentiment in Central Asia: A Harbinger of Regional Unrest? Aruuke Uran Kyzy Rise of Anti-Chinese Sentiment in Central Asia: Evolving Regional Unrest? © TRT WORLD RESEARCH CENTRE ALL RIGHTS RESERVED WRITTEN BY Aruuke Uran Kyzy PUBLISHER TRT WORLD RESEARCH CENTRE June 2020 TRT WORLD İSTANBUL AHMET ADNAN SAYGUN STREET NO:83 34347 ULUS, BEŞİKTAŞ İSTANBUL / TURKEY TRT WORLD LONDON PORTLAND HOUSE 4 GREAT PORTLAND STREET NO:4 LONDON / UNITED KINGDOM TRT WORLD WASHINGTON D.C. 1819 L STREET NW SUITE 700 20036 WASHINGTON DC www.trtworld.com researchcentre.trtworld.com The opinions expressed in this discussion paper represent the views of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the TRT World Research Centre. 4 Rise of Anti-Chinese Sentiment in Central Asia: Evolving Regional Unrest? Abstract he novel coronavirus pan- Sinophobia, and Beijing’s capabilities, are of demic has affected the world critical importance for projecting the geopolit- in an unprecedented way, ical future of the region. This discussion paper affecting production, sup- is divided into three parts. The first section de- ply chains and the mobility tails China’s strategic logic behind its interests in of people and goods. This Central Asia by providing historical context, and Tincludes China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). its stated geopolitical and economic objectives. While Beijing’s soft power is expanding in Cen- The second section evaluates the characteristic tral Asia, economic and diplomatic depend- of China’s Central Asian Projects. The third sec- ence on Beijing has given rise to a widespread tion sheds light on up-to-date local reactions anti-Chinese sentiment among the local popu- of the Central Asian countries and identifies lation. This paper suggests that understanding the reasons for rising anti-Chinese sentiment China’s broad strategy, the reasons for rising amidst rising geopolitical rivalry in the region. Introduction Central Asia is witnessing a significant rebalancing of of trade links. Via the BRI, China may acquire the ca- power with European, Russian and Chinese interests pability to shape the region’s economic potential by being in a battle over the influence in the region. Since providing significant opportunities for Central Asian 2001, China’s diplomatic and eco-nomic expansion in states which need considerable investment to main- Central Asia has grown dramatically. It is likely to con- tain growth rates. It is imperative to bear in mind that tinue to grow in coming years, perhaps even to a point Beijing engages with Central Asia primarily on regional where Beijing politically and economically dominates economic issues and international diplo-matic cooper- the area. This strategic posturing raises questions ation; it has made no overt push into political or military about the possible geopolitical shifts with the consol- issues. China’s influence in Cen-tral Asia is not limited idation of China’s power in Central Asian countries. to changing the international environment of these By ‘Central Asia’, this paper refers to the following five five states or structuring their economic development. states: Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmeni- However, it plans to partially structure the domestic or- stan, and Uzbekistan. In the last decade, Central Asian ders, social changes, and national narratives of the do- nations have also been in search of viable partners, main (Peyrouse, 2007). According to Baker McKenzie’s particularly in economic and security sec-tors. While report (2017), amid China’s rearrangement of the social there are a growing number of actors in the area, such and economic fabric of the neighbouring countries, its as the United States and Russia, the primary catalyst growing presence and influence were described as ‘de- to Central Asia’s reintegration process has been the fensive’. Some initiatives raised primary debates about advocation of the Great Silk Road initiative. Having be- high-level corruption and demands for transparency in come the major partner, or at least one of the key trad- government financial activities. Beijing’s growing clout ing partners, of each of the Central Asian state, China for the last two decades has given it considerable lev- has translated its greater intentions through the Belt erage over the regional order and national narratives and Road Initiative (BRI). The move was first revealed (Chung, 2004). While it is still early to make any author- by Chinese President Xi Jinping in Kazakhstan in 2013 itative forecasts, the public in Central Asian countries and aimed to enhance and command a new network harbours a deep fear of Chinese expansion. 5 Rise of Anti-Chinese Sentiment in Central Asia: Evolving Regional Unrest? 