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Foias, Antonia E. y Ronald L. Bishop 1994 El colapso Clásico Maya y las vajillas de Pasta Fina en la región de Petexbatun. En VII Simposio de Investigaciones Arqueológicas en Guatemala, 1993 (editado por J.P. Laporte y H. Escobedo), pp.469-489. Museo Nacional de Arqueología y Etnología, Guatemala. 42 EL COLAPSO CLÁSICO MAYA Y LAS VAJILLAS DE PASTA FINA EN LA REGIÓN DE PETEXBATUN Antonia E. Foias Ronald L. Bishop Una teoría prominente sobre el Colapso Clásico Maya de las Tierras Bajas Centrales se refiere a invasiones extranjeras de la región del río Pasión. Clave a esta hipótesis de invasiones extranjeras es un grupo de cerámica llamado vajillas de pasta fina: Gris Fino y Naranja Fino. Se propuso que estas vajillas fueron traídas del área de la Chontalpa por los invasores Putunes (Thompson 1970; Adams 1971, 1973; Sabloff 1973, 1975; Kowalski 1989; Ball y Taschek 1989; Schele y Freidel 1990). Este grupo viajó por el Usumacinta y después por el Pasión donde conquistaron los dos sitios de Ceibal y Altar de Sacrificios. La importancia de estas pastas finas queda entonces como marcador de esta invasión extranjera en las Tierras Bajas Mayas del Oeste. Seguidamente, presentamos nuevos datos sobre estas vajillas (Naranja Fino y Gris Fino) en la región de Petexbatun y discutiremos su significado dentro del problema del colapso en el drenaje del río Pasión. La región Petexbatun se localiza en el suroeste de Petén, Guatemala, entre el río Petexbatun al este, el río Pasión al norte y el río Chixoy-Salinas al oeste (Figura 1). Esta región ha sido el enfoque del Proyecto Arqueológico Regional Petexbatun de la Universidad de Vanderbilt y de la Fundación Mario Dary, bajo la dirección general de Dr. -
Chichen Itza 6 Tourism YUCATAN | 7 Location Yucatan Is Located in Southeastern Mexico, in the GEOGRAPHY Northern Part of the Yucatan Peninsula
SALES CATALOGUE Y U C ATA N THE BEGINNING OF A NEW BAKTUN WELCOME TO YUCATaN The beginnings and origin of who we are today was born in the land of the Maya, the Mayab, with the ancient Maya civilization to which we belong and whose ancient heritage fills us with pride. Humanity in the 21st century searches to reconnect with ourselves, to become reconciled with nature and learn from their peers. We are on a quest to encounter ancient civilizations, new landscapes, new seas, new traditions, new experiences... In YUCATAN we offer the possibility of communion by virtue of our extraordinary heritage, where we have the opportunity to learn, preserve, share and enjoy the cultural, natural and tourist wealth that we possess. At the start of a new Baktun, or long-count cycle in the Maya calendar, we offer a myriad of options for recreation, leisure, knowledge, reflection, peace, health, adventure, andcoexistence throughout the length and width of the Yucatan... YUCATAN is land of origins: It is a land where everything begins anew. It is a prodigious land within the reach of travelers from the world over who seek to know and live among a culture that is more live than ever: The Maya Culture. We are heirs of this great wealth, which we should, want and wish to share with all of you and future generations. WELCOME TO YUCATAN Rolando Rodrigo Zapata Bello Governor of the State of Yucatan MAYAN MUSEUM OF MERIDA 2 Tourism YUCATAN | 3 CREDITS Rolando Zapata Bello Governor of the State of Yucatan Saul M. -
The Case Study of Apocalypto
See discussions, stats, and author profiles for this publication at: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/288187016 Relativism, Revisionism, Aboriginalism, and Emic/Etic Truth: The Case Study of Apocalypto Article · August 2013 DOI: 10.1007/978-1-4614-1065-2-8 CITATIONS READS 2 2,540 1 author: Richard D Hansen University of Utah 33 PUBLICATIONS 650 CITATIONS SEE PROFILE Some of the authors of this publication are also working on these related projects: Mirador Basin Project, Guatemala View project Mirador Basin Archaeological Project View project All content following this page was uploaded by Richard D Hansen on 30 March 2016. The user has requested enhancement of the downloaded file. Chapter 8 Relativism, Revisionism, Aboriginalism, and Emic/Etic Truth: The Case Study of Apocalypto Richard D. Hansen Abstract Popular fi lm depictions of varied cultures, ranging