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“Hong wu zheng yun”: Its relation to the Naiying dialect and its impact on Standard Mandarin
Chou, Shizhen, Ph.D.
The Ohio State University, 1989
UMI SOON.ZeebRd. Ann Aibor, MI 48106
HONG WU ZHENG YUN:
Its relation to the Nanjing dialect and Its impact on Standard Mandarin
DISSERTATION
Presented in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University
by
Shizhen Chou, B.A., M.A.
$ # # $
The Ohio S tate University
1989
Dissertation Committee; Approved by
Timothy Light ' - Adviser Leon Serafim Department of East Asian Languages and Literatures To my parents and husband
i l Acknowledgements
I wish to express my sincere appreciation to each member of my doctoral committee, Professors F. S. Hsueh, Tien-yi Li, Timothy Light and Leon
Serafim, who have provided constructive criticisms, suggestions and encouragement during the course of this research project. My particular gratitude is extended to Professor F. S. Hsueh, my dissertation adviser and committee chairman, for his guidance, patience and willingness to assist at all times throughout this research. With his constant encouragement,
inspiration, and expertise he challenged me to think in new and different
ways. Special thanks must also be extended to Professor Serafim, who has
provided valuable and detailed assistence in polishing this dissertation.
Personal appreciation is expressed to my parents, for encouraging me to
enjoy the challenge and the pleasure of searching the unknown in the
immense world of knowledge: to my parents-in-law for baby-sitting our son
with constant understanding. My husband, Han-ping, has provided unfailing
encouragement and support throughout my graduate study. Having shared
the frustration and joy with him has been an essential ingredient in the
completion of this dissertation.
I l l VITA
1 9 7 8 ...... B.A., Hong Kong Baptist College, Hong Kong.
1 9 8 1 ...... M.A., Dept, of East Asian Languages and Literatures, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio
1980 - 1 9 8 6 ...... Teaching Associate. Dept, of East Asian Languages and Literatures, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio
1985 - 1 9 8 7 ...... Instructor and Principle Teacher, East Asian Summer Language institute, Indiana University, Bloomington, IN.
FIELDS OF STUDY
Major Field: Chinese Linguistics
IV TABLE OF CONTENTS
PAGE
DEDICATIONS ...... ii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ...... iii
VITA ...... iv
LIST OF TABLES ...... ix
LIST OF FIGURES ...... xiv
ABBRIVIATIONS ...... xv
CHAPTER
I. INTRODUCTION ...... 1
1.1. The aims and scope of this dissertation ...... 2 1.2. Special terms and notations ...... 7 1.2.1. Standardization and "Standard Mandarin" ...... 7 1.2.2. Phonetic-phonological notations ...... 7
II. PROLEGOMENA TO THE PHONOLOGY OF HONGWU ZHENGYUN ...... 10
2.1. The protoforms of Mandarin Chinese ...... 10 2.2. Major changes before the Mandarin period ...... 17
V 2.2.1. Split of the labials ...... 17 2.2.2. Tonal splits and the devoicing process ...... 18 2.2.3. Origins of the modem retroflex sibilants ...... 19 2.2.4. Emergence of the syllable final/-i#/ ...... 20 2.2.5. Bifurcated development of words with stop endings ...... 22 2.2.6. Vowel-fronting shift ...... 25 2.2.7. Vowel-backing shift ...... 28 2.2.8. Acquisition of medial /-y -/ in the syllable type "Ga(E)" ...... 29 2.2.9. Vowel-raising shift ...... 31 2.2.10. Summary of the major changes occurring before the Mandsffin period ...... 32 2.3. A brief introduction to the sound system of the Mandarin period ...... 34 2.3.1. The sound system of OM represented by Zhongyuan yinyun ...... 35 2.3.2. The sound system of MM ...... 37 2.3.3. The sound system of MP ...... 39
III. The NANJING DIALECT ...... 42
3.1. Introduction ...... 42 3.1.1. Major Chinese dialect groups ...... 43 3.1.2. Previous work on Nanjing dialect ...... 46 3.2. Tones in Nanjing dialect ...... 47 3.3. Initials ...... 49 3.3.1. Free variation between n- and I- ...... 50 3.3.2. Palatalization ...... 51 3.3.3. Retroflexed and dental sibilants ...... 51 3.3.4. Summary ...... 52 3.4. Finals ...... 52 3.4.1. Medials ...... 53 3.4.2. Vowels ...... 54 3.4.3. Endings ...... 58 3.4.4. Summary ...... 62 3.5. Conclusion ...... 63 3.5.1. The change of the medials in Nanjing dialect ...... 63 3.5.2. Palatalization ...... 66 3.5.3. De-retroflexion ...... 66 3.5.4. Syllables with nasal endings ...... 70 3.5.5. The status of the syllables with labial initials ...... 71 3.5.6. Summary ...... 72
IV. SOME REMARKS ON HONGWU ZHENGYUN ...... 89
VI 4.1. Authorship ...... 89 4.2. Source materials ...... 90 4.3. The format of Hongwu zhengyun ...... 93 4.3.1. The Fanqie notations ...... 93 4.3.2. The sequence of the rhymes ...... 94 4.3.3. Working rules ...... 98 4.4. Previous research on Hongwu zhengyun ...... 98
V. INITIALS IN HONGWUZHENYUN ...... 101
5.1. Former voiced initials ...... 101 5.2. Labials ...... 106 5.3. Retroflex initials ...... 111 5.4. Dental sibilants ...... 121 5.5. Dentals ...... 125 5.6. Gutturals ...... 128 5.6.1. The velar nasal initial /% -/ ...... 134 5.6.2. The glottal stop initial ...... 138 5.6.3. The zero initial ...... 141 5.7. Conclusion ...... 142
VI. FINALS IN HONGWU ZHENGYUN ...... 148
6.1. A tentative vowel system ...... 150 6.2. The rhyme-sets with the alveolar endings: -n /-t ...... 150 6.2.1. Shan rhyme-set: -(y){w)ant ...... 154 6.2.2. Xian rhyme-set: -y(w)en/t ...... 155 6.2.3. Han rhym e-set: -(w )o n /t ...... 156 6.2.4. Summary ...... 157 6.3. The rhyme-sets with the velar endings; -%/k ...... 157 6.3.1. Dong rhyme-set:-(y)wiT?/k ...... 159 6.3.2. Yang rhyme-set:-{y)(w)aj?/k ...... 164 6.3.3. Geng rhyme-set: -(y)(w)en/k ...... 168 6.4. The rhyme-set with the bilabial endings: -m/'-p ...... 173 6.4.1. Qin rhyme-set: -(y)im/p ...... 174 6.4.2. Tan and Yan rhyme-sets ...... 174 6.5. The rhyme-set with the labial semi-vowel ending: -w ... 180 6.5.1. Yao rhyme-set: -(y)ow ...... 180 6.5.2. Xiao rhyme-set: -yew ...... 184 6.6. The rhyme-sets Ge: -(w)o#; -(y)(w)a#and Zhe: -y(w)e# ...... 185 6.7. The rhyme-sets Zhi: -(y)i#: Qi: -y iy ;^: (y)(w)ay and Hui: -w iy...... 192 6.7.1. Jie rhym e-set ...... 194 6.7.2. Hui rhym e-set ...... 195 6.7.3. Qi and gii rhyme-sets ...... 197 vii 6.8. The rhyme-sets Yu: -ywi# and Mo: -wi# ...... 201 6.9. Conclusion ...... 206
VII. HCt^'GWJ ZHENGYUN, NANJING DIALECT AND STANDARD MANDARIN ...... 248
7.1. Nanjing dialect and the Ming speech norm ...... 248 7.1.1. Development of syllables with the enterirw tone .. 249 7.1.2. Bifurcated development of the MC "G ^/(c'-type syllables ...... 254 7.1.3. Neutralization of the syllable finals /- o # / and / - w o # / ...... 258 7.1.4. De-retroflexion of retroflex initials ...... 262 7.1.5. Double readings of words from MC "Bywiw"-type 263 7.1.6. Exceptions ...... 266 7.1.7. Summary ...... 268 7.2. Hongwu zhengyun and Zhongyuan yinyun ...... 269 7.3. The Ming speech norm and its historical background ... 274 7.3.1. The impact of social change on the "Mandarinization" of Nanjing dialect ...... 274 7.3.2. Shifts of the cultural center and the base of the speech norm ...... 276 7.3.3. Conclusion ...... 278
VIII. COCLUSION ...... 279
8.1. The standardization of Mandarin Chinese ...... 280 8.2. The so-called "literary and colloquial pronunciations" in Mandarin ...... 281 8.3. Nanjing dialect, Hongwuzhengyunand Standard Mandarin ...... 282 8.4. Conclusion ...... 285
UST OF REFERENCE ...... 292
Vlll UST OF TABLES
Table PAGE
1. The design of the rhyme tables ...... 13
2. Syllable finals of rhyme-classes (She) ...... 14
3. Initials of A C ...... 16
4. initials of M C ...... 17
5. The two co-existing layers of pronunciations in M P ...... 22
6. The vowel-fronting shift in "-y(w)o(E)"-type syllables ...... 25
7. The vowel-backing shift in syllable final "-a?j" ...... 28
8. Initials of ZYYY ...... 35
9. Finals of ZY Y Y ...... 36
10. Initials of H T ...... 38
11. Finals of HT ...... 39
12. initials of M P ...... 41
13. Finals of M P ...... 41
14. Tones of N D ...... 48
15. Phonetic initials of ND ...... 50
16. Phonemicized initials of ND ...... 52
17. V ow el/-i-/ ...... 54
IX 18. Vowel/-o -/ ...... 56
19. Vow el/-e-/ ...... 56
20. Vowel / - a - / ...... 57
21. neutralization after low back vow el/-o-/...... 59
22. neutralization after high central vow el/-i-/ ...... 61
23. Finals of ND ...... 62
24. The /-w iy / (ND) vs. / - iy / (MP) c o n tra s t ...... 64
25. The neutralization of the MC ”Go(q)/(#)" and "Cwo(q)/(#)" types in ND ...... 65
26. De-retroflexion in ND ...... 67
27. Combinations of initials and finals in ND ...... 77-88
28. The language background of the compilers ...... 90
29. The rhyme labels of HWZy ...... 96
30. The voiced vs. voiceless contrast of initials in HWZY ...... 103
31. Devoicing of labial (/pH -/) ...... 107
32. The voiced vs. voiceless contrast in labials ...... 108
33. Devoicing of labiodental (/pfH-/) ...... 109
34. The voiced vs.voiceless contrast in labiodentals ...... 110
35. Devoicing of retroflex initials ...... 112
36. Voiced vs. voiceless contrast in retroflex initials ...... 116
37. De-retroflexion in HWZY ...... 118
38. Devoicing of dental sibilant initials (/cH -,/sH -/) ...... 122
X 39. Exceptions in HWZY parallelling ZYYY, MP or ND ...... 123
40. The voiced vs. voiceless contrast in dental sibilants ...... 124
41. Devoicing of voiced dental initial (/tH -/) ...... 126
42. The voiced vs. voiceless contrast in dental initials ...... 127
43. Devoicing of/xH -/ ...... 129
44. T h e /x H - /v s ./x -/c o n tr a s t ...... 130
45. Devoicing of/kH -/ ...... 132
46. The /k H -/ vs. / k - / contrast ...... 133
47. The /(j>-/ vs. /»?-/ contrast ...... 135
48. The vs. /q-/ contrast ...... 140
49. Exceptions in HWZY parallelling MP and ND ...... 145
50. Initials of HWZY ...... 147
51. Labels of the rhyme-sets in HWZY ...... 149
52. The MC origin of HWZY Zhen rhyme-set ...... 153
53. The MC origins of HWZY rhyme-sets Han, Shan and Xian 154
54. The MC origins of HWZY rhyme-sets Dong. Geng and Yang ... 156
55. Loss of the palatal m edial/-y-/of MC "DywiTj/k" type ...... 161
56. Loss of the palatal medial /-y -/ of MC "Dsywi^/k" type ...... 172
57. The presence vs. absence of palatal medial after retroflex initials in the Yang rhyme-set ...... 165
58. Acquisition of palatal medial in the MC "Ga;;/k" syllable type 166
XI 59. The MC "G ^/k"-type in HWZY ...... 169
60. The MC "G^n/k"-type vs. "G y^/k"-type contrast in HWZY 170
6 1 . T h e th re e -w a y c o n tra st in th e G eng rh y m e -se t ...... 172
62. The MC origins of HWZY rhym e-sets Qin, Tan and Yan ...... 173
63. Contrasting pairs in the Tan rhyme-set ...... 177
64. The coalescence of MC "Cyam/p" and "Cyem/p" types ...... 179
65. The MC /naw / vs. /now / contrast in Yao rhyme-set ...... 181
66. Merger of MC "Baw" and "Bow" types ...... 182
67. The MC /paw / vs. /pow / in Yao rhyme-set ...... 183
68. The MC origins of rhym e-sets Ge, Ma and Zhe ...... 186
69. Neutralization of MC "Cwo#" and "Co#" types after dental or dental sibilant initials ...... 187
70. Neutralization of MC "Cwo#" and "Co#" types after guttural initials ...... 189
71. Exceptional readings of the MC "G(w)ay" type syllables ...... 190
72. The MC origins of HWZY rhym e-sets Zhi, Qi, Jie and Hui ...... 193
73. Loss of palatal medial /-y -/ in MC syllable types "Cywiy, Cyway, Cywey" ...... 196
7 4 . T he origins of HWZY Yu and rh y m e -s e ts ...... 201
75. Dual readings of words with origins in MC "Bywiw"-type ...... 2 0 3
76. MC "By wiw"-type words in the HWZY You rhym e-set ...... 205
77. Finals of HWZY ...... 2 0 7
X l l 78. Combinations of initials and finals in HWZY ...... 211 -247
79. Entering-tone finals in HT ...... 250
80. Entering-tone finals in ND ...... 251
81. Entering-tone finals in HVVZV ...... 252
82. Bifurcated development of words with the entering tone ...... 253 A 83. Bifurcated changes of MC "G ^/k"-type words ...... 256
84. Neutralization of the /-o # / vs. /-w o#/ contrast ...... 259
85. Partial adoption of the Type Echange in MP ...... 261
86. Bifurcated development of MC "Bywiw”-type words ...... 265
87. Criteria for the three stages of the Mandarin period ...... 284
X l l l UST OF FIGURES
FIGURE p a g e
1. The mandarin subgroups ...... 45
XIV Abbreviations
AC Ancient Chinese B labials Bf labiodentals C initial D d e n ta ls Dj palatal dentals (in AC) Ds dental sibilants E ending F syllable final: (M)V(E) G gutturals h a symbol standing for aspiration in this dissertation H a symbol standing for voicing in this dissertation /- i -/ a symbol standing for central high vowel /- + -/ in this dissertation LI Yin-level, level tone subcategory evinced by syllables with voiceless initials in MC L2 Yang-level, level tone subcategory evinced by syllables with voiced initials in MC M m edial MC Middle Chinese MM Middle Mandarin MP Modem Pekinese ND present-day Nanjing dialect N.M. N orthern M andarin NW.M. N orthw estern M andarin OM Old Mandarin Pj palatal sibilants (in AC ) Pr( 1 ) retroflex sibilants (in AC) Pr(2) retroflex sibilants (after Pr, Pj merger, in MC) Pr(3) retroflex sibilants (after Pr, Pj, Dj merger, in Mandarin) q a symbol represents the glottal stop [?] in this dissertation. R resonants (see notes for Table 3, p. 16) r2 rising tone subcategory evinced by syllables with voiced stop, affricate and fricative initials in AC and MC r1 rising tone subcategory evinced by syllables with voiceless initials and the resonants in AC and MC S stops and affricates (see notes for Table 3, p. 16) S.M. Southern Mandarin (or Xiajiang Mandarin) SW.M. Southwestern Mandarin V vowel
JS1960 Jiangsusheng he Shanghaishi fangyan gaikuang WF1961 Nanjing fangyan zhongde Jige wentide diaocha
Phonological records
Aiphabetica! Sst
DZ Sisheng dengzi (Northern Song dynasty) GY Guang yun (1008 A.D., by Chen Pengnian e t ai.) HJJS Huangji jingshi (11th c. by Shao Yong ) HMY Hong~mu~chong-un-yok-hun ( 1455 A.D., by Sin Suk-chu) HT Yunlue huitong (1642 A.D., by Bi Gongchen) HWZY Hongwu zhengyun (1375 A.D., by Song Lian etal.) J Y Jiyun (1039 A.D., by Ding Du e t al.) L Y Ubu yunlue( 1037 A.D., by Ding Du e t al.) LYM Zengxiu huzhu Ubu yunlue (1162 A.D., by Mao Huang) OY Qieyun (601 A.D., by Lu Fayan) TJ Chongding Sima Wengong dengyun tujing (1606 A.D., by Xu Xiao) YJ Yunjing ([1007-1037], according to Li 1983b: 164.) YHJY Gujin yunhui Juyao ( 1297 A.D., by Xiong Zhong) YT Yunlue yifong (1442 A.D., by Lan Mao) ZYYY Zhongyuan yinyun (1324 A.D., by Zhou Deqing) ZYYL Zhongzhou yuefu yinyun leibian or Zhongzhou yinyun (1351 A.D., byZhuo Congzhi) ZZT Oieyun zhizhang fu ([1176-1203], according to Zhao 1957: 94-107.)