1. China’s Strategy in Central Asia With the collapse of the Soviet Union in the early 1990s, or “historical enemy” have become frequent in the Ka- the five Central Asian states stepped out for the first zakh, Kyrgyz and Tajik newspapers. Central Asia be- time into the outside world and commenced a process came critically essential and a key element to China’s of limited global integration. The accelerating rise of imagination of its Silk Road Project, border security, China changed both the domestic and international energy supply, and the geopolitical and economic cor- agendas of these ‘stan’ countries, as establishing direct ridor, with substantial deposits of rich natural resourc- bilateral relations with Beijing required overcoming so- es and minerals. The region connects not only China to cieties’ longstanding perceptions engendered by Sovi- Europe but also Russia to South Asia. To these ends, the et-era propaganda. These constructions and discours- expansion and details of China’s strategic influence can es, which rested on eschatological notions of “threat be analysed by three main factors: from the East”, “Chinese expansion” (tikhaia ekspansiia) 1.1 Economic Strategy The first strategic-level concept was built around Chi- countries in the region. Trade between China and the na’s economic ambition to become an indis-pensable five Central Asian countries rose from $527 million in commercial partner of the five states whose presence is 1992 to $40 billion in 2011 (Ministry of Commerce, Peo- translated into different infrastructure projects. Chinese ple’s Republic of China, n.d.). Trade relations between interest has been structured around the concept of a China and Central Asia improved further after 2002 “voluntary implantation policy” in essential economic and turned into a mutually advantageous economic sectors in order to consolidate its political influence in cooperation. Between 2002 and 2003, trade increased Central Asia (Peyrouse, 2007, p.9). Thus, it is imperative by more than 200 per cent, going from about $1 billion to bear in mind that the geopolitical and economic ob- per year to more than $3 billion. Bilateral trade between jectives are in-trinsically linked, as Beijing sees Central China and the Central Asian countries continued to rise Asia not only as a border region, but also as an interme- between 2007 and 2015, with the Chinese-Kazakh rela- diary and transit area which facilitates trade with Iran, tions composing the strongest economic ties (Gussa- Afghanistan, India, and Pakistan. rova, 2018). According to the Europe-an Commission, in 2017, China estimated for 20 per cent of the Kyrgyz In 2009, shortly after the global financial crisis and dur- trade (2nd place), 20 per cent of the Uzbek trade (1st ing the Great Recession, Beijing engaged in the mas- place), and 10 per cent of Tajikistan (3rd place) (Gussa- sive internal stimulus (The Impact of China, 2016). This rova, 2018). created massive export opportunities for resource-rich Table 1: China Export Share in Total Products, 2016-2018 Trade Flow: Export Indicator: Export Share in Total Products (%) Partner Name 2016 2017 2018 Kazakhstan 58.18 61.26 62.05 Uzbekistan 52.55 57.52 59.01 Kyrgyzstan 44.78 45.72 46.60 Tajikistan 38.99 37.85 42.73 Turkmenistan 29.82 29.94 42.73 Source: TRT World Research Centre 6 Rise of Anti-Chinese Sentiment in Central Asia: Evolving Regional Unrest? Table 2: China’s Total Trade with Central Asia (in $ billion) 45 40 35 30 25 20 15 10 5 0 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 Kazakhstan Turkmenistan Uzbekistan Krgyzstan Tajikistan Source: IMFYear China’s economic growth in Central Asia took Russia nese expansion and influence established in 2001. and Western countries by surprise. While Russia’s es- Throughout the years, the SCO regularly emphasised tablished presence in the region has been dominant, economic cooperation in the region by challenging the growing Chinese involvement has thus posed a trade protectionism’ and by supporting the strength- difficulty for Central Asian nations. A decade ago, the ening of a transparent and non-discriminatory multi- region depended on Russia for exporting its goods lateral trading system (Filippov, 2018). These regional and natural resources to international markets. How- policies were followed by the Chinese idea of estab- ever, Beijing now challenges Moscow’s monopoly over lishing an SCO bank. Dragging Central Asia into its Central Asian energy export routes, for example, with influential circle through the economic pillar of SCO Central Asia–China pipelines (Stronski & Ng, 2018). As became of prime importance for China. For instance, at both sides compete for influence, Moscow’s reaction the June 2009 SCO summit in Yekaterinburg, Chinese towards BRI project was apprehensive, driven by fears officials proposed the establishment of a US$10 billion that China will expand into Russia’s sphere of influ- anti-crisis fund within the SCO which granted cheap ence. A further response came through the Eurasian and short-term financing for Central Asian energy and Economic Union (EEU), where Russia was at the centre infrastructure (Laruelle, 2018).