from the Chinese, Africans, and Native Americans have repeatedly provided a variant perception of the culture. In works of fi ction, this fl aw cannot only provide us with entertainment, but with insights and motives in the ideological, social, or economic agendas of the authors and/or directors as well as those of the critics. Mel Gibson’s Maya epic Apocalypto has provided an interesting case study depicting indigenous warfare, environmental degradation, and ritual violence, characteristics that have been derived from multidisciplinary research, ethnohistoric studies, and other historical and archaeological investigations. The fi lm received extraordinary attention from the public, both as positive feedback and negative criticism from a wide range of observ- ers. Thus, the elements of truth, public perception, relativism, revisionism, and emic/etic perspectives coalesced into a case where truth, fi ction, and the virtues and vices of the authors and director of the fi lm as well as those of critics were exposed. -
1 the Ancient Maya City: Anthropogenic Landscapes, Settlement Archaeology, and Caracol, Belize
1 THE ANCIENT MAYA CITY: ANTHROPOGENIC LANDSCAPES, SETTLEMENT ARCHAEOLOGY, AND CARACOL, BELIZE Arlen F. Chase and Diane Z. Chase Maya archaeology has seen substantial effort invested in mapping and recording site plans and boundaries. This research has been particularly advanced through the application of LiDAR technology to the ancient Maya landscape, which has more easily permitted the registration of both the topography and the modifications made to the land surface – features only rarely mapped at large-scale by archaeological projects. When combined with over 30 years of archaeological research, LiDAR permits us to determine Caracol’s spatial and temporal boundaries and landscape modifications, as well as to demonstrate how the site operated as a city through the use of embedded administrative nodes connected to an extensive solar causeway system. A comparative review of settlement data in the Maya region indicates that the ancient Maya minimally had two kinds of cities. In one form of urbanism, such as at Caracol, sustainable agricultural practices could be carried out within the boundaries of the city; in the other form of Maya urbanism, the settlement was too dense and compact for the practice of sustainable agriculture, meaning that primary agricultural fields must have existed outside the city boundaries. This conclusion significantly advances our understanding of tropical urbanism in antiquity. Introduction it is nevertheless consistent with a form of urban development found in other tropical “To estimate population it is necessary to define environments around the world. Tropical the boundaries of sites. This is not an easy urbanism is often characterized by a dispersed matter in parts of the Maya lowlands.” settlement pattern that is fully integrated with (Rice and Culbert 1990:20) agriculture – forming a truly “green” city in the sense of modern aspirations. -
Architectural Survey at Chichen Itza
ARCHITECTURAL SURVEY AT CHICHEN ITZA George F. Andrews University of Oregon 1 z SITE: CHICHEN ITZA NUMBER; 16Qd(9):l DATE: 1991 BACKGROUND Although Chichen Itza is assumed to have been seen by the Spanish conquistadores as early as 1528 and several of its buildings were described by Bishop Landa (1566), its history as far as architecture is concerned properly begins with Stephens' and Catherwood's visit to the site in 1842. They were followed by Charnay (1860, 1882), LePlongeon (1879, etc.), Maudslay (1889-1902, 1906, 1910), Breton (1900-1904), and E. Seler (t^iT ). Commencing in the early 19205, the Carnegie Institution of Washington initiated a series of excavation and restoration projects at the site which involved a large number of individuals, including Jean Chariot, S.G. Morley, Earl Morris, Karl Ruppert, P.S. Martin, Gustav Stromsvik, J.R. Bolles, R.T. Smith, Oliver Ricketson, H.E.D. Pollock, J.E.S. Thompson, George Vaillant, and R. Wauchop. Overlapping with the work of this group were a number of restoration projects carried out under the auspices of INAH, Mexico. More recent studies have been carried out by Thompson (1945), Ruppert (1952), Tozzer (1957), Cohodas (1978), Lincoln (1986) and others. I first visited the site in 1960 but the bulk of my architectural data was recorded in 1973, 1981, and 1983. Because the present report is concerned primarily with the architecture at Chichen Itza, the references cited above do not include the names of those who have focussed their attention on the art, ceramics, "Toltec" and/or "Itza" historical relationships, and other areas of specialization. -