Chraiologlcal list
Phonological records before the Mandarin period
601 OY Oieyun Lu Fayan ê S l '
1008 GY Guang yun Chen Pengnian et ai. -v
1037 LY Ubu yunlue Ding Du
%vi 1039 J Y Jiyun Ding Du e t al. T S # lithe. YJ Yunjing lithe. HJJS Huangji jingshi 151*5 # Shao Yong (1011-1077);;#E
DZ Sisheng dengzi
1162 LYM Zengxiu huzhu Ubu yunlue Mao Huang ü %
12th e. ZZT Oieyun zhizhang tu
Phonological records in the Yuan-Ming period (1271-1644)
1297 YHJY Gujin yunhui juyao Xiong Zhong WJt
1324 ZYYY Zhongyuan yinyun ZhouDeqing
1351 ZYYL Zhongzhou yuefu yinyun leibian Zhuo Congzhi # % ± (also Zhongzhou yinyun)
1375 HWZY Hongwu zhengyun Song Lian e t ai.
1442 YT Yunlue yitong # # # @ Lan Mao W%
1455 HMY Hong-mu-chong-un-yok-hun Sin Suk-ehu * «R A r^üîiE^Jpfll
1605 XZ Xiziqiji Matteo Rîcei
1606 TJ Chongding Sima Wengong XuXiao.% $ dengyun tujing
1626 XE Xiruermuzi Nicolaus Trigault
1642 HT Yunlue huitong Bi Gongehen .# # #
X V I1 CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
The history of the Chinese language consists of four major periods:
"Archaic Chinese," represented mainly by The Book of Odes; "Ancient
Chinese" (hereafter AC), represented by Qieyun (601 A.D. hereafter OY) sound system; "Middle Chinese" (hereafter MC), represented by the sound system of the rhyme tables of the Tang-Song periods (9-11 centuries);
"Mandarin" (14th C. - present)/ The aim of the present study is to investigate the sound system of a rhyme dictionary compiled in the early
Mandarin period, and to show how it is related to the speech norm of its time as well as the later periods up to the present. Since MC bridges AC and the
Mandarin periods and the changes occurring in MC had given birth to the
early form of Mandarin, the sound system of MC serves as the backgound of
this study.
Although each linguist has his specific version of periodization and terms for each period, their periodizations by and large agree on the principal divisions. I follow Karlgren (1915-1926) and Norman (1988) in using these four terms. The first three periods are also generally known as "Old Chinese" (for "Archaic") and "Middle Chinese"(for our "Ancient" and "Middle Chinese"). 1 1.1. The aims and scope of this dissertation
In the history of the development of Mandarin Chinese, many phenomena remain puzzling mainly because of lacking reliable source materials. To solve the problems concerning the evolution of Mandarin, we need more knowledge about the Chinese language in the Yuan, Ming, Qing and Modern periods,^ However, source materials for Mandarin during the
Ming-Qing period (i.e., the earlier stages of Mandarin) have not yet been fully explored and require more detailed research. Hongwu zhengyun
(A.D.1375, hereafter HWZY), an official rhyme dictionary compiled under imperial auspices during the early Ming period, was the most respected dictionary of the Ming dynasty. For the following reasons, HWZY should be taken as a useful source for the study of the development of Mandarin.
Zhongyuan yinyun (1324, by Zhou Deqing, hereafter ZYYY) was compiled 50 years earlier than HWZY and is widely recognized as representative of the earliest stage of Mandarin. The phonological differences between ZYYY and HWZY have long mystified scholars in their efforts to understand the evolution of Mandarin.
First, the devoicing of the former voiced affricate, fricative and stop
O Mandarin Chinese has been spoken in the Yuan dynasty (1271-1368 A.D.), Ming dynasty (1368-1644 A.D.). Qing dynasty(1644-1911 A.D.) and Modern period (1911 A.D.-present). initials illustrated by ZYYY marks a major cleavage between the Mandarin period it represents and the previous periods, represented by QY and the rhyme tables. Scholars such as Forrest (1973:191) argue that the
completion of the devoicing should be dated somewhat later than the 14th
century, since HWZY of the 14th century still demonstrates that contrast.
Others believe that the devoicing was completed by the 14th century since the result of the devoicing had been recorded in ZYYY? In this situation of
conflicting claims, a study of the sound system of HWZY and related
materials in terms of historical development will help.
Second, AC and MC had four tonal categories, namely the level
(Pingsheng). rising (Shangsheng), going (Qusheng) and entering (Rusheng)
tones. The entering tone category consisted of syllables with stop
consonant endings in AC and MC, and began to undergo changes in MC.
Since ZYYY shows that these former entering tone words have merged into
the other three tonal groups, most scholars therefore assert that all the
entering tone words must have lost their endings and were redistributed
among the other tonal categories in Northern Mandarin dialects by the time of
ZYYY? Some have serious reservations about this assertion." Since the
®e.g., Zhang 1938. II : 228-9; Ying 1970a: 8-7; Wang 1981: 83; etc.
^As represented by Wang (1935:505-513); Zhao & Zeng 1962:312-324 etc.
"Li 1983a:110-25 and Yang 1981:46-65 argue plausibly that the entering tone did not disappear until the late 15th century in the colloquial stratum of Mandarin, while in the literary stratum of Mandarin, the entering tone existed until the mid- Qing period. format of HWZY shows that it still preserves the entering tone, it was
frequently criticized as being "archaic" or "Southern." The discrepancy
between what is reflected by ZYYY and HWZY deserv es our re
consideration: Is the phenomenon reflected by ZYYY a sweeping change in
all Mandarin dialects? If not, in which type of dialects or dialectal stratum do
the former entering tone words lose their endings and acquire the other
three tones or preserve traces of the former stop endings? A systematic
study of the sound system of HWZY and other phonological records related
to it will enable us to clear some of the uncertainties about the evolution of
the entering tone words.
HWZY was compiled 600 years ago in what was then the capital of the
Ming dynasty — Nanjing, where a Mandarin variant (i.e., the Nanjing dialect)
is spoken. Did the dialect of the capital have a great impact on establishing
the standard speech of that time? Karlgren (1948:426) and Forrest (1973)
suspect that HWZY represented the dialect of Nanjing. Lu (1985) and Yang
(1986) assume, according Matteo Ricci's documents of the late Ming period,
that the speech norm of the Ming dynasty was based on "a commonly
accepted Southern variety of Mandarin. ... probably... the dialect of Nanking
[Nanjing] and its vicinity (Yang 1986: 54)." Yet, no convincing evidence
based on the phonological system of Nanjing dialect or HWZY was given.
This dissertation constitutes a comparative study of the phonological system
of HWZY and that of present-day Nanjing dialect (ND). This reseach will try
to determine, by searching synchronically as well as diachronically, whether
some of the peculiar features of the Nanjing dialect were reflected in HWZY. This study examines some sociolinguistic materials to complement previous studies of the evolution of Mandarin. Nanjing was the first capital of the Ming dynasty since A.D. 1368. Fifty-three years later (A.D. 1421), the capital was moved from Nanjing to Beijing. The relocation of the capital caused a large number of officials and nobles to move from the South to the
Beijing area. This, together with large-scale migrations of people from the
South to the Beijing area during the same period, created a unique situation for dialectal contact between the then Pekinese and southern Mandarin variants.® Did it bring a new infusion of Southern influence into the
Pekinese?^ ND and HWZY are the essential materials for us to find the answer.
HWZY is significant for the study of the evolution of Mandarin. The phonological phenomena it reflectes can not be separated from its historical \ background. This research focuses not only on the internal evidence, but also investigates the sound-base of HWZY at the intersection of two axes — the synchronic search on the horizontal level, and the diachronic search on the vertical development. The former is based mainly on written records, and the latter focuses on the ordering of the diachronic rules inferred from the systematic sets of correspondences between, the protoforms of
Standard Mandarin and their Modem reflexes. With this knowledge, we will
®Detaiied discussion on this aspect will be given in Chapter Seven.
'Pulleyblank (1984:4) suggests that the literary layer of Pekinese, with its tradition of reading pronunciations that differ from spoken forms, stems from this southern influence in Ming. be more prepared to re-evaluate the role that HWZY played in the standardization of Mandarin. This dissertation investigates (1) the sound system underlying HWZY, (2) the relationship between HWZY and Nanjing dialect and (3) their impact on the developing process of Standard Mandarin.
The dissertation is organized as follows.
This introductory Chapter includes the aims, scope and outline for the dissertation. Chapter Two briefly introduces the protoforms of Mandarin
Chinese as well as the sound system of Mandarin Chinese in different stages to provide a background for later discussion. The sound system of ND is analyzed in Chapter Three and will serve as the basis for our discussion.
The Fourth chapter provides some background information on HWZY.
The sound system of HWZY is the focus of chapters Five and Six. T hese two
Chapters analyze the various phonological phenomena in HWZY and reconstruct the sound system underlying HWZY.
The seventh chapter examines whether the sound systems of HWZY
and the dialect of Nanjing are closely related, what role they played in the
developing process of Standard Mandarin in the Ming period, and their
relationship to the modern speech norm. The final chapter serves to sum up
all the points discussed in the previous chapters, and provides a
chronological summary of the sound changes from the time of HWZY to ND
as well as the modem speech norm. 1.2. Special terms and notations
1.2.1. "Mandarin Standardization" and "Standard Mandarin"
"Mandarin Standardization" is the developing process of an accepted norm for pronunciation of Mandarin Chinese from time to time. "Standard
Mandarin" is the sp eech norm in the Mandarin period.
1.2.2. Phonetic-phonological notations
Reconstructions in this dissertation are represented in the phonemic pattern based on the traditional Chinese syllable segmentation represented by the follovi/ing formula (cf. Hsueh 1975:26-27):
(C)(M}V(E)
• C = initial, consonant in initial position
• M = medial, onglides /-y-/, /-w -/ and /-yw -/ in medial position
• V = main vowel or syllabic
• E = ending,
o consonants in syllable-ending position or
o offglides /-w / and /-y / in syllable-ending position
• ( )=the elements in the parentheses are optional for syllable formation.
• Tone and vowel are the essential elements for syllable formation while initial, medial and ending are optional. 8
Example words are first given the Pinyin romanization according to their pronunciation in the modern speech norm (i.e. Modern Pekinese,
[hereafter MP]), with the corresponding Chinese characters and / or English translation: e.g., Hong "red." Then, phonemic transcriptions will be given for MG and/or MP or modern Mandarin variants, depending on the needs of our discussion. The phonetic transcription will be given when required.
The tonal category is marked by a small triangle at one corner of each transcription as U , ^ U, U ^ and U respectively for the level tone., rising tone, going tone and entering tone in MG or in the rhyme books which did not show the split of the level tonal groups.® The "Yin-level" and the
"Yang-level" tonal registrations in the transciptions for Mandarin dialects are marked respectively by a triangle at the lower left corner "^27" and a
underlined triangle in the same position, as H'?
For the MP readings, I refer to Xinhua zidian 1971 and Cihai 1979. The
sound system of ND is based mainly on author's own speech and
observation^® and Chao (1929). Other materials, such as Hemeling (1902),
Jiangsusheng he Shanghaishi fangyan gaikuang ([JS] 1960) and Nanjing
fangyan zhongjige wentide diaocha (N F1961) are referred to when needed.
®See discussion for tonal split in 2.2. Q Terms "level, rising, going" used in this dissertation do not mean the phonetic value of the tones but only the literary translations of the Chinese traditional terms "Ping, Shang. Qu" for Chinese tones. See 2.2.2 for the Yin-Yang split of the level tone.
^®The author is a native from the south side of Nanjing, where most residents have deep roots and the so-called "typical old Nanjing accent" is preserved. The MC readings are based mainly on Ding Shengshu (1958), and the rhyme table books of the Song period, such as Yunjing (YJ), Sisheng dengzi
(DZ) and Qieyun zhizhangtu (ZZT). Reconstructed forms of MC, Mandarin speech norm (MP) and modern Mandarin variants are expressed in phonemic transcription based on Hsueh (1982 & 1985) (for MC), Hsueh (1980a) and
(1980b) (for Mandarin speech norm and Mandarin variants as well). CHAPTER II PROLEGOMENA TO THE PHONOLOGY OF HONGWU ZHENGYUN
This chapter is devoted to a discussion of the prolegomena to the phonology of HWZY in order to ascertain the crucial sound changes that occurred before HWZY and to provide certain insights into the phonological history of Mandarin Chinese.
2.1. The protoforms of Mandarin Chinese
From AC, represented by QY (601 A.D.), to the earliest stage of
Mandarin in the fourteenth century, there was a span of eight-hundred years.
During this iong span, both initials and finals underwent drastic changes. The
rhyme tables which first emerged in the Tang dynasty (613-907 A.D.), and
later evolved into a mature form in the Song dynasty (S60-1279 A.D.), reflect
some of the changes within this period (i.e., MC).^ ^ Therefore, we need to
know the sound system of the rhyme tables before we move on to discuss
the sound system of HWZY.
The most important extant rhyme-table books date from the Song period. YJ, recognized as the earliest extant complete version of rhyme-table books, may represent adaption of the prototypes from the late Tang. DZ and ZZT are the later versions of the rhyme- tables books; therefore, their rearrangements in the format and redistributions of the syllables offer valuable clues to the sound changes. 1 0 11
The rhyme tables before the Ming dynasty are basically in the same format.^ ^ Syllables in MC are arranged into the sixteen groups under the concept of She, "set of Tables" or "rhyme-classes," and then subdivided into the four tonal groups and four Deng "divisions or grades." The design of the rhyme tables can be best explained phonemically by a four-way contrast vowel system within the frame of Chinese syllable patterns: (C)(M)V(E). C stands for the initial consonant; (M)V(E) stands for a final in which the segments stand for an on-glide medial, a nuclear vowel and an ending respectively. V(E) is the rhyme-base that syllables within a rhyme share.
The elements within the parentheses are optional, while the vowel is an indispensable part of any syllable. These four vowel phonemes are in contrast with two levels in height (high vs. low) and three degrees in depth
(front vs. central vs. back):^ ® i 1 front central back high i low e a 0
/-i-/ is used to represent the centra! high vowel /-+ -/ in our phonemic representaion.
The sixteen rhyme-classes are marked as either the "Outer" or the
"Inner" series in the rhyme table books. Both series include the typical patterns (i.e., Inner-A/Outer-A) and the irregular ones (i.e., Inner-B/Outer
12.The following discussion is summarized in Tables 1 and 2 which follow below.
see 1.2.2. Also of. Hsueh 1975,1980a, 1982 & 1985. 12
B). Each rhyme-class in the "inner" series contains finals only for the first and the third divisions , both with the same vowel, either central high vowel
/-i-/ (Inner-A) or back low vowel /-o -/ (Inner-B). Finals of the third division possess the palatal medial /-y -/ while those of the first division do not. The "Outer" series may possibly have final types in all four divisions, among which the second division is always occupied. In the "Outer-A" type, the distinction among the divisions lies in the quality of the three low vowels: a back low vowel /-o -/ (for the first), a central low vowel /-a -/ (for the
second and third), a front low vowel /-e -/ (for the fourth). The finals of the first two divisions do not have the palatal medial /-y -/, which is present in
the third and fourth divisions. There is only one Outer-B type (the Zhenshe)
which has the high vowel for first, second (under retroflex sibilants) and third
(with palatal medial /-y -/) divisions.^^
Presenting the finals as (M)V(E), we can formulate the structure of the
rhyme tables into the following types. In this chart, the first column marks the
number of each division, while the other columns present respectively the
final-patterns of Inner-A, Inner-B, Outer-A and Outer-B:
“Hhe two rhymes in the second division of the Zhenshe each have only three different syllables, all with retroflex initials. They probably had the lower high vowel /- 9 -/ as their nucleus at the time of AC, but by MC it must have been raised to /-i-/. See Hsueh 1985 for more detailed discussion. 1 3
Table 1 The design of the rhyme tables
Inner-A Inner-B
Tong, Zhi, Yu, Liu, Shen Guo, Zeng, Dang Divisioi
-(w)i(E) -(w)o(E)
y(w)i(E) -y(w)o{E)
Outer-A Outer-B
Geng, Jiang, Xie, Xiao, Shan, Xian, Jia Zhen Divisioi
-(w)o(E) -(w)a(E) -y(w)a(E) -y(w)e(E)
Source: Hsueh 1982:14; Hsueh & Chou 1983
The syllable finals of the sixteen rhyme-classes can then be
presented as below: 1 4
Table 2 Syllable finals of rhyme-classes (She)
(a)lnner-A:
DivisionlTong Zhi Yu Uu Shen I -wi///k -w i# -iw II II! -ywi?;/k -y(w)iy -y w i# -yiw -yim /p IV
(b) Inner-B:
Division Guo Zens ^ Dang I -(w )o # -(w )op/k -(w)oj7/k II III -y(w )o# -y(w )op/k -y(w )o?/k IV
(c) Outer-A:
Division Geng Jiang Xie Xiao Shan Xian Jia I —— -(wvw./wj )oy w..-ow -(w)on/t -om/p ----- II -(w)ap/k^ -a!j/k -a!j/k -(w)ay-(w)ay -aw -aw -(w)an/t -am/p -(w)a# III -y(w)^/k -y(w)ay -yaw -y(w)an/t -yam/p -y(w)a# IV -y(w)e/i/fi -(w)ey -ew -(w)en/t -yem/p ------
(d) Outer-B:
Division Zhen I ~(w)in/t II [-(w) G n/t] III -y(w )in/t ilL . Source; Hsueh 1985; 147-48 1 s
The initials of AC and MC as they appear in QY and rhyme tables
respectively are illustrated below. Labiodental initials (Bf) in MC are split off from Labial (B) (see 2.2.1.), retroflexed sibilants (Pr[l]) and palatalized sibilants (Pj) of AC merged into one series (Pr[2]) in MC (see 2.2.3.). The term "Gutturals" used in this dissertation covers the combination of the two sets of initials in MC, namely, the velars and uvulars, plus a voiced approximate (the so-called zero initial) and a glottal stop.^® I also follow
Chao 1948: 19 and Hsueh 1975: 27-30 in using the term "Sibilants" in an expanded sense, including both the fricatives and affricates.
The term "Gutturals" was first suggested by Karlgren and Y. R. Chao and followed by scholars in the Chinese Linguistics. Also cf. Hsueh 1975: 27 and Pulleblank 1984:29-30. 1 6
Table 3 Initials of AC
r S Fv R
Labials p ph pH m Dentals t th tH n 1 Palatalized dentals tj tjh tiH Dental sibilants c ch cH s sH Retroflex sibilants cr crh crH sr srH Palatalized sibilants cj cjh cjH sj sj'H nj Gutturals k kh kH X xH V q
Source: Hsueh 1975: 27-30
®Notes: <>= "zero" initial, no actual consonant in initial position but syllables with this initial behave like those with R or G initials diachronically. f= labiodentalization; Fv= fricatives; h= aspiration; H= used as a symbol standing for voicing in this dissertation; j= palatalization; r= retroflex; R= resonants; S= stops and affricates. Phonemically these two types of initials behave In an identical manner when they are combined with /h / or /H/; 1 7
Table 4 Initiais of MC
S Fv R
Labials P ph pH m Labiodentals pf pfh pfH mv DentaJs t th tH n 1 Palatalized dentals tr trh trH Dental sibilants c ch cH s sH Retroflex sibilants cr crh crH sr srH r Gutturals k kh kH X xH V q 4>
Source: revised version of Table 3
2.2. Major changes before the Mandarin period
Changes which occurred before or around the early stage of the
Mandarin period are closely related to my later discussion and therefore need to be treated briefly here.