Load more

Recommended publications
  • (Prime Ministers) of the Member States of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization
    JOINT COMMUNIQUÉ on the results of the seventeenth meeting of the Council of Heads of Government (Prime Ministers) of the Member States of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization The seventeenth meeting of the Council of Heads of Government (Prime Ministers) of the Member States of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (hereinafter referred to as SCO or the Organization) was held in Dushanbe (Republic of Tajikistan), on 11-12 October 2018, with the participation of Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of India S. Swaraj, Prime Minister of the Republic of Kazakhstan B. Sagintayev, Premier of the State Council of the people’s Republic of China Li Keqiang, Prime Minister of the Kyrgyz Republic M. Abulgaziev, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan S.M. Qureshi, the Chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation D. Medvedev, Prime Minister of the Republic of Tajikistan K. Rasulzoda and Prime Minister of the Republic of Uzbekistan A. Aripov. The meeting was chaired by the Prime Minister of the Republic of Tajikistan Kokhir Rasulzoda. SCO Secretary-General R. Alimov, Director of the Executive Committee of the SCO Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure E. Sysoev, Chairman of the Board of SCO Business Council Chen Zhou and representative of the Chairman of the Council of the SCO Interbank Association – Vice-President of China Development Bank Liu Jin participated in the meeting. The meeting was also attended by the representatives of SCO Observer States - the Chief Executive of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan Abdullah Abdullah, Prime Minister of the Republic of Belarus S. Rumas, Deputy Prime Minister of Mongolia U.
    [Show full text]
  • Risk Assessment and Mitigation in Central Asia
    Risk assessment and mitigation in Central Asia: implications for foreign direct investment and the Belt and Road Initiative This document is an executive summary of research undertaken for the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) by independent academics Alessandro Arduino and Andrew Cainey. The contents of this summary reflect the opinions of the individual authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the EBRD. Hyperlinks to non-EBRD websites do not imply any official endorsement of or responsibility for the opinions, data or products presented at these locations, or guarantee the validity of the information provided. The sole purpose of links to non-EBRD sites is to indicate further information available on related topics. Terms and names used in this paper to refer to geographical or other territories, political and economic groupings and units, do not constitute and should not be construed as constituting an express or implied position, endorsement, acceptance or expression of opinion by the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development or its members concerning the status of any country, territory, grouping and unit, or delimitation of its borders, or sovereignty. Risk assessment and mitigation in Central Asia: implications for foreign direct investment and the Belt and Road Initiative 1 Contents 1. Executive Summary ................................................................................................................................ 3 1.1. Introduction ...................................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Emerging the Sco As an Effective Union in Asia: China’S Role and Ambitions
    P-ISSN: 2622-8831 Vol. 3 No. 2 October 2020 E-ISSN: 2622-8335 https://berumpun.ubb.ac.id/index.php/BRP EMERGING THE SCO AS AN EFFECTIVE UNION IN ASIA: CHINA’S ROLE AND AMBITIONS Enayatollah Yazdani 1, Rizwan Hossain 2 1 Associate Professor of International Relations, Center for the Middle East Studies School of International Studies Sun Yat-sen University Zhuhai Campus China 2 Scholar of International Relations Canberra, Australia Corresponding Author: Enayatollah Yazdani Email:[email protected] ARTICLE INFO ABSTRACT The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) is an Eurasian Received: 2020-08-11 political, economic and security alliance.The SCO which its Accepted: 2020-09-29 original focus was on border disputes, has begun an Published: 2020-10- evolution, changing its focus to to economic cooperation and Volume: 3 issues of counter terrorism and regional security. China as a Issue: 2 founder member of the SCO has an evolving role in the DOI: organization. This paper aims to address this main question: https://doi.org/10.33019/berump what is the position and role of China in the SCO? The paper un.v3i1.38 discusses that China as a major power with a growing KEYWORDS economy is playing an effective role in the organization. And the goals which China pursues in this organization are in line Shanghai Cooperation Organization with the larger goals of the country in the international (SCO), China, Central Asia, Russia, arena. Eurasia and the Soviet Union. 1.INTRODUCTION The Shanghai Cooperation Organization, originally known as the Shanghai Five, was initially intended to resolve border issues between China, Russia and the Central Asian states following the collapse of the Soviet Union.