Understanding the Archaeology of a Maya Capital City Diane Z
Research Reports in Belizean Archaeology Volume 5 Archaeological Investigations in the Eastern Maya Lowlands: Papers of the 2007 Belize Archaeology Symposium Edited by John Morris, Sherilyne Jones, Jaime Awe and Christophe Helmke Institute of Archaeology National Institute of Culture and History Belmopan, Belize 2008 Editorial Board of the Institute of Archaeology, NICH John Morris, Sherilyne Jones, George Thompson, Jaime Awe and Christophe G.B. Helmke The Institute of Archaeology, Belmopan, Belize Jaime Awe, Director John Morris, Associate Director, Research and Education Brian Woodye, Associate Director, Parks Management George Thompson, Associate Director, Planning & Policy Management Sherilyne Jones, Research and Education Officer Cover design: Christophe Helmke Frontispiece: Postclassic Cao Modeled Diving God Figure from Santa Rita, Corozal Back cover: Postclassic Effigy Vessel from Lamanai (Photograph by Christophe Helmke). Layout and Graphic Design: Sherilyne Jones (Institute of Archaeology, Belize) George Thompson (Institute of Archaeology, Belize) Christophe G.B. Helmke (Københavns Universitet, Denmark) ISBN 978-976-8197-21-4 Copyright © 2008 Institute of Archaeology, National Institute of Culture and History, Belize. All rights reserved. Printed by Print Belize Limited. ii J. Morris et al. iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS We wish to express our sincerest thanks to every individual who contributed to the success of our fifth symposium, and to the subsequent publication of the scientific contributions that are contained in the fifth volume of the Research Reports in Belizean Archaeology. A special thanks to Print Belize and the staff for their efforts to have the Symposium Volume printed on time despite receiving the documents on very short notice. We extend a special thank you to all our 2007 sponsors: Belize Communication Services Limited, The Protected Areas Conservation Trust (PACT), Galen University and Belize Electric Company Limited (BECOL) for their financial support. -
Painted Lithic Artifacts from Piedras Negras, Guatemala
Figure 1. Five incised jades from Cache O-13-6 at Piedras Negras. MAYA ARCHAEOLOGY 76 Maya Archaeology Reports Painted Lithic Artifacts from Piedras Negras,Guatemala Zachary X. Hruby Gene Ware n 2003 a series of barely identifiable ancient Maya paintings vessels, which have been the traditional focus of cache analysis. came to light at the University of Pennsylvania Museum The painted lithic artifacts were overlooked because they appear of Archeology and Anthropology and subsequently at the to be common “flint flakes” and were described as such by IMuseo Nacional de Arqueología e Historia de Guatemala. Images William Coe (1959) during his doctoral research. The remnant of Maya gods were rendered not on stucco, pots, or codices, but pigments were only noticed during a detailed technological on biface-reduction flakes of chert—artifacts that archaeologists analysis of the flakes that required close scrutiny of the objects typically consider to be ancient refuse. The quality and (Hruby 2003a). That the paintings were often rubbed or washed calligraphic style of the paintings suggests that they were done off to make a clear space for field numbers is further evidence by a master scribe or court artisan. These artifacts were found that they had not been identified earlier. in ritual deposits, dubbed caches in archaeological literature, We revisited the University Museum and conducted which were excavated at Piedras Negras by the University of multispectral imaging on the painted flakes to thoroughly Pennsylvania in the 1930s. Caches also included seemingly more document the remaining pigments and to determine the elaborate finds, such as chert and obsidian eccentrics, jades, iconographic nature of the images. -
Survey of the Central Portion of the State of Yucatan