2.2.1. Split of the labials
As shown in Table 3, there is only one set of labials in AC. Sometime
bdfore MC, the former bilabial initials were split into two sets, /p- ^ ,
ph- , pH- ü , m- / and /pf- # , pfh-li , pfH- , mv- / as
shown in Table 4. The latter set was labiodentalized, conditioned by the
iabio-palatal medial /-yw -/ and then lost the palatal medial /-y -/ after the 18 labiodentalization:^ ®
(i) B —> B f / _ yw
(ii) y —> p / Bf _ w
2.2.2. Tonal splits and the devoicing process
The tonal splits in the level and rising tones occurred before the ninth century. The level tone category was split into two tonal registers (Yin-level and Yang-level), conditioned by the voicing in the S {stop, affricate) and Fv
(fricative) initials (see Tables 3 & 4). Syllables with the voiced S and Fv initials acquired the Yang-level tone while the rest remain as the Yin-level tone. Syllables with the voiced initials in the rising tone had split off from the rest and acquired the going tone register.^ ^ The devoicing process started in some Northern dialects by the 12th century.^® We use "LI, L2" to represent "Yin-level tone, Yang-level tone" respectively, "H" to mark the
The rhyme table books in MC all list two sets of the labials marked "heavy" and "light." The former refers to the bilabial stops /p -, ph-, pH-/ and bilabial nasal /m -/, while the latter refers to the labiodental affricates /pf-, pfh-, pfH-/ and labiodental nasal /mv-/. These two sets of labials appear in complementary distribution; the latter occur only with the rounded type of the third division finals, while the former occurs elsewhere. Since the phonetic difference between these two sets of labials is so drastical, the split of them is easily noticed, especially to those buddhist monks who are not familiar with Chinese sounds. 17 The tonal splits started to surface in the Tang poems dated from the eighth century (cf. Wang 1958 & 1981, Zhou 1966, fvlei 1970, and Chang 1974).
Evidence for devoicing was first seen in Huangji jingshi (11th century, by Shao Yong, HJJS) (cf. Zhou 1966: 581-565 and Li 1952: 165-174) and also in ZYYY of the 14th century (cf. Hsueh 1986:110). 1 £ voicing of the S and Fv initials and "R" for resonants (see 2.1 ). The process of the tonal split and the devoicing therefore can be formulated:
(iii) f'®''®' —> { ^ — F / elsewhere
(V ) f ' ' ® ' ^ / elsewhere
2 .2 .3 . Origins of the modem retroflex sibilants
The retroflex sibilants /cr, crh, sr, r/ in modern Mandarin dialects have three origins in AC, namely, the retroflex sibilants (Pr[1]) /cr^î , crh , cr!H , sr ^ , srH /, the palatalized sibilants (Pj) /cj v. , cjh # , cjH 4c , sj ^ , sjH , nj g / and the palatalized dentals (Dj) /tj , tjh 1% , tjH ^ /.^® Pj series only occur before the third-division finals (i.e.,
"Pjy(w)V(E)*'-type), while Dj and Pr(1) series combine with the finals of both the second and the third divisions (i.e., ''Dj(y)(w)V(E)"-type,
"Pr(1)(y)(w)V(E)"-type). The coalescence of these three types of initials can be explained in two major steps: (i) The third-division syllables with the
Pr(1) initials lost their /-y -/ medial before MC. The AC Pr(1) and Pj initials
^^SeeTableSin 2.1 20 then lost contrast and merged as the new retroflex series (Pr[2]) in MC.^°
(ii) Towards the end of MC, the Dj type was affricated and retroflexed and merged with Pr(2) into the retroflex series in the Mandarin period (i.e., Pr[3],
/cr, crh, sr, r/ of the modem Mandarin dialects) This two-step change can then be formulated into the following order with the numbered subparts:
Step One: Pr(1), Pj > Pr(2) and Dj > Dr
(Vi) y -> ÿ /P r(1 )___
(vii) j —> r
Step Two: Dr, Pr(2) > Pr(3)
(viii) t —> c (Dr > Pr)
2 .2 .4 . Emergence of the syllable final / - i # /
The loss of the palatal medial /-y -/ and the off-glide ending /-y / in the AC "Dsyiy"-type words such as v (AC /"^cyiy/, MP / ^ c i # / ) has been long noticed by scholars before the Mandarin period; and a new rhyme with the central high /-i# / as a syllable final had come into existence as early as the tenth century. The process of this change can be better explained by postulating the following two stages. The AC "Dsyiy"-type
^°SeeT able^in 2.1. 21 This change occurred around the 12th or 13th century. See Zhou 1966: 595-6,663-4 and Li 1983a:75-76 for the detailed evidence of the coalescence. 21 words lost medial /-y -/ by the twelfth century.^^ By the fourteenth century, those MC "Pr{2)yiy"-type words also lost /-y / ending and joined their Ds type counterparts. The "Pr(2)i#" and "Dsi#" types were then separated from the rest of "Cyiy" type and formed a new rhyme in ZYYY and
Zhengzhou yuefu yinyun /e/b/an (1351 A.D. by Zhou Congzhi, ZYYL).^®
Stage One: (ix) y --> ÿ / Ds_____ iy
Stage Two: (x) y — >
The loss of palatal medial /-y - ' in "Dsyiy"-type (i.e., (ix) y —> <5 /
Ds iy) and "Pr(2)yiy"-type (i.e., (x) y -->
Dsyiy"types by the fourteenth century. The chronological sequence of these five changes can be ordered as follows:
(vii) j - > r (Pr{ 1 ), Pj > Pr(2); Dj > Dr)
(ix) y —><^/Ds_iy
Both HJJS and ZZT reflect the toss of the media! /- y - / after the dental sibilants by moving the graphs of AC "Dsyiy"-type to the first-division slots, which were designated for the syllables without medial /- y - / (of. Hsueh 1980b:53-75.). The pronunciations annotated by Zhu Ao (937-975 A.D.) on Xu Kai's Shuowen xizhuan and marked by Zhu Xi (1130-1200) on the readings of the ancient poems Imply that the loss of both the /-y - / medial and the /- y / ending had affected the AC "Dsyiy"-type words as early as the tenth century in some dialects including the standard speech (see Wang 1982: 212-338.).
^^Cf. Hsueh 1980b and Li 1983 for detailed discussion. (x) y —>(^i/Pr(2) iy
(xi) y—>^ / — Ds (viii) t-->c (Dr, Pr(2) > Pr(3))
2.2.5. Bifurcated development of words with stop endings
Some syllables which had each only one reading in MC may have two co-existing modern reflexes in MP^ namely Type A and Type B as shown below:
Table 5 The two co-existing layers of pronunciations in MP
MC MP Type A TypeB 1. bai "white" /pokj/ /^ b a y / /^ b w 3 # /
2. yao "medicine" /^yokj/ /yaw^/ /y w 3 ^ # / A 3. hei "black" /x c k ^ / /^ h iy / / ^ h 3 # /
4. xue "to learn" /x H a k j/ /^ h y a w / /^ h y w G # /
5. luo "to drop" /lo k ^ / /la w ^ / /Iw 3 ^ # /
6. jiao "foot" /k y o k ^ / /^ k y a w / /^ k y w a # / This distinction seems to mark off two strata of pronunciations in MP and two types of Mandarin variants, and can be defined by the following criteria.
A. Criteria for Type A dialects
1. The velar stop ending /-k / was dropped and compansated by a homoganic off-glide /-w / (as shown in ZYYY [see 2.3.1.] and the Type A stratum of MP [see Table 5 above, Table 82 and discussion in 7.1.1.).
A 2. The palatal stop ending /-k / was dropped and compensated by a homoganic off-glide /-y / (as shown in ZYYY [see 2.8.1.] and the Type A stratum of MP [see Table 5 above, Table 82 and discussion in 7.1.1.).
3. The stop endings /-p, -t/ were dropped (as shown in ZYYY and the Type A stratum of MP, e.g., se -;g (MC /sryip^/, ZYYY /sri#^/) "puckery" se # (MC /sryit^/, ZYYY /s r \# ^ /) "musical instrument," shi ^ (MC /srit^/, ZYYY /sri#^/, M P/sri#^/)
4. Words formerly carrying the entering tone acquired one of the other three tones, namely, Y angMevel, rising and going (as shown in ZYYY [see 2.3.1.] and MP [see Table 5 above. Table 82 and discussion in 7.1.1.).
B.The Criteria for Type B dialects and stratum A 1. The former entering tone endings /-p, -t, -k, -k/ are neutralized (as shown in HT, ND [see 2.3.2,3.2. and 7.1.1.]). Words which had distinct endings previously, as shown in the following two sets, become homophones respectively: 24
se {MC /sryip^/, ND /seq^/) "puckery" se .g, (MC /sryi^/, ND /seq^/) "musical instrument" se ê, (MC /sryok^/, ND /seq^/) "colour"
yu (MC /çJyw it^/) "sandpicker" yu ^ (MC/<|6ywik^/, ND/rwiq^/) "territory" yu (MC /ÿywik^/, ND /rwiq^/) "to educate"
2. The graphs representing syll^les with the entering tone may still retain a glottal stop and stand distinct from the other three tonal groups.^^
The bifurcated changes in the entering tone category of the Mandarin dialects can simply be presented as follows:^®
Type A development:
(xii) / - k / —> / - y / (xiii) / - k / —> / - w / (xiv) /-p , - t / —> 4>
Type B development:
(xv) /-p, -t, -k, -k/ —> q
^^It is illustrated in Yunlue huitong (1662 A.D. by Bi Gongchen; HT) and ND (see 2.3.2,3.2. and 7.1.1.).
^®Cf. Hsueh 1978 25
2.2.6. Vowel-fronting shifts
A The "C(y)(w)o#"-type (Guoshe) and "C(y)(w)op/k"-type (Zengshe) of the Inner-A series, merge respectively into the "C(y){w)a#"-type
(Jiashe) and "C(y)(w)^/k, Cy(w)eji/k"-types (Gengshe) of tne Outer-A series in the later rhyme table books, such as DZ and ZZT (see 2.1.). As illustrated below, these two pairs were formerly contrasted In the thlrd- divislon slots. Guo and Zeng have back low vowel /-o -/ while Jia and Geng contain words with the central low vowel /-a-/. The coalescence of these two pairs implies the vowel-fronting shift in the "Cy{w)o(E)”-type syllable
(third-division) of Guo and Zeng.
T a b le s The vowel-fronting shift In "-y(w)o(E)”-type syllables
YJ ZZT.DZ
Division Gengshe + Zengshe > Zeng/Geng A A 1 A -(w )op/k -(w)qp/l^ II -(w )^ /k A A -(w )ap /k ^ III -y(w )ap/k -y(w )op/k - y (w )^ /k IV -y(w)ep/K -y(w )ep/k
Jiashe + Guoshe > JIa/Guo 1 -(w )o # -(w )o # II -(w )a # -—-- -(w )a # III -y(w)a# -y(w)o# -y (w )a# IV ———- This vowel-fronting shift did not affect syllables with velar endings and therefore can b e formulated into the following:^®
(xvi) o —> a / y (E) (E = [-velar])
Sometime before the fourteenth century, the central low vowel /-a -/ in "Cya{E)"-type syllable (third-division) was assimilated to the front low vowel /-e -/ of"Cye(E)"-type (fourth-division), conditioned by the palatal medial /-y-/:^^
(xvii) a —>e/y(w) ___
Towards the end of the thirteenth century, the back low nucleus /-o -/
of "Co(E)"-type (first-division) was assimilated to the central low vowel /- a-/ of "Ca(E)"-type (second-division). However, "Cow, Coj?, Cok, Gop,
Got"-type syllables retained their nucleus unchanged. Since they were
either with the [+back] endings /-?, -k, -w / (i.e., "Cow, Co??, Cok"-types)
or the guttural initials and stop endings /-p, -t/ (i.e., "Got, Gop"-type), we
can then add the following two conditions: E = [-back]; if C = G, then, E f p.
56 See discussion in 3.3. of Hsueh 1985.
^^Some "Cya(E)"-type words such as qian jife (MC /^cHyan/} "money", van "ir (MC) /^»?yan/) "speech" and jian ^ (MC) /^kyan/) "to build" join their "Cye(E)"-type counterparts qian tjlj (MC /^cH yen/) "front", yan ^ (MC) /^*?yen/) "to grind" and jian ^ (MC) /^kyen/) "to see" to appear in the same rhymes respectively in ZYYY. 27 t) to exclude words which w ere not involved:^®
(xviii) o —> a / C — E (E = [-back]; if C = G, then, E # p, t)
After the process of the vowel fronting shift (xvi)
(o— > a / y (E)), the ”C(y)(w)op/k"-type (of Zengshe) and the
"C(y)(w)^n/k"-type) (of Gengshe) then lost contrast in their third division slots, and then coalesced into the same tables in DZ and ZZT. This admixture later formed a rhyme with the front low vowel /-e -/ by the
Mandarin period.^® This phenomenon reveals the fronting shift of the non front low vowels (/-a-/ and /-o -/), conditioned by the palatalized endings A and "-k" as formulated below;
A (xix) a, C " > e / ji/k
evidence is seen in YHJY, ZYYY of the fourteenth century and the later rhyme dictionaries such as Yunlue yitong (1442 A.D., by Lan Mao, hereafter YT) and HT. The literary rhyming practice of some Song poems also show that the syllables under question join their second-division counterparts (i.e., "CaE"-type). See Hsueh 1975 and Zhou 1966:581 -655 for more detailed discussion. OQ The ZYYY, YT, HT all reflect this phenomenon and the rhyming practice of the literary works during the Tang-Song periods suggests that this change may have occurred much earlier. Cf. Zhou 1966:581 -654. 23
2.2.7. Vowel backing shift
Words of the MC "Ca»;/k"-type (Jianqshe) and "C(y)o;?/k"-type
(Dangshe) coalesced in late rhyme-table books such as DZ and ZZT illustrate, but were not affected by change (xvi) (see o —> a / y (E) in
2.2.6.). Instead, the central low vowel of "Ca?/k"-type (of Jianqshe) was assimilated to the back low vowel of the "C(y)o??/k"-type (Dangshe), under the influence of the velar endings /-%/ and /-k/:
Table 7 The vowel-backing shift in syllable final "-a?"
YJ ZZT, DZ
Jianqshe + Dangshe > Jiang/Dang 1 -(w )o?/k -{v/)Or]/k 11 -(w)a>?/k -(w)o»j/k III -y(w)o»?/k -y(w)o?/k IV
This change can then be formulated:®^
(xx) a —> 0 / — 7?/k
®®See Hsueh 1982 and 1985 for detailed discussion. 25
2.2.8. Acquisition of medial /- y - / in the "Ga(E)"-type syllable
Syllables with guttural initials and the plain final "-a(E)," (second- division of the Outer-A series in MC) acquired a palatal medial /-y -/ before the Mandarin period. These "Ga(E)"-type words such as jiao (MC
/^ k a w /) "to teach,” xian pg. (MC /x a n ^ /) "limit" and jianq -x (MC
/^ka?/) "river" are then read as homophones of their MC "Cya(E), Cye(E)"- type (third or fourth division) counterparts like jiao ^ (MC /^kyav»/) "be arrogant," xian (MC /^xyan/) "current" and jiang ^ (MC /^ k y o ? /)
"ginger," respectively. This change can be simply formulated as;
(xxi) (6—> y / G a
This change occurred after the completion of process (xvii) (a —> e / y(w) _ ),®^ and before changes (xx) (a --> o / %/k) and (xviii) (o —> a
(1297 A.D.), ZYYY (1324 A.D.) and ZYYL (1351 A.D.) all reveal that words with "Ga(E)"-type origin (e.g., xian PK MC /xan'^/, jiao ^ MC /^kaw/) had acquired a palatal medial / - y - / (iji —> y / G a) but still keep this newly emerged "Gya(E)"-type in contrast with their third-division ”Cy(w)a(E)"-type counterparts (e.g., xian % MC /xyan^/, jiao % MC /^kyaw /) with which they formerly shared the same nucleus /-a -/ and contrasted only in the absence (in the former) and the presence (in the latter) of the palatal medial /- y - / (see 2.1., also cf. Hsueh 1975, Li 1983 and Zhu Jianing 1986. 30
/ C E).®2
Syllables with guttural initials and the plain finai '*-ap/k" {second- division of MC Gengshe) have two reflexes in the Mandarin dialects, acquiring a palatal medial /-y -/ in the dialect of ZYYY and Type A dialectal stratum in MP while remaining unchanged in the dialect of HT and the Type B stratum of MP.®® This bifurcated phenomenon implies that change (xxi) (ÿ A “ > y / G __ a) has affected words of MC "G^/k"-type origin before A Change (xix) (i.e., a, o --> e / ji/k) in the dialect of ZYYY and Type A stratum in MP, while in HT and Type B stratum of MP, the order is reversed A and therefore words of MC "G^/k"-type all lost their qualification for change (xxi) and remain without paiatal medial /-y -/ until now. These three changes can now be ordered chronologically in both Type A and B as below:
1. (xvii) a —>e/y(w )__
®®First, words of the MG "Gai//k"-type origin (e.g.. jiang MC /^ka»?/ "river") fall together with their MC “Cyo>j/k" type counterparts like jiang ^ (MC /^kyoij/) "ginger" in rhyme dictonaries of OM, MM and the modern Mandarin dialects (e.g., NO and MP). They must have first acquired the palatal medial /-y -/ (rule xxi) while /- a - / still functions as a conditioning factor, and then undergone the a —> 0 / tj/k change. Second, words of the MC "Go(E)"-type (first division syllables with guttural initials, e.g., han ^ MC /^xH on/ "cold", gan th MC /^k o m / "sweet") do not acquire a palatal medial /-y -/. This phenomenon implies that the acquisition of the medial /- y - / in the syllable type "Ga(E)” had completed its process before change (xvii) (o --> a / C E). OO See 2.2.5 for Type A and Type B distinction and Chapters Three, Six and Seven for detailed discussion. 31
2 Type A: Type B:
(xxi) 4> "> y / G a (xix) a, o —> e / __ p /k A (xix) a ,o —> e / — p/k (xxi) < *> -~ > y /Q __ a
3. (xviii) o —> a / C — E (E=[-back]; if C=G, then Ezp, t)
4. (xx) a—> 0/ __ ? /k
2.2.9. Vowel-raising shift
As we have indicated in 2.1. (see Table 2 and discussion) , the MC
Xieshe includes the syllables with low vowels; "C(w)oy, C(y)(w)ay,
Cy(w)ey." The "Cy(w)ay"-type (third division), "Cy(w)ey"-type (fourth
division) and "Cwoy"-type (first division with labial medial) later join their
counterparts of the MC "Cy(w)iy"-type (Zhishe).®'^ This situation implies
that the low vowels /-a-, -o-, -e-/ in "Cwoy, Cy(w)ay, Cy(w)ey"-type
syllables have been raised. Since "Cy(w)ay"-type words (e.g., !i MC
/lyay'^/ "example") had merged with those of "Cy(w)ey"-type (e.g., li
MC /lyey'^/ "pretty") very early (see (xvii), a —> e / y(w) in
2.2.6.), this vowel-raising shift had only affected vowels /-o -/ and /-e -/:
(xxii) e, o "> i / y
The early evidence is found in DZ, Z2T and the pronunciations marked by Zhu Xi on the readings of the ancient poems around the twelfth century. The phonological records around the fourteenth century, such as YHJY and ZYYY and the modem Mandarin dialects all reflect this change. 32
Words with MC "Cy{w)ey, Cy{w)ay, Cwoy"-type syllables then acquire the same nucleus as their "Cy(w)iy"-type counterparts in the Zhishe and by the late thirteenth century, towards with the MC "Cywey, Cyway,
Cywiy"-type origins {those with medial /-yw -/) consequently lose their medial /-y-/:®^
(xxiii) wiy
2.2.1 C. Summary of the major changes occurring before the Mandarin period
The above-mentioned changes can be arranged chronologically into the following order. For the convenience of the later discussion, I will number them according to their chronological occurrence.