    [Show full text]
  • Russia: Arms Control, Disarmament and International Security
    PRIMAKOV NATIONAL RESEARCH INSTITUTE OF WORLD ECONOMY AND INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS RUSSIAN ACADEMY OF SCIENCES (IMEMO) RUSSIA: ARMS CONTROL, DISARMAMENT AND INTERNATIONAL SECURITY IMEMO SUPPLEMENT TO THE RUSSIAN EDITION OF THE SIPRI YEARBOOK 2017 Preface by Alexander Dynkin Editors Alexey Arbatov and Sergey Oznobishchev Assistant Editor Tatiana Anichkina Moscow IMEMO 2018 УДК 327 ББК 64.4(0) Rus95 Rus95 Russia: arms control, disarmament and international security. IMEMO supplement to the Russian edition of the SIPRI Yearbook 2017 / Ed. by Alexey Arbatov and Sergey Oznobishchev. – Moscow, IMEMO, 2018. – 201 p. ISBN 978-5-9535-0535-2 DOI: 10.20542/978-5-9535-0535-2 The volume provides IMEMO contributions to the Russian edition of the 2017 SIPRI Yearbook: Armaments, Disarmament and International Security. The contributors address the erosion of strategic stability regime, issues of multilateral nuclear deterrence, 2018 US Nuclear Posture Review, DPRK’s nuclear and missile potential, problems with verification of the Fissile Material Cut-off Treaty. This year’s edition also covers crisis of European security, evolution of Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, strategic relations between China, India, and Pakistan, Middle East conflicts and prospects of a Syrian settlement, and adjustment of the Russian State Armament programme. To view IMEMO publications, please visit our website at https://www.imemo.ru ISBN 978-5-9535-0535-2 ИМЭМО РАН, 2018 CONTENTS PREFACE..............................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Comparative Connections a Triannual E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations
    Comparative Connections A Triannual E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations China-Russia Relations: Between Geo-Economics and Geo-Politics Yu Bin Wittenberg University The last four months of 2011 were both ordinary and extraordinary for Beijing and Moscow. There was certainly business as usual as top leaders and bureaucrats frequented each other’s countries for scheduled meetings. The world around them, however, was riddled with crises and conflicts. Some (Libya and Syria) had seriously undermined their respective interests; others (Iran and North Korea) were potentially more volatile, and even dangerous, for the region and the world. Regardless, 2011 was a year full of anniversaries with symbolic and substantive implications for not only China and Russia, but also much of the rest of the world. Prime Minister – future/past President – Putin in Beijing Russian Prime Minister Putin traveled to China on Oct. 11-12 to attend the 16th Regular Meeting of the Prime Ministers of Russia and China. Economic issues were the focus for this scheduled meeting between Putin and Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao. Of the Russian delegation, 160 of the 250 members were top business leaders. A total of 16 economic and trade agreements worth more than $7 billion were signed a day before Putin’s visit in the areas of finance (one project worth $4 billion, including $1.0 billion into the Russian Direct Investment Fund, founded in June with backing from Putin and Russian President Dmitry Medvedev), investment (four projects worth $90 million), trade (five projects worth $2.55 billion), and 10 other projects ($380 million) including aerospace, biochemistry, IT, renewable energy, etc.