Results of Survey in Central Yucatán, México Clifford T. Brown (Florida Atlantic University), Carlos Peraza Lope (Centro INAH Yucatán), Walter R. T. Witschey (Science Museum of Virginia) and Rhianna Rogers (Florida Atlantic University) Presented at the Symposium “Regional and Community Organization in the Northern Lowlands: Papers in Honor of the Life and Legacy of Ed Kurjack” celebrated at 76th Annual Meeting of the Society for American Archaeology San Juan, Puerto Rico, April 29th, 2006 ABSTRACT In 2005, we performed both purposive and systematic survey in the central portion of the state of Yucatán, México. Our project area extended from Acanceh in the northwest to Yaxuná in the northeast, south to Peto, west to Maní, and then returned north to Acanceh after passing through the site of Mayapán. We investigated approximately 35 sites, most of which were previously unreported, and we systematically surveyed approximately 10 km of transects, finding a relatively high density of rural settlement. The survey provided significant new information about settlement patterns in this key central area of the Maya lowlands. INTRODUCTION From July 5th to August 15th of 2005, we conducted an archaeological survey in the central portion of the state of Yucatán. We conducted both purposive site survey and systematic rural settlement survey. We located about 24 sites and visited a dozen previously known sites. The exact count of sites is necessarily imprecise because of inherent problems of site definition in lowland Maya archaeology.1 In addition, in certain cases, we could not determine whether local archaeologists previously knew of a site. On our systematic survey transects, we found a high density of residential settlement. -
Ritual Humor in Classic Maya Religion
CHAPTER 4 Ritual Humor in Classic Maya Religion Our understanding of Classic Maya society and religion has changed radically over the last several decades. Due to the epigraphic insights of Tatiana Proskouriakoff and others, it is now known that the individuals depicted on Maya monuments are not calendar priests, but kings. It is becoming increasingly evident that the monumental texts record dynastic history, the achievements of particular rulers, and the structure and organization of regional polities. In this extremely exciting and fruitful time of glyphic and iconographic research, there has been a primary orientation toward the monuments and their accompanying texts. However, this has given a somewhat limited view of Classic Maya religion and society. The scenes pro- vided by this public art are highly idealized portrayals of rulership. Almost invariably kings are presented in the prime of youth, despite the fact that they are frequently mentioned in the texts as being of advanced years. Were all Maya kings handsome, young and trim? Probably not. Important figures captured from other sites are depicted with wrinkles, lumpy noses, withered limbs, and sagging bellies (e.g., Piedras Negras Stelae 8 and 12). The recurrent themes in Classic monumental scenes appear to be warfare and the humiliation of captives, ancestor worship, and blood sacrifice. However, there was surely more to Classic ceremonial life than this. Scenes portrayed on portable objects, notably ceramic vessels and figurines, reveal a complex array of festival events and characters, many of which can be related to ceremonial performances of the Colonial and contemporary periods. In an important work, Victoria Bricker (1973) discussed ritual humor of the post- Conquest Maya. -
A Least Cost Analysis on Intersite Causeways in the Maya Region
University of Central Florida STARS Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019 2014 Traversing the Terrain: A Least Cost Analysis on Intersite Causeways in the Maya Region Alexander Rivas University of Central Florida Part of the Anthropology Commons Find similar works at: https://stars.library.ucf.edu/etd University of Central Florida Libraries http://library.ucf.edu This Masters Thesis (Open Access) is brought to you for free and open access by STARS. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019 by an authorized administrator of STARS. For more information, please contact [email protected]. STARS Citation Rivas, Alexander, "Traversing the Terrain: A Least Cost Analysis on Intersite Causeways in the Maya Region" (2014). Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019. 4749. https://stars.library.ucf.edu/etd/4749 TRAVERSING THE TERRAIN: A LEAST-COST ANALYSIS ON INTERSITE CAUSEWAYS IN THE MAYA REGION by: ALEXANDER ERNESTO RIVAS B.A University of Central Florida, 2010 A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Anthropology in the College of Sciences at the University of Central Florida Orlando, Florida Spring Term 2014 © 2014 Alexander E. Rivas ii ABSTRACT The study of ancient Maya causeways is crucial for understanding Maya social and spatial organization. Archaeologists have been interested in Maya causeways for decades, specifically documenting their locations. More recently, the use of Geographic Information Systems, or GIS, has been used for understanding the spatial organization of archaeological sites. GIS analyses on ancient Maya causeways however have been very limited. -
The Iconography of Toltec Period Chichen Itza
CHAPTER 10 The Iconographyof Toltec PeriodChichen Itza The site of Chichen Itza, Yucatan, contains the largest corpus of ancient bas-relief sculptures in the Maya area. Found primarily in architectural contexts on exterior façades, benches, columns, lintels, and interior chambers, the majority of these scenes are quite unlike Classic Maya sculpture of the southern Maya lowlands or even that of the nearby and roughly con- temporaneous Puuc region. Since the 19th century work of Désiré Charnay (1887), it has been widely recognized that the iconography of Chichen Itza is notably similar to that of Tula, Hidalgo, situated some 1,100 kilometers to the west (e.g., Seler 1902-1923:1:668-705, 5:197- 388; Tozzer 1930, 1957; Jiménez Moreno 1941; Lothrop 1952; Ruz Lhuillier 1962; Andrews IV 1965; Kristan-Graham 1989). For many years, it has been thought that this art followed the Puuc florescence of the northern Maya lowlands. The Puuc style traits at Chichen Itza were considered to be before the advent of Central Mexican art and iconography. Thus the contrasts between the Maya “Old Chichen” and the Toltec “New Chichen” were examined and explained through a chronological construct. A foreign Toltec culture entirely eclipsed earlier Classic Maya art and architecture. Invasion and mass-migration have been frequently cited as explanations for the widespread appearance of Toltec imagery at Chichen Itza (e.g., Morley and Brainerd 1956; Tozzer 1957; Kelley 1983). In recent years, it has become increasingly evident that the Maya and Toltec styles at Chichen Itza do not simply form two distinct periods but rather, are at least partly contem- poraneous. -
27.93-Suasnavar.Pdf
Suasnávar, José S. 1994 Las Calzadas de Nakbe. En VII Simposio de Investigaciones Arqueológicas en Guatemala, 1993 (editado por J.P. Laporte y H. Escobedo), pp.284-294. Museo Nacional de Arqueología y Etnología, Guatemala. 27 LAS CALZADAS DE NAKBE José S. Suasnávar Uno de los rasgos importantes que identifica relaciones externas e internas de los sitios Mayas es la presencia de calzadas, sacbeob o caminos blancos. Estas construcciones, comunes en los sitios Mayas, consisten de elevaciones artificiales en forma de caminos que se extienden entre complejos arquitectónicos de un sitio (intra-sitio) o entre diferentes sitios (inter-sitio). Los sacbeob probablemente fueron construidos a partir de una relación espacial existente entre grupos sociales que utilizaban los complejos arquitectónicos distintos. Los caminos Mayas presentan características sumamente variables tanto en su orientación como en sus dimensiones. Para Benavides (1980:305) existen tres tipos de caminos: 1. Los "locales" o aquellos que comunican conjuntos de estructuras dentro de los grupos arquitectónicos de un sitio, tales como se encuentra en el centro cívico de Tikal, Uaxactun o Ceibal. 2. Los "zonales", es decir aquellos que proporcionan cohesión interna a una zona. 3. Los "regionales" que vinculan dos o más zonas arqueológicas distantes desde 18 hasta 100 km. Las primeras interpretaciones coloniales a las calzadas les atribuyeron un uso propio para peregrinaciones y como los Mayas no tuvieron animales de carga, los propósitos ceremoniales eran más evidentes que otros (Maldonado 1979:35). Se ha deducido la existencia de cooperación entre ciudades partiendo de las calzadas que se extienden en línea recta cuidadosamente construidas entre ellas.