1. (i) B—>Bf/ yw (see2.2.1.)
2. (ii) y —> 6 / Bf (see 2.2.1.)
pievel £ f J-2 / [+H, +R] _ (see 2.2.2.) 3. (iii) F /elsew here
4. M 2.2.2.)
®®Words like gui (MC /^kyw iy/ "rule", wei ^ (MC /i^ywiy'^/) "seat" appear in the Kp'ags-pa transcription of the thirteenth century without the palatal medial /- y - / (of. Dragunov 1930 and 1959). In ZYYY, former contrasting pairs such as hui (MC /^xywiy/) "to wave" vs. hui (MC /^xwoy/) "ash, dust" and ^ ^ (MC /^pywiy/) "sad" vs. ^ # (MC /^pwoy/) "cup" become homophones respectively (cf. Wang 1958: 160 and Hsueh 1975). 33
5. (vi) y--> 6. (vii) i —> r (see 2.2.3.) (Pr[1],Pj>Pr(2);Di>Dr) 7. (xvi) o —> a / y (E) (see 2.2.6.) (E=[-velar]) 8. (xvii) a —> e / y(w) __ (see 2.2.6.) 9. Type A: Type B: A (xxi) çi —> y / G _ a (xix) a, o —> e / p/k (xviii) o —> a / C _ E (xxi) 10. (xx) a —>()/__ Tj/k (see 2.2.7.) 11. I vpe A: Type B: A (xii) / - k / — > / - y / (xv) /-p , t, k, k / —> q (xiii) / - k / —> /- w / (xiv) /-p , t / —> (see 2.2.5.) (see 2.2.5.) 12. (ix) y —> ^/D s _ iy (x) y —> 13. (xi) y— Ds — (see 2.2.4.) 14. (xxii) e , 0 " > i / _ y (see 2.2.9.) 34 15. (xxiii) y " > ^ / wiy (see 2.2.9., 6.7.3.) 16. (viii) t —> c (MC Dr. P r[2]) > P r[3]) (se e 2.2.3.) h / Q plevsl 17. (v) H-->{ h / S _ F (see 2.2.2.) o / elsewhere 2.3. A brief introduction to the sound system of the Mandarin period As mentioned in Chapter One, the Mandarin period lasted from the fourteenth century to the present. According to Hsueh (1975; 13), the Mandarin period can be further subdivided into three substages; "Old Mandarin" (hereafter OM), reflected by ZYYY (1324 A.D.); "Middle Mandarin" (hereafter MM), reflected by HT;®® "Modern Pekinese" (hereafter MP), represented by the speech norm based heavily on the Beijing dialect from the eighteenth century to the present. A brief introduction to these three sub-stages of the Mandarin period is given here, based on previous researches.®^ The prototype of HT is YT which reflects the Mandarin of the transitional period between OM and MM. Its initial system is equivalent to that of MM, represented by NT, while its final system is closer to that of OM, represented by ZYYY, e.g., preserving the bilabial nasal ending /-m / and the /-on/ vs. /-an/ contrast, etc. (see 2.3.2. for the description of the trasiiional changes occurred between OM and MM. ®^Hsueh 1975 & 1986 for ZYYY, Chou 1985 for NT (Also of. Lu 1947, Dong 1954 and Wang 1958.), Hsueh 1980 & 1986 for MP. 35 2.3.1. The sound system of OM represented by Zhongyuan yinyun The initial system of OM represented by ZYYY consisted of 21 initials as listed below, including the velar nasal /% -/ which had only a marginal existence. Table 8 Initials of ZYYY Labials P ph f m V Dentals t th n 1 Retroflex sibilants cr crh sr r Dental sibilants c ch s Gutturals k kh h ■n Source: Hsueh 1975 OM represented by ZYYY still retains a four-way vowel contrast of MC (see section 2,1.). Words in the entering tone category show a Type A change as described in Table 5 of 2.2,5 and Table 81 of 7.1.1. Its final system is represented by forty-eight final types of the nineteen rhyme categories in ZYYY, each of which stands for one type of finals in four tones. In Table 9 which follows, the first row on the top denotes the ending of each rhyme while the second row indicates the main vowels according to Hsueh's 36 (1975) phonemically based four-vowel system.^® The far left column indicates the medial. Each rhyme is numbered at the top of the column according to its original sequence in zyV Y : Table 9 Finals of ZYYY ! - # -w -V 14- -e - -0 - -6 - -0 - -i- -a- (3) (14) (13) (12) (16) (11) (4) (6) -Ç- i# a # 0 # iw ow iy* ay -y- 1(5) y e # ya# yiw yew yow yiy yay -w - iw i# w a# w o#wlw wow wiy way -yw - jywi# yw e# ywo#* ! -n -m -n -e - -a- -0 - -i- -e- -a- -e- -0- (7) (10) (8) (9) (17) (19) (18) (1) (15) (2) -(j)- in an im am er) Or] -y - yin yen yan iyim yem yam ye? yo? -w - win wan won WIT; we? wo? -yw - ywin ywen ywi?; ywe? 1 Source: Hsueh 1975 ®The two slots marked by * only reposent finals for syllables derived from the former entering tone graphs. OQ Hsueh's original reconstruction for rhymes (1), (2) and (11) was /-{y)wot]/, 7-(y)aT7, war}/ and /-yev/, aw, ow/ respectively in 1975. He later changed his opinion and revised his reconstruction as given in Table 9. For the justification of this revisin, see Hsueh 1982: 14-15 & 1986: 105. 37 2 .3.2. The sound system of MM Like OM, "Middle Mandarin" still keeps the four-way vowel contrast. However, the transitional changes from "Old Mandarin" to MP as listed below distinguish this period from OM: 1. (xxiv) n-->4>/___ (M)V(E) The velar nasal initial /%-/ disappears. As a result, the number of the initials reduces from twenty-one (as shown in ZYYY [1324]) to twenty (as shown in YT[1442] and HT [1642]). 2. (xxv) m — > n /V __ The bilabial nasal ending /-m / merges into / n - / (as HT demonstrates). As a result, the former minimal pairs -fef- "sweat" (MC, OM /^kam /) and "dry" (MC, OM /^kan/) become homophones. This change in the number of nasal endings from OM to MM distinguishes OM from both MM and MP. 3. (xxvi) o " > a /w _ n The two types of syllables /-w o n / and /-w a n / merge.®^ t "official" (MC, OM /^kw on/) and "close" (MC, OM /^kwan) therefore become homophones. As a result of the changes discussed above, the twenty-one initials in OM are reduced to twenty (ri >^i), and the nineteen rhymes in OM are reduced into sixteen, as NT records. The initial system of MM represented by HT is closely similar to that of MP, except that the voiced labiodental fricative initial /v - / remains in MM. The final system illustrated by HT is also shown in the HT and TJ 30 very close to that in MP except for its vowel system, which still shows a four-way contrast as in OM. Words in the entering tone category shov/ a Type B change in HT. The initial system and the final system represented by HT are tabulated as follows: Table 10 Initials of HT Labials P ph f m V Dentals t th n 1 Retroflex sibilants cr crh sr r Dental sibilants c ch s Gutturals k kh h 4> Source: Chou 1985:41 -63 39 Table 11 Finals of HT -# -w -y -n -T) - e - -a - - 0 - -i- -a - -a - -a - -e - - 0 - -4>- i# a # 0 # iw aw ay in an e»j 0 ? -y- yi# y e # y a # yiw yaw yay yin yan ye? yo? -w - w i# w a # w o # wiwwaw wiy way win wan wi% wo? -yw - ywi#y w e# ywin ywan ywÎTj -q -i- - e - -a - -o - -<^- eq aq oq -y- yiq yeq yaq yoq -w - wiq weq waq woq -yw- ywiq yweq Source: Chou 1985:41 -63 ®-q = the glottal stop ending of the entering tone syllables 2.3.3. The sound system of MP The former voiced labiodental fricative initial /v -/ disappeared before MP. The / - o # / vs. / - e / # contrast in OM and MM is neutralized into a centra* mid vowel /- 9 -/. Consequently, "evil " (MC /qok^/, MM /^oq^/) and "to clutch" (MC /qak^/, MM /^eq^/) become homophones (MP /9 The "C(y)(w)ej?"-type words in both OM and MM have their vowel raised before MP and therefore join the "C(y)wi;?"-typs (those from 40 Tongshe) in MP.‘^° These three changes mark MP off from MM and can be formulated:^^ (xxvii) V —> 4) (xxix) e —> I / ? (xxviii)o, e--> 3 The AC palatal sibilants (Pj) and palatalized dentals (Dj) merged with the AC retroflexed sibilants (Pr[1]) before the 13th century (see [vii] and [viii] in 2.2.3.). However, words with AC "PiyV(E), DiyV(E)"-type origins (i.e., of the third division) still keep the contrast with words of AC "PryV(E)"- type origins in OM and MM, with the presence (in the former) and absence (in the latter) of medial /-y -/. This contrast disappears in MP. The following former minimal pairs then appear as homophones in MP: 4^ zhuan (MC/crHwan*^/, OM, MM /crwan'^/, MP/crwan^/) zhuan (MC /trH yw an^/, OM, MM /cry w a n ^ /, MP /crw an'^/) ^ chou (MC /^crHiw/, OM, MM /^crhiw/, MP /^crhiw/) Chou (MC /^trH yiw /, OM, MM /^crh y iw /, MP /^ c rh iw /) As shown in Tables 9 in 2.3.1. and 11 in 2.3.2. Words of OM and MM "C(y)we?"-type derive from the "C(y)oji"-type (Zengshe) and "C(y)(w)aji, Cy(w)ep"-type (Gengshe) in MC. The vowel-raising shift in them is first reflected by TJ in the late Seventeenth century. Cf. Hsueh 1986 for detailed discussion. Cf. Hsueh 1980. 41 This situation illustrates the loss of the medial /-y -/ in words of Pj and Dj origins and this change can be written: (xxx)y —> ÿ / Pr(3) Table 12 Initials of MP Labials P ph f m Dentals t th n 1 Retroflex sibilants or crh sr r Dental sibilants c ch s Gutturals k kh h Table 13 Syllable finals of MP -# -w -y -n -n -j- -g- - 3 - -i- -a - -i- -a - -i- -a - 1 -i- ~a~ ~4>~ i# a # a # iw aw iy ay in an i»? 2;; -w - wi# wa# w3#wiw wiy way win wan wi?; wa// -y- yi# ya# y a# yiw yaw yay yin yan yi/; ya/; -yw - yw i# yw 9# ywin ywan ywiq CHAPTER III THE NANJING DIALECT 3.1. Introduction As mentioned in the first chapter, the dialect of Nanjing in the early Ming period probably played an influential role in establishing the new speech norm, as reflected in HWZY. Before we start our discussion on the sound system of HWZY, it is beneficial to take a close look at the present- day Nanjing dialect and discuss its historical background.'*^ The sound system of NO included in this chapter is based mainly on the author's own speech and observation. The data accumulated since the beginning of this century will be used as a reference.'** *"lts relation to the mainstream of Chinese speech norm wiil be discused in the later Chapters. 4 3 see 3.1.2. for detailed imformation on these. 42 43 3.1 .1 . Major Chinese dialect groups The vast majority (70%) of Chinese speakers have Mandarin as their mother tongue. The rest (30%) are speakers of the six non-Mandarin Chinese dialect groups, namely, Wu, Xiang, Gan, Yue, Min and Hakka, concentrated in the south and southeast, bordering the Mandarin-speaking territory on the lower course of the Yangtze River (see Figure 1 below). The major changes which split the Mandarin group off from the other six groups are outlined below according to what 1 believe to be the chronological order^^: 1. ^ L+H, + R ]__ / elsewhere (see [iii] in 2.2.2.) (se e [vi] in 2.2.2.) a (M)V(E)'®''®' ÿ / elsewhere (see [v ] in 2.2.2.) 4. Type A: Type B: 4> --> y / G a ^ a, o —> e / — jn/A a, o —> e / ___ /i/k ^^hese changes have been discussed in 2.2 and 2.3 . Those roman numerals are according to their sequence appearing in 2.1. Of. Hsueh 1373 & 1980 and Zhan Pohui 1981 for the classification of the major dialect groups. 44 5. y —> ÿ / Ds iy y —> ^ / Pr _ iy (se e [ix, X, xi] in 2.2.4.) 6. -m—>-n/V (se e [xxv] in 2.3.2) Mandarin is customarily divided into four subgroups: Northern Mandarin (N.M), Northwestern Mandarin (NW.M.), Southw estern Mandarin (SW. M.) and Xiajiang Mandarin or Southern Mandarin (S.M.) (see Figure 1), named according to their geographic locations and classified by their indigenous characteristics.'^^ S.M., to which the Nanjing dialect belongs, is the smallest Mandarin subgroup. S.M. is spoken in the lower valley of the Yangtze river, a narrow area sandwiched between the Northern Mandarin speaking territory and the Southern non-Mandarin speaking areas, as a transition between North and South (see Figure 1 ). This unique geographic location partially determines the dialectal characteristics of S.M. as represented by ND.^^ Cf. Yuan 1960: 24 and Zhan 1981: 95. Formerly, Li 1937 and Dong 1954 divided the Mandarin dialects into three subgroups, namely, Northern Mandarin, Southwestern Mandarin and Xiajiang Mandarin. Basically based on Li 1937 and Dong 1954, Yuan 1960 and Zhan 1981 further separate what Li 1937 and Dong 1954 call "Northern Mandarin" into "Northern Mandarin” and "Northwestern Mandarin," and Yuan uses the term "Jiang-Huai Mandarin" for "Xiajiang Mandarin." ^^Bao 1980: 24 indicates that ND is playing an influential role in the S.M. subgroup. 45 Sorti,cm Moodar, V ■ c .«■s. ^ Southern Mandarin, r. Y&ng2liOU _^th v K ,ltm Marxdorlr, «Suihou 0 Chengdu. Hjikou^ f i:ch„g.V ""'T''"'-] & Kumogahou \| Figure 1: Chinese dialects and Mandarin subgroups Source: Chou 1955 and Wang S-Y. 1970 3.1.2. Previous work on Nanjing dialect Previous works on ND (listed below) all approach it at the synchronic level. From the beginning of this century to the 1960’s, our predecessors provided us a solid data base with a time depth of one full generation. They make the later historical research on ND possible. Hemeling ( 1902), The Nanking Kuanhua. So far as we know, this is the earliest study on ND, but it is limited to a superficial observation and pays no attention to the social background and the sound system of ND as a whole. Chao, Y. R. (1929), "Nanjing yinxi (The phonetic system of the Nanjing dialect" Chao's work is based mainly upon his own field investigation in 1927 and his observation during his residence in Nanjing from 1902 to 1910. This is the first work which approaches ND with a systematic linguistic analysis and therefore gives us a firm base from which to proceed. J S 1960, Jiangsusheng he Shanghaishi fangyan gaikuang (1960 survey of Jiangsu province and the Shanghai Metropolitan area), compiled by Jiangsusheng he Shanghaishi fangyan diaochazhidaozu (The Jiangsu- Shanghai dialect survey committee). It includes a brief introduction to ND and the pronunciation of the individual items together with other dialects within Jiangsu Province. NF 1961, Nanjing fangyan zhong jige wentide diaocha (An investigation of several issues in Nanjing dialect), aims at neither a general survey of ND nor a comprehensive sound system for ND. Rather, it focuses on ten typical phenomena in ND with certain concern for the social 47 background of each informant. This report offers certain sociolinguistic information to the researchers on ND. Since ail the interviews focus on the readings of individual words in the formal style, and the information concerning the social background of the informants is not as comprehensive as what we might expect, the data it provides, therefore, have their limitations. 3 .2 . Tones in Nanjing dialect ND has five tones as described below: Tone 1 : mid high and falling. Tone 2: low and rising. Tone 3: lower mid in register. Tone 4: a higher mid level. Tone 5: high and abrupt with a glottal stop. The phonetic value of the tones in ND is different from that of their counterparts in MP. Moreover, its fifth tone (i.e., the entering tone) does not have a counterpart in MP, in which all the former entering tone syllables had their stop endings dropped or vocalized and then acquired one of the other four tones. The five tones in ND can be described as below with their counterparts in MP:'^^ The phonetic value of the tones is described in the five-tone scale, designed by Y.R. Chao, "1 " for low, "2" for lower mid, "3" for mid. "4" for higher mid and "5" for high. 4 8 Table 14 Tones of ND Labels of tones Tone contour ND MP 1 tone 1 : ma "mother" mid falling 31 high level 55 tone 2; ma "hemp" low rising 13 high rising 35 tone 3: ma "horse" lower-mid level 22 dip & rising 214 tone 4: ma "to curse” higher-mid level 44 high falling 51 tone 5: ma "to wipe" high short 5q Syllables carrying the entering tone in ND are obviously distinct from syllables of the other four tones in the duration of articulation as well as the height of the pitch. This tone is short and ends with a glottal stop. The glottal stop is recognizable only when a syllable carrying the entering tone is pronounced alone or pronounced with stress at the end of a sentence. Otherwise, the entering tone graphs are pronounced abruptly and possibly without the obvious glottal stop. Since the entering tone in ND is still distinct from the other four tones, we therefore represent the graphs carrying the entering tone with the glottal stop /-q / as the phonemic mark of this unique tonal category. Among Mandarin dialects, the glottal stop as a marker of the entering tonal group was preserved only in the S.M. group and partially in the NW.M. 49 group.