    [Show full text]
  • Deepening Economic Cooperation in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization: Opportunities, Barriers and Approaches
    Deepening Economic Cooperation in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization: Opportunities, Barriers and Approaches Han Lu conomic cooperation is an important foundation and development area for the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). Over the past 17 years, the SCO has made significant progress in regionalE economic cooperation, but it has also encountered many specific difficulties. The expansion of the SCO membership in 2017 brought opportunities to regional economic cooperation. Standing at this new historic starting point, the SCO should make full use of various favorable conditions, work hard to overcome the negative influence of internal and external unfavorable factors, strengthen solidarity and cooperation, solve problems that hinder development, and promote a new level of economic cooperation. Major Achievements of SCO Economic Cooperation Guided by the Program of Multilateral Trade and Economic Cooperation, signed by SCO heads of state in 2003, the SCO member states have worked together and made remarkable achievements in regional economic cooperation. Codification and institutionalization of cooperation A legal basis for regional economic cooperation has been established. Since its establishment, the SCO has witnessed the signing of a series of Han Lu is Associate Research Fellow at the Department for European-Central Asian Studies, China Institute of International Studies (CIIS). Deepening Economic Cooperation in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization: Opportunities, Barriers and Approaches July/August 2018 39 legal documents
    [Show full text]
  • THE SHANGHAI COOPERATION ORGANIZATION and OSCE: ORGANIZATIONAL EFFORTS VS COVID-19 in CENTRAL ASIA by Matthew Neapole
    C A P P A P E R N O . 2 4 3 THE SHANGHAI COOPERATION ORGANIZATION AND OSCE: ORGANIZATIONAL EFFORTS VS COVID-19 IN CENTRAL ASIA By Matthew Neapole Photo by Yohann Libot November 4, 2020 MATTHEW COVID-19 has proven to be a cunning foe. Its effects have been felt NEAPOLE at different times and, depending on measures taken and the situation on the ground, it has produced different outcomes. Months after the first outbreak came to light, we are still taking stock of the initial impact of COVID-19—and this is ignoring the fact that the shockwaves it has caused are yet to be fully felt. The unfortunate Matthew was most recently a Junior Researcher truth is that it may be some years yet before everything has settled. at the European Institute for Asian Studies (EIAS), in Brussels, where his work focused What is clear now at least is, while lockdowns and the closure of largely on Central Asia and Japan. He holds a national borders may solve the issue on a local level, to clamp down Master’s in International Relations (International Security track) from the University of Groningen, on COVID-19 more fully, unified, and perhaps even regional in the Netherlands. Matthew's master’s thesis responses are necessary. The EU, the poster boy for regional focused on the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and its important role in Chinese integration, is often used as an example, but there are certainly multipolar ambitions. other actors worthy of consideration. Central Asia (CA) is one of these regions, despite being not as central in the mind’s eye of many analysts.
    [Show full text]
  • China Development Report on South-South Cooperation 2018
    China Development Report on South-South Cooperation 2018 South-South Cooperation and the Belt Road Initiative Edited by Li Ronglin and Ren Yonglei Acknowledgements “China Development Report on South-South Cooperation 2018: the Belt and Road Initiative and South-South Cooperation” is mainly aimed at describing the economic and trade relation between China and developing countries in the context of the Belt and Road Initiative. In addition to traditional trade, investment, and financial cooperation as well as foreign aid, this report has focused on some new areas closely related to the “five linkages” put forward in the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), which include infrastructure and production capacity cooperation between China and developing countries along the Belt and Road (B&R), the status quo, opportunity and challenge in the development of China oversea Economic and Trade Cooperation Zone (ETCZ), the role of two project cooperation modes, i.e. private and public partnership (PPP) and resources financing, in the BRI and SSC. It is expected that based upon these analysis we can reveal the close relationship between the BRI and SSC. It shows that SSC has laid solid foundation for implementation of the BRI while the BRI will provide new opportunities for SSC. This report is the sixth annual report compiled by Study Center on SSC of Nankai University (SCSSC-NKU). The chapter authors are as the following: chapter one: Introduction, written by professor Li Ronglin, SCSSC-NKU; chapter two: interrelationship between BRI and SSC, written by Dr. Zhou Taidong, Head of Global Development Research Division, Center for International Knowledge on Development, Development Center of the State Council of China; chapter three: the trade cooperation between China and developing countries along the B&R, written by professor Li Ronglin and Dr.