^® This characteristic in ND is shared by other S.M. dialects and most modern Wu dialects spoken in the areas adjacent to S.M. 3.3. initials The initial inventory of ND shows no difference from that of MP, except the alveolar nasal n and the alveolar lateral I which merge into one phoneme and become allophones in free variation. As in MP, the two series of sibilant initials [ts, ts', s] (dentals) and [tg, tg', §] (retroflexes) remain in contrast. But comparatively, ND has a large number of former retroflexive sibilants changed to the dental sibilants. The labials [p, p', m, f], gutturals [k, k', x] and dentals [t, t'] in ND are roughly the same as their counterparts in MP. Altogether there are twenty consonant units plus the zero initial in the initial position of ND shown below: ^ h e remaining either have a special tonal scale to distinguish the words carrying the entering tone from those carrying other tones -- as in some dialects of N.M. (Hebei) and SW.M.(Guizhou, Hubei); (see Zhan 1980) — or have the words formerly carrying the entering tones distributed into the other tones, as shown by the majority of the Mandarin dialects. 50 Table 15 Phonetic initials of ND Labials PP’ f m Dentals t t’ 1 Retroflex sibilants t§ t§’ ? Dental sibilants ts ts' s Gutturals k k' X Palatals to to' 0 3.3.1. Free variation between n- and i- The two distinctive phonemes alveolar lateral /I-/ and alveolar nasal /n -/ in MP are not distinctive in ND. They have been neutralized and are pronounced by native speakers of ND as a unique sound between the two, as a lateral I with a little touch of nasality. The articulation of this element can be used to test whether the speaker is a native from Nanjing since this articulation is very difficult to imitate if one does not acquire this sound in one's early years. 49 This phenomenon has also been indicated by Hemeling (1902), Chao (1929) and NF (1961). 5 1 3.3.2. Palatalization The palatal initieds [tp, tp*, p) are more frontal in ttieir point of articulation in ND than in MP. As in MP, they occur only before the finals with the medials /-y -/ and /-yw -/, while the velars and dental sibilants occur elsewhere. In this case, we do not need another set of symbols for these palatals but can regard them only as the allophones of either velars /k, kh, h/ or dental sibilants /c,ch,s/. Since most of these palatal initials derive from velars and were long in complementary distribution with velars before the palatalization of the dental sibilants, I therefore interpret [tp, tp',p] as the allophones of ttie velars /k, kh, h/. 3.3.3. Retroflexed and dental sSsilants As in MP, there are two sibilant series [tg, tg', g, ^ (Pr(3)) and [ts, ts', s] (Ds) in ND. The retroflexed sibilants [tg, tg', g, tJ in ND are more frontal in their point of articulation than their counterparts in MP. Though some words which are pronounced with the retroflexed initials in MP, e.g. shi , Zheng ^ , sheng ^ , are pronounced as homophones of their counterparts with dental sibilants si , zeng i t , seng f t , the retroflexed-sibilant vs. dental-sibilant contrast still exists in ND, and therefore we have two series of phonemes for the sibilants, /or, crh, sr, r/ [tg, tg', g, ^ and /c, ch, s / [ts, ts', s ]. 52 3.3.4. Summary According to our discussion so far, the initials of ND in Table 15 can be phonemicized as follows: Table 16 Phonemicized initials of ND Labials P ph f m Dentals t th 1 Retroflex Sibilants cr crh sr r Dental Sibilants c ch s Gutturals k kh h ® /h / represents the feature of aspiration when it appears with another letter. Otherwise it stands for the velar fricative phoneme. ^ /r / stands for the feature of retroflexion when it appears with /c, ch, s. and alone for the retroflex fricative phoneme. ® [tp, tp', p] in Table 15 are interpreted as the allophones of /k , kh, h / 3.4. Finals The final system of ND does not resemble its counterpart in MP as much a s the initial system does. Forty-five phonetic syllable finals in ND are listed below in four rows. The finals within each row share roughly the same height of tongue in articulation for their nuclei. The syllables ending with a glottal stop eppear only in the entering tone category. Since endings -n and 53 -Ti are neutralized after "(I) and in free vairation between the two, I temporarily represent them with "N" and will discuss its phonemic value later. after a vowel represents nasalization of the vowel. 1. [iq, Uq, iUq, i, t. i, u. y. 9i, u3i, 9 u, iSu, 3 Ur,, iU% 3N, m , u3n, yan] 2. [cq. icq. ucq. yeq. e, ie. ie~. ye-'] 3. [aq, iaq, uaq. a. ia. ua .ae. iae. uae, a~, ia~, UOf~, qU, 4. [0, oq. ioq. 0, io] 3 .4 .1 . Medials The finals in ND can be classified into the following four sets according to the type of the medial they contain: /~ 4>~/ [ i,i, 3 ,9N,5q, a~, e, £q, oq, ae, qu, 9u, 9i, a, o] / - i - / [ i, WN, iq, lor~, ie~, ie, icq, ioq, iae, iou, i3u, ia, io] / - u - / [u , u3n,uq, ua~, ucq.U/?, uae, u3i, uo ] /-y -/ [ y, ysn,yq, ye~, ye, ycq,iU;j] As in MP, there are four types of medials in ND: a palatal semi-vowei /-y -/, a labial semi-vowel /-w -/,a labio-palatal semi-vowel /-yw -/ and a zero medial. 5 4 3.4.2. Vowels The above-listed syllable finals represent the phonetic value of the vowels in ND. They car; be further phonemicized into finals with the following four vowel phonemes, namely, a central high vowel /-i-/, a front low vowel /-e -/, a central low vowel /-a -/ and a back low vowel /-o -/, as analyzed below. The phonetic representations are bracketed, while the corresponding phonemic representations appear within slashes. Table 17 Vowel / - i - / exam ples /-!#/ B] (C=Pr(3)) shi # /-\#/ [t] (C=Ds) si n . / - i q / [ 3q] (C=Pr{3)) shi 'K / - i n / [3N] en . ying J i /- i y / [31] bei. 4r> /-iw / [3U] ou ^ / - y i # / [:] yi ^ /-y iq / [iq ] yi i /-y in / [i9N] yin il . ying ^ /-y iw / [:3u] you # /- w i# / [u ] wu /-w iq / [u q ] wu M. /-w in / [u3n] wen iS /-w i;;/ [U?] weng /-w iy / [u3i] ye! ^ /- y w i# / [y ] yu /-y w iq / [y q ] yu /-y w in / [y n] yun # /-y w i;;/ [iU?] yong h 55 The three high vowels [i, u, y] in the above list serve as both mediais and nuclear vowels. In the medial position, they represent palatalization, labialization and palato-labialization respectively. Since the rounded front high vowel [y] comprises both palatal and labial characteristics, it is frequently recognized as the combination of [i][u] and written as [iu].®*^ In Chinese syllables, all mediais are by nature less vowel-like than nuclear vowels and can be represented phonemically by the on-glides /-y-, -w-, -yw -/, respectively, for the palatal, labial and palato-labial values of [i, u, y]. [t, t, 3 ] are allophones of the vowel /-i-/. [t, %,] occur as the syllable final, [t] with dental sibilants and [&] with retroflex sibilants. [ 3 ] occurs eisev/here. [i, t] parallel only the finals without mediais like [e, a, o], while the syllable [i, u, y] parallel respectively the finals like [i 3 N], [u e n], [y 3 n], in which [i, u, y] function as mediais. The syllable finals [i,t, i, u, y], therefore, c ^ be interpreted as the central high vowel with zero, palatal, labial and labio-palatal mediais, respectively, and are phonemicized into /i, yi, wi, ywi/. Syllable finals [U%] and [iU;?] can be interpreted as the syllables with the central high vowel /-i-/, both with the labial mediais /-w -/ and /-yw -/, respectively. In Chao 1929 and JS 1960, these two finals are represented with the back low vowel [o]. Although the nucleus in the words of this kind like '4h is less high than [u], it is not as low as the value of the nucleus in ®°Y. R. Chao 1948; 24; Hsueh 1973:78-9 56 words like ^ , which we consider to have a low back vowel [o]. Therefore, we use the less-high rounded back vowel [U] instead of [o]. Table 13 Vowel /-o -/ /- o # / [o ] wo g/. duo / - o q / [o q ] duo $ /-y o q / [ioq] ë [o] occurs only as a syllable final, while [o] appears elsewhere. They are all interpreted as the allophones of the phoneme /-o -/. Table 19 Vowel/-e-/ entering tone elsewhere / - e q / Bq] e m /-e#/ [ 3 ] she /- y e q / [k q ] # /-ye#/ [ie] # /- w e q / [ueq] guq /-yweq/ [yeq] « /-ywe#/ [ye] xue [e], [e] are in complementary distribution in the syllables tabulated above, [eq, kq, ueq, yeq] appear only in the graphs like ^ A which 57 carry the entering tone, while the others occur elsewhere. [«] and [e] can be interpreted as the allophones of the front low vowel /-e -/. Table 20 Vowel / - a - / examples / - a # / [ a ] sha it. / - y a # / [ia ] / - w a # / [u a ] w a $i. / - a q / [a q ] sha /-yaq/ [iaq] /-w a q / [u aq ] wa Jit /- a w / [a u ] §0 /-y a w / [iorU ] /-a» // [a ~ ] an ^ a n g ^ /-y a q / [i# " ] yang * /-waq/ [Ua~] wan # , wanq / - a y / [a e ] ai /- y a y / [iae] lie # /-w a y / [u ae] wai ^ * /-y a n / [ie~ ] * /-y w an / [y e~ ] ly a n •£ ®See discussion in 3.4.3. for items marked with *. The nuclei in above-listed words (except the last five items) are phonetically more back and low in ND than that in MP, but can still be interpreted as the allophone of the central low vowel /-a -/. According to our discussion above, we can now phonemicize the vowel system of ND into a phonemic-based four-way contrast vowel system as fomulated below with comparison to the three-way contrast vowel system in MP:®^ ND MP front central back high i I mid 3 low e a 0 a The nuclear slots of the syllables in ND demonstrate a four-way phonemic contrast in the syllables carrying the entering tone , e.g., ^ ^ "one" (MP /^ÿyi#/, ND /ÿyiq^/), ya "duck" (MP /^ÿya#/, ND /(jiyaq^/), yao # "medicine" (MP /f^yaw^/, ND /^yoq^/) and ye ^ "leaf" (MP /^y ND /^yeq^/) and two-way or three-way contrast elsew here. 3.4.3. Endings In ND, five elements can occur in ending position, namely, [-n, -r?, -u, -i, -e, -q ]. Phonemically, [-n, - 7?, -u, -i, -q] will be transcribed as /-n, -??, -w, -y, -q / respectively. When [u] appears in post-nucleus position of the finals [ u, i u, au, iau], it functions as an off-glide rather than a pure vowel so can be phonemicized as a labial off-glide /-w/. [e] and [i] are in complementary distribution in post-nucleus position, [e] only functions as a syllable ending after [a] as in |ie # "street," ai ^ "to love," while [i] 5 1 Cf. Hsueh 1973 & 1980. 59 functions as an off-glide ending after schwa [ a ] as in hui Æ "grey," ^ it "correst." JS 1960 represents this off-glide after [a] with [ej, while Chao 1929 uses [ %]. Both intend to show that this sound is frontal but phonetically lower than [i]. Phonetically, 1 feel that it is more [e]-like rather than [ ]-like and phonemically, both [i] and [e] in the post-vowel position can be interpreted as the allophones of the palatal off-glide /-y /. Ju st a s in MP, the / - n / vs. /-tj/ contrast exists in the ending position of ND, However, /-n / and /-%/ are neutralized in certain environment. The distinct finals [(u)an] vs. [(u)a?] and [(i) a n] vs. [(i) a »?] in MP coalesced respectively in ND. The minimal pairs in MP therefore become homophones, respectively, in ND as shown in Tables 21 and 22 below: Table 21 " - n /- 7j" neutralization after low back vowel ND MP la. chuan "boat" [ts'ua~] [ts'uan] b. chuang if. "bed" [ts'u a ~ ] [ts'ua;;] 2a guan K "sight" [kua~ ] [kuan] b. guang ^ "light" [kua~] [kua%] 3 a wan ^55. "bowl" [ua~] [uan] b. wanq M "net" [u a~ ] [ua%] 4 a tan i i "talk" [ fa ~ ] [fa n ] b. tana # "suger" [t’or~] [fa?/] 60 Words with [a~] and [ua~] finals in ND come from two origins in MC, from the Jiangshe (the ”Cav”-type) and Dangshe (the "C(w)a?;"-type) with ending " 9 " (the [b] series of Table 21) and from the "C(w)on, C(w)an"- types of Shanshe with ending "-n" (the [a] series in Table 2 1 ). The non palatalized syllables, i.e., MC "C(w)on, C(w)an"-type and "C(w)o 7?, C(w)aj?"-type, of both origins merge in ND (as shown in Table 21 ) while their former palatalized counterparts are still in contrast (ND [ie~, ye~]-type vs. ND [ia~]-type). Phonetically, the contrast remains in nuclei (i.e., [a] vs. [e]). However, with the origins of these words in mind, this distinction can be interpreted phonemically as the contrast in ending slots, i.e., n (for [a~, ia~, ua~]) vs. n (for [ie~, ye~]). [a] and [e] can then be regarded as allophones of phoneme /-a-/, [a] in the non-palatalized syllables while [e] in the palatalized syllables:®^ n —> Tj / (w )a __ The distinctive syllable finals [(I) 3 n] and [(i) a in MP also coalesce in ND. The minimal pairs which show -n vs. ~n contrast in MP, therefore, appear in ND as homophones. See 3.5.4. for more discussion. 61 Table 2 2 neutralization after central vowel ND MP la. ]in 4- "gold" [tciN] [tcin] b. jing "sutra" [tciN] [tciq] 2a. Chen Ft- "surname" Ds'iN] [ts'in] b. chenq ik "city" [ts'iN ] [ts'i?] 3a. men n "door" [m 3 N] [m 3 n] c. menq "lemon" [m 3 N] [m 3 ?] 4a. min R, "people" [miN] [min] b. ming m "bright" [miN] [mi??] The native speakers of ND are unconscious of the [-n] vs. [-%] distinction in the syllables of this kind. The phonetic value of this neutralized "N" swings freely bewteen [-n] and [-%] in their speech. Both Chao 1929 and JS 1960 have noticed this phenomenon and represent this ending with a velar nasal. However, as a native from Nanjing, I feel that words which contain the finals [3N] (en .% ), [IN] (ying , yin g] ) rhyme with syllables [uan] (wen iS ) and [ygn] (yun ^ ). Phonemically, this neutralized final "N" can then be represented as the alveolar nasal /- n /: ij — > n / (y)i 5 2 3.4.4. Summary The final system of ND discussed so far can be now phonemicized into the following forty-three syllable finals, each represented by a character. The finals carrying the entering tone are presented separately. Table 23 Finals of ND -# -w -y -n -i- - i - -I- i# e # a # 0 # iw aw iy ay in av e A t . S ■ y y w y e # y a # yiw yaw yay yin yan yat] - i t * -K •fâ 4 * "W - W i# w a # wiy way win wai) WII7 *1 ■:&. -yw- yw i# y w e# ywin ywan ywiij a t- Jflt £ -q ~4>- -Iq -e q -aq -o q & i t & -y - -yiq -yeq -yaq -yoq — f t -w - -wiq -w eq -waq j . « -yw - -ywiq -yw eq % 63 3.5. Conclusion 3.5 .1 . The change of the mediais In Nanjing dialect Some syllables in ND do not correspond to their counterparts in MP due to the presence or absence of one type of medial. For example, word?' like ying f t (MC /jyap^/, MP /(^yW ^/, ND /(f>\ri^/) "hard", gang # (MC MP/k'lTi^, kyi??'^/, ND /ki?;^/) "to plough" and ke S- (MC /khak^/, MP /kh 9 khy g #^/, ND /kheq^/) "guest" do not have the palatal media! /-y-/ in ND, while in MP, syllables like £ ^ ■Jr ’fr have double readings, one with the medial /-y -/ and the other without. This situation reveals that the dialect of Nanjing undergoes the Type B change as described in 2.2.8.®® A few of the words of this type do have a palatal medial /-y-/ in ND (e.g., xing MC /^ x h ia p / "to walk" and ying -j»* MC /^ Q 8 p / "cherry"). Since it is so marginal, it is very likely borrowed through dialect contact. In other cases, the difference lies mostly in the presence or absence of the medial /-w -/. As shown below, the first case demonstrates rounded (in ND) vs. unrounded (in MP) contrast in medial position, while the second shows a reversed picture. The reflexes of the OM/MM /Iwiy, nwiy/ syllables in MP and ND is shown below as well as their MC origins. The difference lies in the absence (in MP) and presence (in ND) of the labial medial /-w -/ between initials /I-, Also see later Chapters for detailed discussion. 64 n-/ and final /-iy /. The situation in MP illustrâtes the loss of the labial medial /-w -/ in words of these type (i.e., w --> Table 24 The /-w iy / (ND) vs. / - i y / (MP) contrast exam ples MC OM/MM ND MP 1. nei "inner" /nwoy^/ /nwiy^/ /lwiy^//niy^/ 2. lei ■u "thunder" /^ Iw o y / /^Iwiy/ /^lwiy//^liy/ 3. lei "radium" /^Iwoy/ /^ Iw iy / /^!wiy//^liy/ 4. lei % "to accumulate" /^ ly w iy / /^ Iw iy / /^lwiy//^liy/ /“^Iwoy/ /'^Iwiy/ 5. lei 6 "open and upright" /'^lwiy//^liy/ 6 . lei "the flower bud" /■^Iwoy/ /^ Iw iy / / ‘^lwiy//'^liy/ 7. 1Ë % "tired" /Iwoy^/ /Iw iy ^ / /Iwiy^//liy^/ 8. lei •;b "tear" /lywiy^/ /Iwiy^/ /lwiy‘^//liy^/ 9. lei * "type" /lywiy^/ /Iwiy^/ /lwiy^//liy^/ The neutralization of the ”-o(q)/(#)"-type and "-wo(q)/(#)"-type finals in ND and MP is illustrated in Table 25 which follows. Words which were either with or without the labial medial in MC are consistently read without the labial medial /-w -/ in ND. This phenomenon reveals the neutralization of the former "Co(q)/(#)" vs. "Cwo(q)/(#)" contrast and the loss of the labial medial in "Cwo(q)/(#)"-type syllables: w --> / __ o(q)/(#). In MP, the former "Co(q)/(#)"-type vs. "Cwo(q)/{#)"-type contrast retains partially after the guttural initials and the neutralization goes to the reversed direction after dental sibilant, dental and retroflex initials.®^ Table 25 The neutralization of the MC "Co(q)/(#)" and "Cwo(q)/(#)" types in ND MC ND MP la . S e "song" /^ko#/ /^ko#/ /^ k 3 #/ b. guo ^ "pot" /^kwo#/ / ^ k o # / /^ k w s # / 2a. huo 4*^ "to mix" /X \N O # ^ / /h o # -^ / /h w 3 b. he % "to congratulate" /xo#-^/ / h o # ^ / /h9 3a. e % "hungry" /i^ o # ^ / 9 b. wo e'v "to lie" /rjV IO # ^/ /<|iw 9 # ^ / 4a. luo & "a surname" / ^ l o # / / ^ l o # / /^ iw 9 # / b. luo % "snail" /^ I w o # / / J k # / /^IW 9 #/ 5a. suo "to dance" / j S O # / / ^ s o # / /^ s w 9 #/ b. suo % "shuttle" /^ s w o # / / ^ s o # / /^ s w 9 # / 6a. huo ré- "to live" /xHwot^/ /h o q ^ / /^ h w a # / b. he % "crane" /xHokj/ /hoq^/ /h a # -4 / 7a. guo n? "surname" /k w o k ^ / /k o q ^ / y^kw a # / b. a e "pigeon" /kop^/ /koq^/ / j k a # / 5 4 .This issue will be discussed in detail in 7.1.3. 3.5.2. Palatalization As in MP, the guttural initials preceding the palatalized mediais /-y -/ and /-yw -/ were palatalized in ND long before the twentieth century. The dental sibilant initials in the sam e environment still remained unchanged until half a century ago.®® The palatalization of the dental sibilant initials was still in progress during the 1960’s.®® JS 1960 divides the speakers of ND into three subgroups, namely, the old, middle-aged and young, according to the degree of the dental sibilant palatalization in their speech. The dental sibilant initials remain untouched in the speech of the old group, become palatalized in the young speakers and demontrate a transitional stage among the middle-aged.®^ Obviously, the palatalization of the dental sibilant initials is a relatively late development in ND. 3.5.3. De-retroflexion Words with retroflex initials in AC (i.e., Pr[1]) may be read as the words with dental sibilants in ND. This situation implies the loss of the retroflex feature in initials. However, this de-retroflexion in the initials have only affected certain type of words. Originating from the MC Tongshe (”C(y)wi>;"-type), Zhishe ("Cy(w)iy"-type), Yushe ("C(y)wi#"-type), According to Hemeling 1902 and Chao 1929, the palatalization of the guttural initials had already occurred, and the dental sibialnt initials in the same environment were still untouched. ®®Both NF1961 and JS 1960 report this change. ®^l belong to what JS 1960 called "the young group." 67 Liushe ("C(y){w)Kv"-type), Shenshe ("Cyim/p"-type) , Zhenshe .\ ft ("C(y)(w)in/t"-type), Gengshe ("C(y)ap/k, Cyeji/k"-type) and Zengshe A ("C(y)qp/k"-type), these words had retroflex initials since AC and lost medial /-y -/ before MC. This de-retroflexion did not affect words with palatal sibilant (Pj) and palatal dental initials (Dj) in AC though words of these two types acquired the retroflex initials before Mandarin period. As shown in Table 26, words with AC Pr initials (marked by a.) show a clear-cut distinction from words with AC Pj, Dj initials (marked by b.): 6 8 Table 26 De-retroflexion in ND 1AC MC MP ND 1 a. Chong % /^crhywij?/ Tongshe /^crhwi»?/ /^crhwi??/ /^ ch w i,;/ / .crhwij?/b. chona & /^tihywijj/ Tongshe /_^trhywi 7?/ /^crhwi»?/ / .crhwij?/b. 2 a Shi Kj; /^ s ry iy / Zhishe /^sriy/ / ^ s r i # / / ^ s i # / b. Shi /^sjyiy/ Zhishe /^sryiy/ /^sri#/ /^sri#/ 3 a c h u /^crHywi#/ Yushe /^crHwi#//^ c r h w i# / /^ c h w i# / b.chu jv /^«Hywi#/ Yushe /^iri-lwi#/ /^crhwi#/ /^crhwi#/ 4 a Chou /^crH y iw / Liushe /^crHiw/ /^ c rh iw / /^ c h iw / b1. Chou /^tjH yiw / Liushe /^trHyiw/ /^crhiw/ /^crhiw/ b2. Chou fh. /^sjH y iw / Liushe /^srHiw/ /^ c rh iw / /^ c rh iw / 5 a sen ^ /^ sry im / Shenshe /^srim/ /^ s ( r) in / /^ s i n / b .sh e n /^ sjy im / Shenshe /^sryim/ /^srin/ /jSnn/ 6 a ^ /s ry ip ^ / Shenshe /srio^/ /S3 # ^ / / s e q ^ / bshi js. /s jy ip ^ / Shenshe /sryip^/ /sri#^/ /s r iq ^ / 7 a Chen . # /crh in '^/ Zhenshe /crhin'^/ /crhin'^/ /c h w in ^ / b. Chen ^ /tjh y in ^ / Zhenshe /trhyin'^/ /c rh in ^ / /c rh in ^ / 8 a s e M 7sry it^/ Zhenshe /sritj^/ / s a # ^ / / s e qZi . / b. shi ^ /'sj’y it^ / Zhenshe /srvit^/ /sri#^/ /s r iq ./ Zi 9 a shenq 4. /^ s r a p / Gengshe /^srap/ /xSh% / /.S iq / Zi * b .sh en g <^s]ysp/ Gengshe /_^sryan/ / j s n ? / / ^ s r i , / A A 10a .s e & —> tf> / P r[1] ___ in 2.2.3.), while words with palatal sibilant (Pj) and palataled dental (Dj) initials in AC retain their medial /-y -/, after the merger of the AC Pr( 1 ), Pj and Dj initials, until MM. Second, the de-retroflexion in ND affects mainly those with the high vowels as their nuclei. Among the forementioned origins of these de-retroflexed words, Tongshe, Zhishe, Yushe, Liushe. Shenshe, and Zhenshe have had the central high vowel /-i-/ since MC (see 2.1.). The nuclei of syllables in MC Gengshe and Zengshe were originally low but raised later during MM (see rule [xxiv] in 2.3.3.). This situation reveals that the de-retroflexion in ND must have occurred after change [vi] (y —> <(> / P r[1 ]__ ) and [xxiv] (e —> i / __ t\) and before the loss of the palatal medial /-y -/ in words having AC Pj and Dj initials. Words like no. 6, 7 and 8 are now with the low front vowel /-e -/ and glottal stop ending /-q / in ND. Therefore, the de-retroflexion in ND can be written into the following formula: 70 3.5.4. Syllables with nasal endings The n/r] neutralization after the low vowel /-a -/ affects only those without the palatal medial /-y -/ in ND (see 3.4.2., 3.4.3.) . The phonetic value of nucleus in an 4c (MC /^qon/), wan io (MC /^qwan/), shan (MC /^sran/), chuan (MC /^crhywan/), words originating from MC "C(w)an, Cwon"-types, is as back and low as that of ang (MC /^^oq/), wang (MC /^qw a??/), shang (MC /^sry aj?/), chuang (MC /^crhwar//), which come from MC "Cari, C(w )o^"-types. They fall together respectively after the n/r] neutralization.^® Words like chuan (AC / ^ cjHywan/, MC crHywan/, MP /^crhwan/, ND /^crhwa~/) "boat" and chuang (AC /^crHywa?//, MC /^crHwa??/, MP /^crhwa??/, ND /^crhwa~/) "bed" become the homophones in ND. The former was originally with AC palatal sibilant initials (Pj) and preserve its palatal medial /-y -/ even in MM while the latter had the retroflex Initials since AC (Pr[l]) and lost its palatal medial /-y -/ before MC.®® The fact that words of the "Pjy(w)an"-type (e.g., ia ) is also affected by the n /j? neutralization convinced us that the nA/ neutralization after the low vowel as a sound change occurred later than MM, after the loss of the palatal medial /-y -/ in -fii (i.e., y —> 4> / P r[2 ]__ ). The n /t) neutralization of "C(y)in" and "C(y)Î77" types must also occur ®®See 3.4.2., 3.4.3. for detailed discussion. 'As reflected by HT of the seventeenth century. 71 very late. The former comes from the MC "C(y)in"-type syllable, while the latter derives from MC '*C{y)op"-type (Zengshe). "C(y)ap, Cyep"-types (Gengshe). which later acquire the same nucleus as those with "C(y)in"- type origin (i.e., e —> i / ___ ?, see rule [xxiv] in 2.3.3.). The /C(y)in/ (e.g., yin -ii' ) vs. /C(y)i!?/ (e.g., ying ^ ) pairs then lose contrast after the nasal neutralization. Since we have evidence showing that the vowel-raising shift occurs during MM (see 2.3.3.), it is reasonable to assume that the n/?? neutralization in the forementioned syllables occurs later than MM.®® 3 .5 .5 . The status of the syllables with labial Initials Hsueh (1975: 38-39) made a strong generalization that syllables (except those with the palatal media! /-y -/) with labial initials should be phonemically recognized as rounded (i.e., the syllables with the labial medial /-w -/). That seems to be the case in MP. However, though there is no rounded vs. unrounded contrast for syllables of this type in ND, either, we notice one phenomenon that makes such a generalization undesireable. Words with the labial initials such as peng ^ (MC /^p h ^/), feng if (MC /^pfwiT?/), menq (MC /^mwi;?/) join pen è (MC /^pwin/), fen (MC /^p fw in /), men (MC /^ n w in /) respectively in ND. Since the n/?; neutralization after the high vowels only affects the "C(y)i//, C(y)in"-types (i.e., syllables without labial medial /-w -/), the above-mentioned case in ND implies that these words do not have labial medial /-w -/ in ND. Therefore ®®Also see 3.4.2., 3.4.3. for more imformation. 72 words with the labial initials (i.e, pen & , fen ^ , men r‘l , peng , féng ^ , menq ÿ , should be interpreted as unrounded, except the syllable finals with the phonetic values [u, y] as in ^ , which is clearly rounded. 3.5.6. Summary The major changes that have affected ND since MC can be outlined as follows, arranged chronologically. Though it can pass the six checkpoints for Mandarin dialects, listed in 3.1.1., ND — as a Mandarin variant in tiie South — differs from the modern speech norm (MP) in changes nos. 16,19-22 as being outlined below: ND MP 1. y —>ÿ/Pr(l) yes {see [vi] in 2.2.3., 3.5.3.) 2. i —> r yes (AC Pr,Pj>Pr(2);ACDj>Dr: see [vii] in 2.2.3.) 3. a —>e/y(w)__ yes (se e [xvii] in 2.2.6.) 4. 0 " > a / y __ yes (see [xvi] in 2.2.6.) 5. Type B: ^ a, o --> e /_ j i / K yes(Type B stratum) (see [xxi] & Table 6 in 2.2.6.) ÿ —> y /G _ a (see [xix] in 2.2.8 .) Type A stratum: (6 —> y / G— a ^ a, 0 —> e / ji/k (see 2.2.8., 3.5.1. & Table 76 in 7.1.2.) 0 " > a / G — E yes (E = [-b ack ]; if 0 = G, then E # p, t) (se e [xviii] in 2.2.6.) 7. a —> o / Tj/k yes (see Table 7 & [xx] in 2.2.7., 6.3.2.) 8 . e, 0 —> i / ___ y yes (se e [xxii] in 2.3.3.) 9. y —> 4>/____ wiy yes (se e [xxiii] in 2.2.9.) 10. t —>c yes (MC Dr > Pr; MC Dr, Pr(2) > Pr(3)) (see [viii] in 2.2.3.) 74 11. Type Echange: Type A change: w —> ÿ / 0 # ÿ —> w / C — o # (see 3.5.1., Tables 77 & 78 in 7.1.3.) (C = D, Ds, Pr[3]) Type B change: limited case w —> 4> / G o # (see Tables 84 & 85 in 7.1.3.) 12. -p, -t,-k,-k—> q Type B stratum: -p, -t, -k, -ft —> Type A stratum: -k — y -w -k— y -y (see [xv] in 2.2.5., (see [xii], [xiii], [xiv] and Table 5 Tables 79&80 in 7.1.1.) in 2.2.5., Tables 82 in 7.1. 1.) (OM) 13. -7) —> -(j) (see [xxiv] in 2.3.2.) 14. -m — y -n yes (see [xxv] in 2.3.2.) 15. e — y i / Tj yes (see [xxix] in 2.3.3. & 3.5.4.) limited exceptions [no change] (see 3.5.4.) (MM) 17. “V “■> - 18. y —> ^ / Pr(3) __ yes , (see [xxx] in 2.3.3, 3.5.5.) (MP) 19. o vs. e [no change] o, e —> 9 (see 3.4.2.) 20. n-, I > !- n vs. I [no change] (see 3.4.1.) 21. 7] --> n / (y )i__ [no change] (see 3.4.3.) 22. -n —> -I] / (w )a __ [no change] (see 3.4.3., 3.5.5.) The changes which illustrate the similarity and the distinction between ND and MP formulated above illustrates the following points; 1.ND is a Type B Mandarin variant and MP has innerilated from both Type A and Type B development. A • The MC "Ggi/k"-type words show a Type B change in ND, while in MP, the dual readings of both Type A and Type B are obtained though the Type B readings are still the majority (see [xix] in 2.2.6., [xxi] in 2.2.8., Table 83 in 7.1.2.) » ND preserves the entering tone, and the AC /-p, -t, -k, -((/ endings merge into a glottal stop /^ /. In MP the entering tone endings /-p, -t, -k, -k/ have been neutralized and dropped in the Type B stratum while in the Type A stratum, the palatal and back velar stops /-k, changed to palatal and back semi-vowels ./-w, -y/, the syllables with the entering tone previously have acquired other tones (see Table 5 & 2.2.5., 3.2., Table 24 in 3.4.4., Table 82 & 7.1.1.). • The syllable-final /-w o # /-v s-/-o # / contrast in MC has been neutralized by losing the labial medial /-w -/ in ND, while in MP the contrast remains partially after the guttural initials, and those after dental sibilant, dentals and retroflex sibilants show the Type A change — i.e., being neutralized into the syllable-type with the labial medial /-w -/ (see Table 25 in 3.5.1., Tables 84 & 85 in 7.1.3.). 2. C hanges which occurred in MP but did not affect ND. • The four-way contrast vowel system, namely, /i, a, o, e / of OM and MM is still preserved in ND, while in MP the /-o-/ vs. /-e-/ contrast has been neutralized, and therefore only the three-way contrast remains, namely, /i, 3 , a/ (see Tables 17-20 in 3.4.2. for ND and Hsueh 1980a, 1986 for MP.). • The rounded final /-w iy/ in OM and MM loses its labial medial /-w -/ after the dental resonants /I-/ and /n -/ in MP while still remaining untouched in ND (see Table 24 in 3.5.1.). 3. The regional changes in ND: • The de-retroflexion of the AC retroflex initials (see Table 26 & 3.5.4.) • The dental resonant initials /I-/ and /n-/ have been neutralized in ND, while in MP they still remain as distinctive phonemes (see 3.3.1.). • The nasal endings in ND show a tendency towards neutralization, while in MP the /-n / vs. /-%/ distinction is still clearcut (see Tables 21 & 22 in 3.4.3.). Twelve charts are given here to illustrate the combinations of initials and finals in ND in five tonal registers: 7 7 Table 27 Combinations of initials and finals in ND /-(y)(w)i(q)/ 1 \Mtlals Labials Dentels Dental retroflex Gutturals \ sibilants aibiltrts Tonek P ph f m t th 1 c ch s or cri» sr r a kb h * Yin e a a $ # #o Yang - Yin R % « * % 0 as 10 sf 4% Yang OS o % % o ^ o m _y„ Shang & # *■ « 9S ^ Æ iS % % Qu m fL m % % m # % m m Ru s us « @ % K -u ^ ê Yin o # * o * o o a fi s % 0 gf o *&,& # j% Yang o a » o fit » !£ o # o tï » 0 ÏB o o % # -w- Shang « »tt # m ± ^ m « R ^ 4Ÿ o R 1& ^ A 5£ Qu $ (S % 0 #A g o g ^ m 0 3 le f as Ru æ s f * e a ÎS, # m' & s Yin o B K & a Y»ig SP __ o » o f -yw- Shang * a % * M Qu lë g~ * C H Ru a a o o 7 8 Table 27 Combinations of initials and finals in ND (continued) /-(y)(w)a(q)/ ItlalaDentals Dental retroflex Gutturals Tones' Yin O fÈ Yang o o ^ Shang fr o # Qu Ru Yin Yens -y- Shang Qu Ru Yin Yang -w - Shang Qu Ru Yln Yang -yw- Shang Qu Ru 7 9 Table 27 Combinations of initials and finals in NO (continued) /-(y)(w)e(q)/ Jnltlais Centals Dental retroflex Yin Yang Shang Qu Ru Yin Yang _y_ Shang Qu Ru Yin Yang -w - Shang Qu Ru Yin Yang ■y'*'" Shang Qu Ru 8 0 Table 27 Combinations of initials and finals in NO (continued) /-(y )o (q )/ Itials Labials Dentals GutturalsDental sibilants sibilants Tones' Yin O & A Yang e# & O Shang & O Si Ou & @ O RU # % -M Yin Yang - y - Shang Qu Ru Yin Yang Shang Qu Ru Yin Yang Shang Qu Ru 81 Table 27 Combinations of initials and finals in ND (continued) /-(w )[y / SMtials Labials Dentals Dental retroflex Qutturals sibilants aillants T o n e^ P pti f tn t tt) 1 c ch s cr crt» sr r k kb h # Yin Si E ir- o Yang O Kr JE «C Shang o O BE ^ Qu # E * * Ru Yin Yang -y- Shang Qu Ru Yin % B O O * g m * O O m G % , a Yang o *1 sr «OK O S H » O » 0 » -w- Shang o R. m % o 0 O O * 1 5 % A # S Qu iSî a ft a # # R o Jffi # % e M Ru Yin Yang -yw- Shang Qu Ru 8 2 Table 27 Combinations of initials and finals in ND (continued) /-(y)(w)ay/ Dentals Dental retroflex cr Yin Yang Shang Qu Ru Yin Yang Shang Qu Ru Yin Yang Shang Qu Ru Yin Yang Shang Qu Ru 83 Table 27 Combinations of initials and finals in ND (continued) /-(y )iw / Initials Dentals retroflex Toneé\^ Yin Yang Shang Qu RU Yin Yang -y- Shang Ou Ru Yin Yang -w - Shang Ou Ru Yin Yang -yw- Shang Qu Ru 84 Table 27 Combinations of initials and finals in NO (continued) /- (y)ow / Itials Labials DentalsDental retroflex Qutturals sibilants Tones' Yin SB Yang Shang Qu & « Ru Yin Yang -y- Shang Qu O gs Ru Yin Yang -w- Shang Qu Ru Yln Yang -y w - Shang Qu Ru 85 Table 27 Combinations of initials and finals in ND (continued) /-(y)wi»2/ Itials Labials Dentals Dental retroflex Gutturals sibilants Yin Yang Shang Qu Ru Yang -y- Shang Qu Ru Yin Yang - w - Shang Qu Ru Yin Yang Shang Ru Table 27 Combinations of initiais and finals in ND (continued) /-(y)(w)in/ nltlals Labials Dentals Dental retroflex Qutturals slt>itant8 sibilants pb f m t th I c et) s cr crh sr r kl) t) * Yln « SJ O S C O 5 $ % « % «y & Yang O % & n o * g o # o O m # A « o ta o Shang $ # » a # o % 2 o a % m » B % R % O Qu * s e y ^ o « m e » s î f 3Ü K O « g Ru Yln # ^ O T # m Yang O f R O » % o Shang "m S» M m * % Qu * R $ f i çtf » f i e fg $ Ru Yin .