    [Show full text]
  • China's “One Belt, One Road” Initiative: Context, Focus, Institutions, and Implications
    The Chinese Journal of Global Governance 2 (2016) 30–43 brill.com/cjgg China’s “One Belt, One Road” Initiative: Context, Focus, Institutions, and Implications Michael M. Du School of Law, University of Surrey, UK [email protected] Abstract With the launch of “One Belt, One Road” Initiative, China is injecting vitality into the ancient Silk Road. While China is seen to embrace it as the centrepiece of its economic strategy, the new Silk Road Initiative, if well implemented, is expected to bring forth the opportunity of economic prosperity for both China and the countries in the region. Against the backdrop of the complicated and volatile geopolitics in the mega-regions and the voracious needs for gigantic inputs of resources, etc., however, the operationality of the Initiative is in contrast with the grandiose discourse by the Chinese authorities. In particular, where China’s ultimate target is set to shape a new structure for global economic governance, its ability to lead vis-à-vis its targeted part- ners’ readiness to cooperate, among others, remain to be tested. Keywords Silk Road Economic Belt – Maritime Silk Road of the 21st Century – Global governance – Infrastructure connectivity – Asia Infrastructure Investment Bank 1 One Belt One Road The “Silk Road Economic Belt” and “Maritime Silk Road of the 21st Century” are initiatives first introduced by Chinese President Xi Jinping in the fall of 2013 during visits to Kazakhstan and Indonesia, respectively. The initiative consists of two main components, the land-based “Silk Road Economic Belt” (SREB) and oceangoing “Maritime Silk Road” (MSR). This modern-day Silk Road will bind together 65 countries and 4.4 billion people © du, ���6 | doi 10.1163/23525207-12340014 This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution- Noncommercial 3.0 Unported (CC-BY-NC 3.0) License.
    [Show full text]
  • VOL. XXVIII No. 11 November 2016 Rs. 20.00 2
    1 VOL. XXVIII No. 11 November 2016 Rs. 20.00 2 Chinese Ambassador Luo Zhaohui, paid a visit to Chinese Ambassador Luo Zhaohui paid a visit to Secretary General of the Lok Sabha, Mr. Anoop Mishra. Congress deputy leader in the Rajya Sabha, Mr. Anand Sharma. Chinese Ambassador Luo Zhaohui paid a visit to the Chinese Ambassador Luo Zhaohui paid a visit to the former Ambassador of India to China, Mr. Ashok Kantha. Indian Express office. Chinese Ambassador Luo Zhaohui paid a visit to the Chinese Ambassador Luo Zhaohui and his wife Dr. Jiang Press Trust of India. Yili celebrated Diwali with Indian employees. Sixth Plenary Session of the 18th CPC Central Committee 1. Sixth Plenary Session of 18th CPC Central Committee Held in Beijing 4 2. Party Members Called on to Unite Around CPC Central Committee with Xi as "Core” 5 3. CPC to Hold 19th National Congress in 2nd Half of 2017 6 4. Commentary: CPC Unity with Xi as "Core" Vitally Important 7 S 5. Intra-Party Democracy is Vital to CPC: Communique 8 6. CPC Central Committee with Xi as “Core” Leads China to Centenary Goals 9 7. Xi Spells Out Party Codes on Stricter Governance 12 8. Plenary Session Offers Glimpse into CPC’s Inner Workings 14 China India Relations 1. Meng Jianzhu, Special Envoy of President Xi Jinping, Meets Indian Leaders 17 T 2. China, India Agree to Jointly Safeguard Border Peace, Tranquility 18 3. China, India Agree to Step up Counterterror Cooperation 19 4. India Hopes to Boost Military Cooperation with China, Jointly Uphold 20 Border Peace, Stability: DM 5.