% # O » « * o # o o o & @ a Yang P % O # O o o % o o o # % w - Shang K O O 0 « Jfï * # % o % @ o % Qu (g à * 0 ^ 0 o o fi « ffi jR ra Yln # O m . O Yang o » -sj s ■yw Shang OOP* QU (ë p su 9 Ru 87 Table 27 Combinations of initials and finals in ND (continued) /-(y)(w)en/ l«als Dental retroflex sibilants Tones' Yin Yang Shang Qu Ru Yin Yang -y- Shang Ru Yln Yang Shang Qu Ru Yin Yang -y w - Shang Qu Ru 68 Table 2 7 Combinations of initials and finals in ND (continued) /-(y)(w)a?/ .Initials DentalsLabials Dental retroflex a!t>ilants Yin Yang -4~ Shang Qu Pu Yin Yang -y- Shang m * Q'J Ru Yin % m * Yang o o o -w - Shang m o o o o Qu m m n Ru Yin Yang -yw- Shang Qu Ru CHAPTER IV SOME REMARKS ON HONGWU ZHENGYUN Before launching into a discussion of the nature of the sound system reflected in HWZY, some brief introductory remarks on its background are needed to put the topic in proper historical perspective. This rhyme book was compiled under Hongwu Emperor's auspices during the early Ming period (1368-1375) to meet the needs of its time when old official rhyme books, such as Jiyun (1039 by Ding Du et al., hereafter JY), could no longer represent the standard norm of the new era. The title of this book means "the standard rhyme (pronunciation) of the "Hongwu" era. "Hongwu" was the title of the first emperor's reign (1368-1398) in the Ming dynasty. 4.1. Authorship The members of the editorial board and the consulting committee are from various places, as listed below: DO Table 28 The language background of the compilers The dialect areas native town nam es Mandarin area Anhui Yue Shaofeng Jiangxi Zhao Xun Mongolian Dalu Yuquan Jiangsu Wang Guangyang Hunan Chen Ning Wu dialect area Zhejiang Song Lian (Chief editor) Zhejiang Zhu Lian Zhejiang LiuJi Zhejiang Tao Kai Yue dialect area Guangdong Sun Fen According to the information listed above, half of the members are from non-Mandarin areas. However, this does not mean that all five of them are not Mandarin speakers. Since these compilers are officials serving in the capital, we can assume that they all spoke the speech norm of their time, though with a certain degree of accent from their native towns. 4.2. Source materials HWZY consists of 3 parts: (1) The "Preface," written by chief editor Song Lian; (2) the "Notes on Usage"; (3) the list of graphs arranged in tonal categories and the rhyme groups. In its "Preface" and the "Notes on Usage," the compilers indicate that HWZY was compiled on the basis of the following three source materials: 91 1. Zengxiu huding libu yunlue (1162 by Mao Huang, LYM). 2. Gujin yunhui juyao (1297 by Xiong Zhong, YHJY) 3. Zhongyuan yayin. LYM was a revised version of Libu yunfue (1162 by Ding Du, LY), an abridgment of Guangyun (1008 A.D., by Chen Pengnian et ai, GY), serving as a convenient reference for the official examinations and poetic versifications. It allows the mixed use of certain rhymes and combines the 206 rhymes of GY into 107 (or 106) rhymes. This phenomenon actually reflects the merger of the finals. YHJY, which relied heavily on the "Zhongyuan yayin" (lit. "the elegant sounds of the central plain") is one of the most significant source materials for the reconstruction of Old Mandarin.®^ The term "Zhongyuan yayin" referring to the speech norm of its time, was frequently mentioned by scholars of the Yuan-Ming period. HWZY frequently mentions the terms "Zhengsheng (the standard pronunciation)," "Yayin (lit. the elegant pronunciation)," "Zhongyuan yayin" or "Zhongyuan yasheng" (lit. the elegant pronunciation of the central plain)," in contrast to the term "Wuyin (the pronunciation of the Wu area)." The compilers claim in the "Preface" and "Notes on Usage" that they intend to build their dictionary ®^Cf. Cheng (1985:42); Yang (1981). Li 1983a: 120 assumes that the sound system of YHJY reflects the speech norm of its time, in northern China. on the pronunciation which is available for universal communication within this country. In this situation, the term "Zhongyuan yayin" mentioned in HWZY must refer to the standard pronunciation of its time. The scholars in the Yuan and the early Ming period already perceived the synchronica! variation among the dialects. However, they did not recognize that drastic sound changes had occurred during the long span of 700 years from the period of QY to their time. When they found great discrepancies existing between the sound system represented by QY and the speech norm of their time, they assumed that OY did not rely at the speech norm. Since by their time only the Wu and Min dialects bore a close resemblance to the sound system of QY, they simply assumed that it was based on those dialects.®^ Taking both the definition in HWZY and the historical backgroud of HWZY into consideration, we can conclude that the so-called "Zhongyuan yayin" or "Zhongyuan yasheng" mentioned by the compilers of HWZY refers to a generally-accepted norm in the formal speech of the Yuan-Ming period. Our discussion on the source materials of HWZY implies that HWZY relies heavily on the speech norm of its time, though it is arranged in the format of the traditional dictionaries. The compilers of HWZY criticized QY for having failed to reflect the "Zhongyuan yayin" but taking the "Wuyin” as its sound base. ZYYY also criticizes OY for reflecting the pronunciation of the Min dialect instead of the "Zhongyuan zhi yin (Sounds of the central plain)." The other rhyme books, such as vw./y compiled earlier than ZYYY and HWZY, also see QY to be based on S our cm dialects. 93 4 .3 . The format of Hongwuzhengyun The entire stock of monosyllabic words in HW ZY is first classified into 4 tonal categories, namely Ping "level," Shang "rising," Qy "going" and Ru "entering." The level, rising, and going tonal groups each contain twenty- two rhymes respectively, while the entering tone group includes only ten rhymes, for a total of 76 rhymes. The graphs under the same initial within each rhyme are further subdivided into homonym groups divided by circles. There are a total of 2449 homonym groups. Within each homonym group, each graph is followed by a definition, and a Fanqie spelling underneath the first graph of each homonym group indicates the pronunciation.®^ 4.3.1. The Fanqie notations Following traditional practice, HWZY records the readings of the characters with a spelling system, called Fanqie in Chinese (see 4.3.). Though we might expect them to function as a key to the entire sound system of HWZY, they cannot indicate the sound value as directly as phonetic symbols. For example, when the final of a MG "CyV(E)"-type word is represented by another MG "GyV(E)"-type word in the Fanqie notation of HWZY, the MG final "-yV(E)" may not necessarily represent the current status of that word. If it is grouped with the MG "GV(E)"-type words, that may imply that a palatal medial /-y -/ has either dropped in the former or is Each Fanqie spelling indicates the reading of a character by using two other presumably known graphs; the first represents the initial while the second stands for the final and tone. inserted in the latter, in this case we should observe all the words within that homonym group and their relation to other homonym groups. We regard the regrouping of the rhymes and the redistributions of words as equally important as the Fanqie spellings in representing sound changes. In this section, I will discuss the initials and the finals in HWZY on the following grounds: 1. The Fanqie notations and the phonological changes they reveal. 2. The redistribution of the items, the regrouping of the rhymes and the homonym groups, and the sound changes they represent. 3. The relation between the homonym groups which are expected to have merged by the time of HWZY. 4.3.2. The sequence of the rhymes The sequence of the rhymes in HWZY is based on the order of QY tradition. Each rhyme group is labeled by the first graph in the rhyme. These labels, numbered according to their sequence appearing in HWZY, are listed below with MP readings. The numerals on the left column indicate the number of each rhyme as it stands in each tonal category. The rhymes in different tones listed in each horizontal line share type of finals. The rhymes in the entering tone category contain the syllables with the stop endings /-p, -t, -k, -k/ in MC. InHWZY, they match with the corresponding Yangsheng 95 rhymes, those with nasal endings.' 64 in traditonal practice, the finals with the nasal endings are called the ’’Yangsheng (i.e. Nos. 1, 8-11,17,18, 20-22 in Table 29)," which is in contrast to the term "Yinsheng (i.e., nos. 2-7,12-16 and 19 in Table 29)," the finals with either zero ending or the semi-vowel endings /-y, -w/. 96 Table 29 The rhyme labels of HWZY level tone rising tone going tone ______entering tone 1. Dong * Dong ^ Song i t 1. wu 2. Zhi A Zhi A. Zhi t 3. Oi Ji Ji $ 4. Yu Yu Yu 5. Mo Mu Mu 6. Jie Jie Ta 7. Hui A Hui Sfl Dui 8. Zhen A Zhen # Zhen 2. Zhi 9. Han $ Han -f Han 3. He 10. Shan « Chan A Jian 4. Xia # 11. Xian Xian & San 5. )Gs 12. Xiao 'îè Xiao Xiao 13. Yao Qiao Xiao & 14. Ge Ge % Ge 15. Ma * Ma A Ma 16. ^ a Zhe Zhe 17. Yang % Yang Yang 6. Yao # 18. Geng A Geng * Jing % 7. Mo PS 97 Table 29 (continued) 19. You You You 20. Qin Qin Qin 8 . Qi 21. Tan Gan Kan 9. He & 22. Y m Yan ik Yan ik 10. Ye Within each rhyme, the graphs are subdivided into different homonym groups under different initials and medials. in this chapter, the homonym groups are numbered with five digits according to their sequence appearing in a rhyme: 1. The numerals 1, 2, 3 or 4 followed by a dash represent the tonal category to which they belong, namely the level, rising, going or entering tones respectively. 2. The first two digits after these four numerals represent the number of a rhyme as it stands in HWZY (see list above). For example, 1-18 stands for the iSth rhyme in the level tone category, that is the Geng rhyme. 3. The last two digits stand for the number of a homonym group within a rhyme. For example, 1-1805 means the fifth homonym group in the level tone category of the Geng rhyme-set. 4.3.3. Working rules 1.1 adhere strictly to the Chinese traditional interpretation of syllable structure, namely, (C){M)V(E). 2. Only one initial and one type of final is allowed for a homonym group. 3. Only one nuclear vowel will be allowed for one set of corresponding rhyme-sets listed above. 4. One set of corresponding rhyme-sets should share the same ending except that in the entering tone. 5. If one set of corresponding rhyme-sets shares an ending with another set, then they must contrast in nuclear vowels. 4.4. Previous research on Hongwu zhengyun As Labov( 1981:304) so well puts it: We begin with respect for the achievements of our predecessors; but that does not mean that we rest content with the data they have gathered. An appreciation of their work is shown, not by the remanipulation of the original observations, but by adding a wider and deeper set of inquiries that will display the value and the limitations of these initial results. Past research on HWZY is rather scarce and relies either exclusively or mainly on the Fanqie spellings to reconstruct the initials and finals. However, a brief review of the values and the limitations of these previous works may give us some inspiration to complement them. Liu Wenjing(1931): "Hongwu zhengyun shengleikao (A study of initials in Hongwu zhengyun)". The first attempt at a detailed study of HWZY, focuses exclusively on the sequential connections among a group of graphs representing the initials in the Fanqie notations and therefore sorts out an initial system for HWZY. Since the Fanqie spellings are the only means indicating the pronunciation of each syllable in the traditional dictionaries, this method can serve as one of the major aids in reconstruction — but with limitations. Tsujimoto, Haruhiko (1957): "Koobu seiin hansatsu yoozikoo: setu zyoozi ni tuite (A study of the phonetic representation of the Fanqie graphs in HWZY).'' Through a close check on the Fanqie spellings in both HWZY and LYM, Tsujimoto claims that the intrinsic sound system of HWZY is actually homogeneous with that of ZYYY. Ytng Yukang (1962) "Hongwu zhengyun Fanqie zhi yanjiu (On the Fanqie spellings in Hongwu zhengyun);" (1970a) "Hongwu zhengyun shengmu yinzhi zhi niding (Reconstruction of initials in Hongwu zhengyun);" and (1970b) “Hongwu zhengyun yunmu yinzhi zhi niding (Reconstruction of finals in Hongwu zhengyun)." These three articles discuss the classification of the Fanqie spellings and the reconstruction of the initials and the finals of HWZY. Wu Shumei (1976): "Hongwu zhengyun de shenglei yu yunlei (Initials and finals of Hongwu zhengyun)." A glossary of the selected lexical items from each homonym group, including their Fanqie spellings in both GY and HWZY, as well as their phonological status in the rhyme tables, provides a convenient manual to HWZY, but the data it presents is not entirely accurate and so not always reliable. Cui Lingai (1975): Hongwu zhengyun ysnjiu (A study on HWZY) is 1 00 most relevant to the questions which are raised in the present study. It is the first attempt to make a refined phonemic interpretation of the sound system of HWZY. She builds her phonemicization upon the phonetic transliterations in Hongmu chongun yokhun (1455 A.D., hereafter HMY, a Korean transcription of HWZY compiled 80 years later than HWZY. Cui ( 1975) is the m ost com prehensive work on HWZY to date. CHAPTER V INITIALS IN HONGWU ZHENGYUN This chapter and the next chapter are devoted to discussions of the sound system of HWZY. Since the initial is the first elem ent within a syllable, I begin my analysis of the sound system of HWZY from the initials. 5.1. Former voiced initials It is commonly agreed that the devoicing of the former voiced stop, fricative and affricate initials was completed before the 14th century, as shown in ZYYY (1324) (see 2.2.1.). However, the question whether the voiced fricatives, affricates and stops are preserved in the sound system of HWZY has long challenged students of HWZY. Since rhyme books such as HWZY seem to preserve the voiced versus voiceless contrast in their initial systems, they are frequently criticized as conservative and archaic. Did the former voiced stop, fricative and affricate initials complete tiieir process of devoicing before the 14th century? The answer may vary according to which tonal group or dialect one refers to. The Fanqie notations in HWZY basically keep the voiced vs. voiceless contrast, a s in GY. However, there is evidence showing the devoicing in the following ways: 101 1 02 1. Most former minimal pairs which contrast in the initial voicing either fall into the same homonym groups or enter the separate but adjacent homonym groups. 