    [Show full text]
  • Shanghai Cooperation Organization As a Counterbalance Against the United States
    Wright State University CORE Scholar Browse all Theses and Dissertations Theses and Dissertations 2011 Shanghai Cooperation Organization as a Counterbalance against the United States Bakhtiyar T. Dauekeev Wright State University Follow this and additional works at: https://corescholar.libraries.wright.edu/etd_all Part of the International Relations Commons Repository Citation Dauekeev, Bakhtiyar T., "Shanghai Cooperation Organization as a Counterbalance against the United States" (2011). Browse all Theses and Dissertations. 775. https://corescholar.libraries.wright.edu/etd_all/775 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses and Dissertations at CORE Scholar. It has been accepted for inclusion in Browse all Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of CORE Scholar. For more information, please contact [email protected]. SHANGHAI COOPERATION ORGANIZATION AS A COUNTERBALANCE TO THE UNITED STATES A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts By BAKHTIYAR DAUEKEEV Bachelor of Arts in International Relations, Institute of Oriental Studies, 2006 2011 Wright State University WRIGHT STATE UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF GRADUATE STUDIES February 23, 2011 I HEREBY RECOMMEND THAT THE THESIS PREPARED UNDER MY SUPERVISION BY BAKHTIYAR DAUEKEEV ENTITLED “SHANGHAI COOPERATION ORGANIZATION AS A COUNTERBALANCE AGAINST THE UNITED STATES” BE ACCEPTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF Master of Arts. ______________________________ Liam Anderson, Ph.D. Thesis Director _____________________________ Laura M. Luehrmann, Ph.D. Director, Master of Arts Program in International and Comparative Politics Committee on Final Examination: ___________________________________ Liam Anderson, Ph.D. Department of Political Science ___________________________________ Pramod Kantha, Ph.D. Department of Political Science ___________________________________ Chad Atkinson, Ph.D.
    [Show full text]
  • On Russia's Eurasia Economic
    A COMPREHENSIVE STRATEGIC PARTNERSHIP: SYNCHRONIZING CHINA’S BELT AND ROAD INITIATIVE (BRI) ON RUSSIA’S EURASIA ECONOMIC UNION (EAEU) Hendra Manurung International Relations, President University, Cikarang, Indonesia [email protected] Abstract This research attempts to enrich debate by addressing the relationship of the China’s Belt and Road Initiative with the Russia’s Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). Currently, it is a common phenomenon where a regional economic grouping bringing together several of China’s important BRI partners including Russia and Central Asian countries. Since 2013, China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) initiated, developed, and has been promptly placed among the top priorities of China’s foreign policy consideration in Beijing. One of the BRI’s cooperation priorities is unimpeded trade, which implies the improvement of the investment and trade facilitation and removal of the recurrent investment and trade barriers. Despite its apparent flexibility and openness to embracing existing regional and multilateral platforms, there has been little debate on the compatibility of the BRI objectives with the existing economic integration projects. Thus, it raises a question on how these two initiatives go along smoothly, why it needs to be developed and how it will be develop. Meanwhile, it exists also the U.S-China trade war which has been going intensively for two years since 2017. It addresses the current progress in bridging the two major economic projects and outlines the strategic decision-making priority directions for further coordination between these two global major powers. Keywords: China, Russia, belt and road initiative, Eurasia economic union, strategic decision DOI: 10.33541/sp.v20i2.1442 Sociae Polites : Majalah Ilmiah Sosial Politik Faculty of Social and Political Science, Universitas Kristen Indonesia ISSN 1410-3745 print/ ISSN 2620-4975 online Volume 20, Number 2 (July – December 2019) Pages 164-178 164 1.
    [Show full text]