2. Words with voiceless initials are used interchangeably with those having MC voiced initials in the Fanqie spellings to represent the initials. Words previously having the voiced fricative, affricate and stop initials are spread in the 528 homonym groups of the four tonal categories: 158 in level tone, 127 in rising tone, 163 in going tone and 82 in entering tone. The majority of those words join those with the voiceless initials respectively either in the same homonym group or separate but adjacent homonym groups. The devoicing evidence shown by the redistribution in the four tonal categories of HWZY is displayed in Table 30 which follows below. The first column on the left marks the tones while the rest, marked by "Merging," "Adjacent," "Contrasting" and "No contrast," indicate the situation of the voiced vs. voiceless contrast in each tonal category. "Merging" refers to the loss of the voiced vs. voiceless contrast within a homonym group; "Adjacent" means the voiced vs. voiceless contrast is kept in separate but adjacent homonym groups; "Contrasting" means the voiced vs. voiceless contrast presented by homonym groups which are not adjacent to each other and those not having the voiceless counterparts enter the column marked by "No-contrast." Numerals in each column indicate the number of the homonym groups showing the cases marked on the top. The percentage of each case within atonal category is given under each numeral. 103 Table 30 The voiced vs. voiceless contrast of initials in HWZY Merging Adjacent contrasting No contrast total level 4 44 84 24 156 2.5% 28.3% 53.8% 15.4% rising 2 43 45 37 127 1.6% 33.9% 35.4% 29.1% going 21 72 44 26 163 12.9% 44.2% 27% 15.9% entering 9 38 25 10 82 11% 46.3% 30.5% 12.2% The data presented above show that the percentage of the voiced vs. voicless contrast is high in the level and the rising tone categories, and comparatively low in the going tone and the entering tone categories. This phenomenon parallels the devoicing process in MP and ND (see 2.2.2.). The level and rising tone categories both split apart in early MC, conditioned by the voicing in the initials. In the level tone category, the AC voiced vs. voiceless contrast in the initials is transferred into the Yin-Level (LI) vs. Yang-level (L2) tonal registors. This LI vs. L2 contrast is also shown by the consistent /q -/ vs. /ÿ-, ??-/ contrast in the level tone words of HWZY (see 5.6.2. and Table 48).®® Those rising tone syllables under the voiced fricatives, stops and affricates (r2) branch off from the rest in the rising tone It is a sweeping change in Mandarin dialects that words with MC / a - / initial acquire the Yin-level tone and those with /<5-, j?-/ in mc acquire the Yang-level tone. 1 04 (ri) and join with the going tone.^^ Though HWZY does not relocate those r2 words into the going tone categories — where they are supposed to merge — it treats this case by keeping the r1 and r2 in contrast, or by doubly registering a small number of them in both the rising and going tone categories. HWZY does not separate LI and L2, r1 and r2 types of syllables into different tonal groups, possibly following the old convention of OY and GY. However, it keeps words of L2 and r2 types in contrast, respectively, to those of LI and r1 by separating them into the different homonym groups. Hence, it is expected that L2 and r2 words do not join their LI and r1 counterparts. The sequential arrangement of the homonym groups shows that the compilers of HW ZY keep these two distinctions intentionally. The natural sequence of the homonym groups usually follows the sequence of the initials as shown in Tables 3 and 4, i.e., voiceless unaspirated, voiceless aspirated and then voiced for the affricates or stops. The voiced stops or affricates change to the voiceless aspirated in the level tone (see [v] in 2.2.2.). Therefore, we should always expect homonym groups under the voiced stops or affricates to appear in sequence with their voiceless aspirated pairs. On the contrary, our data show that the level and rising tones have fewer "Adjacent" cases than do the going and entering tones. Obviously, those contrasting pairs, which should appear in adjacent ®^See changes (iii) and (vi) in 2.2.2. and 3.1.1. 105 homonym groups by following the natural sequence of the initials, are moved apart intentionally. The percentage of the "Merging" and "Adjacent" cases of the voiced vs. voiceless unaspirated pairs is high in the going tone and entering tone categories. This is what is expected. One tendency we notice in HWZY is that it follows an implied principle that words which are from different origins and becom e hom ophones in HWZY enter either the same homonym group or the separated but adjacent homonym groups. According to the natural sequence of the initials we just noted, homonym groups under the voiced initials and those under the voiceless unaspirated do not appear adjacent to each other except by chance when those under the voiceless aspirated initials do not exist. The fact that the going tone and the entering tone categories demonstrate the highest rate of "Merging" and "Adjacent" cases between words with voiced initials and those with voiceless unaspirated initials exemplifies that the compilers of HWZY arranged this intentionally to mirror the current status of the phonology of their language. Therefore, the "Adjacent" case in the going tone and entering tone categories should be regarded as "Merging." In the case of "No-contrast," words with the voiced initials do not have contrasting voiceless pairs and therefore are treated here a s devoicing. Though the evidence of devoicing is seen in HWZY, 69 out of 528 homonym groups, which contain words with voiced initials in MC, still show the contrast respectively with homonym groups having words with the same 1 06 final and corresponding voiceless initials by HWZY. Rhyme dictionaries like YHJY and Zhongzhou yuefu yinyun leibian (1351, by Zhuo Congzhi, hereafter ZYYL) also reflect the same situation. In ZYYL, a rhyme book with the same sound base as ZYYY, the Fanqie spellings demonstrate the devoicing, but the going tone group still shows some examples of voicing (cf. Li 1983a). The previous studies of HWZY either reconstruct voiced initials by relying on the Fanqie spellings®^ or simply claim that the voiced initials no longer exist in HWZY, based on the limited evidence of devoicing shown in the Fanqie spellings (see Cui 1975). None of them take an overview of the actual status of words with these MC voiced initials in HWZY. This issue will be discussed in detail in later sections. 5.2. Labials Evidence in HWZY reveals that the former voiced labial /pH-/ changes into the voiceless unaspirated /p -/ in the oblique tones — i.e., rising, going and entering — and into the voiceless aspirated /ph-/ in the level tone. Words having /p -/ or /pH-/ initials either fall into the same homonym groups or enter the separated but adjacent homonym groups in HWZY, a s in the examples: ®^Liu 1931,TsujimotO 1957 and Ying 1970. 107 Table 31 Devoicing of labials (/pH-/) 1. 4-0638 (MC /p o k ^ /, MP /^ p w 9 # / ) $>l (MC /p a k ^ /, MP /^ p w 3 # / ) (MC/pH0k^/,MP/^pw3 #/) 4-0639 if, fife (MC /p H o k ^ /, MP /^ p w 3 # / ) 2. 3-0220 # (MC /p y iy ^ /, MP /p y i# ^ /) & (MC/pHyiy^/) 3-0221 A (MC /p H y iy ^/, MP /p y i# ^ /) (MC /p H y ay ^ /, MP /p y i# ^ /) (MC /pHyeyA/, MP /pyi#^/) 3. 4-0506 (MC /p H y e t^ /, MP /^ p y 3 # / ) t (MC /p H y a t^ /, MP /^ p y 3 # / ) 4-0507 f (MC/pyet^/,MP/^py 3#/) (MC /p y a t^ /, MP /^ p y 3 # /) The /pH -/ vs. /p -/ contrast is sti!! retained in the following pairs. Since they all have the low vowels, we therefore can write the devoicing of /pH -/ by adding a condition: V=[-low] as below: pH- > p / __ (IVI)V(E)°^''^"® (V=[-low3) 108 Table 32 The voiced vs. voiceless contrast in labials 1. 3-1142 ^ (MC/pHyan'^/) vs. 3-1122 $ (MC/pyan^/) 2. 3-1221 m (MC/pHyaw^/) vs. 3-1224 (MC/pyaw^/) 3. 3-1512 K (MC/pHa#^/) vs. 3-1503 ifi (MC/pa#^/) 4. 3-1730 # (MC/pHotj^/) vs. 3-1739 # (MC/pojj^/) 5. 4-0734 (MC/pHyok^/) vs. 4-0732 iS ^(MC /phyek^/) 6. 4-0314 4&%(MC /pHot^/) vs. 4-0312 # ^(MC /pwot^/) Words previously with /pf-, pfli-, pM -/ fall into the same homonym group and are used interchangeably in the Fanqie spellings (see Table 33 below). This situation implies that /pf-, pfh-, pfH-/ merge into one phoneme, possibly a voiceless labio-dental fricative /f-/, as in modem Mandarin. Therefore, we need only a voiceless labiodental /f - / to represent tine reflex of the former /pf-, pfh-, pfH-/ in HWZY. The former disHnctions in voicing (/p f-/ vs. /pfH-/) and aspirating (/p f-/ vs. /pfh-/) between the three labiodental affricates /pf-, pfh-, pfH-/ are neutralized: 1 09 Table 33 Devoicing of labiodental (/pfH-/) Set A: /pfh-, pfH-, spelled by words with /pf-/ 3-0116 (MC/pfHywi;?^/, M P /fw h /^ /) ^ (MC /pfywirj^/, MP /4fwi%/) 4-0117 (MC/pfwiky, MP/^fwi#/) it (MC/pfwik^/, MP/fwi#^/) A (MC/pfhwik^/, MP/fwi#^/) *1'^' (MC/pfHwik^/, MP/fwi#^/) 4-0118 (MC/pfHwiky, MP/^fwi#/) Set B: /pfh-, pfH-, pf-°bliquey spelled by words with /pfh-/ 3-0223 ^ (MC/pfwiy^/, MP/fwiy^/) MC/pfHwly^/, MP/fwiy^/) . (MC/pfhwiy^/, MP/fwiy^/) Set C: /pf-o*^'''i^®/ spelled by words with /pfH -/ 3-0832 1$ (MC/^pfHywin/, MP/fwin^/) ^ (MC /pfywin"^/, MP /fwin"^/) Set 0: /pfH-°^'"^"®/ spelled by words with /pfh-/ 3-2122 ^ (MC/pfhywam^/, MP/fwan^/) (MC /•^pfHywam/, MP /fwan*^/) The voiced vs. voiceless (i.e., /pfH-/ vs. /pf-, pfh-/) contrast still exists in the following two pairs: 11 0 Table 34 The voiced vs.voiceiess contrast in labiodentals 1. 3-0102 (MC/pfHywi;;^/) vs. 3-0116 (MC/pfywi.v^/) vs. (MC /pfhywi;;"^'^ (MC /pfyw i?'^/) (f. (MC /pfHywi??^/) 2. 4-0428 M (K. (MC /p fH at^ /) vs. 4-0430 ^ % (MC /p fa t^ /) (MC/pfat^/) Since 3-0116 also includes, which shares the same origin with those in 3-0102 (e.g., ]S^ ), the 3-0102 vs. 3-0116 contrasting pair may be ignored, and therefore does not conflict with our above-proposed rule. The coalescence of /pf-, pfh-, pfH-/ is then summarized into one rule: Bf—>f The voiced labiodental fricative /v -/ in MC remains unchanged in HWZY. This initial w as retained in Mandarin until the early MP period (see [xxvii] V —> preserve it for the limited cases in reconstruction. The labials in HWZY are /p-, ph-, (pH-), m -/, and the labiodentals are /f-, v-/. 111 5.3. Retroflex initials The retroflex sibilants /cr-, crh-, sr-, r-/ in modern Mandarin dialects have three origins in AC, namely, the retroflex sibilants (Pr[1]), the palatalized sibilants (Pj) and the palatalized dentals (Dj). Pj and Dj merged with Pr{ 1 ) into Pr{3) before the Mandarin period.®® The redistribution of the homonym groups and the Fanqie spellings in HWZY reflect the tendency of both the AC Pr, Pj, Dj merger and their devoicing: ®®See rule (vii) (] --> r) and (viii) (t —> c) in 2.2.3. 112 Table 35 Devoicing of Retroflex Initials Set A: MC /crH-, —> /o r-/ 1. 2-0519 1®- "to block" (MC/^crwi#/, MP/^cwi#/) "discord" (MC/^crHwi#/, M P/^cwi#/) 2. 2-0413 "pillar" (MC/^trHywi#/, MP/crwi#^/) "to store" (MC/^trywi#/, MP/crwi#^/) "reed" (MC/^trHywi#/, MP/crwi#"^/) 3. 3-0210 "wit" (MC/tryiy^/, M P/cri#^/) % "fine" (MC/trHyiy^A M P/cri#^/) 3-0211 $] "system" (MC/cryiy^A MP/cri#'^/) 3-0212 "to manage" (MC/trHyiy^A M P/cri#^/) 4. 3-0415 i l "to anotate" (MC/trywi#^/, MP/crwi#^/) îà "to pour" (MC/crywi#^A MP/crwi#^/) "chopstick" (MC/trHywi#^A MP/crwi#^/) 3-0416 a "pillar" (MC/^trHywi#/, MP/crwi#^/) Mi "be stationed" (MC/trHywi#^A MP/crwi#^/) i l "to reside" (MC/trHywi#^A MP/crwl#^/) Set B: MC /crH-, trti-, trH-'®''®'/ —> /crh-/ 5. 1-0121 £ "to fill" (MC /^crhywij?/, MP /^crhwij;/) 'It "careworn" (MC /^trhywi?/, MP /^crhwi?/) "wash away" (MC /^trHywi»?/, MP /^crhwi»?/) 6. 1-1910 a "silk" (MC/^trHyiwA MP /^crhiw/) "white cow" (MC /^crhyiwA MP /^crhiw/) ffi "enemy" (MC /^srHyiw/, MP /^crhiw/) 7. 1-2126 % "sandalwood" (MC /^crHam/, MP/^crham/) M "help by the arm" (MC /^crham/, MP /^crham/) 113 Table 35 (continued) SetC: MC /srH-, spelled by graph with /sr-/ 8. 2-2203 M "flash" (MG /■^sryam/, MP /^sran/) J'I "the name of (MC /^srHyam/, MP /sran^/) a river" 9. 3-2205 # "covered with (MC /sryam^/, MP /sran^/) a straw mat" (MC /srHyam^/, MP /sran^/) 10. 3-0412 "fe "forgive" (MC/srywi#^/, MP/srwi#^/) 3-0413 # "tree" (MC/srywi#^A MP/srwi#^/)  "defend" (MC /srHywi#^/, MP /srwi#'^/) 11. 4-0120 "uncle" (MC /srywik^/, MP /^, ^srwi#/) "fair" (MC/srHywik^/; MP/^, “ srwi#/) 12. 4-1006 "to absorb" (MC /sryap^/, MP /sr 3 "involve" (MC /srHyap^/, MP /sr 3 #^/) 4-0809 -f "wet" (MC/sryipy, MP/yryi#/) + "ten" (MC /srHyip^/, MP/^sryi#/) Set D: /crH-, tr-'®''®'/ - > /crh-/ 13. 1-1312 i . "nest" (MC /^crUaw/, MP /^crhaw/) 1-1313 "laugh at" (MC /^traw/, MP /~crhaw/) Syllables previously with AC voiced or voiceless Pj, Pr and D] admix respectively in the same homonym groups. They are also used interchangeably in the HWZY Fanqie spellings to represent the initials as illustrated below: 1 1 4 Set A: MC /crH-, —> /cr-/ MC initials /trH -, tr-, cr-°*^''®®®/ spelled by graphs with MC /tr-, cr-, trH-/ in: 2-0413, 2-0519, 3-0210, 3-0211, 3-0212, 3-0415, 3-0416 S et B: MC /crH -, trh-, trH-'®''®'/ —> /c r h - / MC initials /trH-, srH-, crh-'®''®'/ spelled by graphs with MC /trH-, crh-/ in: 1-1910,1-2126, 1-0121 S et C: MC /srH -, sr-®'^"'’^®/ — > / s r - / MC initials /srH -, sr-®'^"^'^®/ spelled by graph with /sr-, srH -/ in: 2-2203, 3-2205, 3-0412, 3-0413, 4-0120, 4-1006, 4-0809 Set D: /crH-, tr-'®''®'/ —> /crh -/ MC initials /crH-, tr-'®''®'/ spelled by graph with /crh -/ in: 1-1312,1-1312 These redistributions in HWZY reveal that the following change: occur: 1. The merger of the three AC distinct sets of initials Pr, Pj, Dj into one single series of retroflex initials of the Mandarin period (Pr[3]), namely, /cr-, crh-, sr-/, which is the same as what we have in MP and ND (see rules [vii] and [viii] in 2.2.3.). 2. The devoicing of the AC, MC voiced affricates /crH-, cjH-, tjH-/ and fricative /s]H-/, as shown in modern Mandarin dialects such as ND and MP (see rule [v] in 2.2.2. and below): 1 1 5 level .(V) There are sixteen pairs of homonym groups in HWZY stil! showing the voiced vs. voiceless contrast in words with AC Pr, Pj and Dj. They are listed in Table 36 below, together with their MC pronunciations:®® ®®The contrasting pair 3-2004 ^ (MC /srHyim"^/) vs. 3-2016 X (MC /sryim ^/) is ignored because 3-2004 only includes S and 3-2016 only has two words. For the same reason, 4-1009 SÇ. (MC /trHyep^/) contains only two rare words and so is not included in the list. 116 Table 36 The voiced vs voiceless contrast in retroflex initials 1. 4-0125 (MC/srHywik^/) vs. 4-0120 (MC/srywik^/) Rt (MC/crHywiky) if*. (MC/srHywik^/) 2. 4-0214 (MC/trHyit^/) vs. 4-0201 t (MC/cryit^/) 3. 4-0539 ^ (MC/srHyaty) vs. 4-0537 H (MC/sryat^/) # (MC/crHyaty) 4. 4-0705 (MC/trHak^/) vs. 4-0716 ? (MC/Ciâk^/) 5. 4-0727 ^ (MC/srHyak^/) vs. 4-0742 # (MC/sryak'^Z) ^ (MC/crHysk^./) 6. 4-0728 (MC/trHyoky vs. 4-0726 S^(MC/cryoky) 7. 3-1132 & (MC/srHyan'^Z) vs. 3-1129 ^ (MCZsryan^Z) 8. 3-1138 # (MC ZtrHywan'^Z)vs. 3-1135 ^ (MC ZcrHwan'^Z) vs. 3-1133 ^ (MCZcrywan^Z) 9. 3-1027 jR (MCZtrHan^Z) vs. 3-1009*% (MCZcrHan^Z) 10. 3-1717 (t (MCZtrHyo;?^Z) vs. 3-1708R? (MCZsryoq^Z) 11.3-1216 (3 (MCZsrHyaw^Z) vs. 3-1214 (MCZsryaw^Z) 12. 3-1217 & (MCZtrHyaw^Z) vs. 3-1215 (MCZcryaw^Z) 13. 3-1315 fll (MCZtrHyaw^Z) vs. 3-1313?- (MCZtryaw^Z) 14.3-0721 fX- (MCZtrHywiy^Z) vs. 3-0726 fg. (MC Zsrywiy^Z) 15.3-0205 (MCZsrHyiy^Z) vs. 3 -0 2 1 7 K (MCZsryiy^Z) ^ (MCZcrHiy^Z) 117 Table 36 (continued) 16. 3-0222 dA (MC/srHyay^/) vs. 3-0230 (MC/sryay^/) 17. 3-1915 it (MC/srHyiw^/) vs. 3-1912 ïfc (MC/sryiw^/) Ted)le 36 demonstrates that voiced vs. voiceless contrasting pairs still remain in the words carrying the going and entering tones. Since words in seventeen homonym groups as illustrated in Table 36 still show the voiced vs. voiceless contrast, we therefore need to reconstruct /cr-, crh-, sr-, r-/ as in MP and ND, plus the voiced /crH-, srH-/ for those limited words which still ret^n voicing. De-retroflexlon in Hongwuzhenejyun There is evidence in HWZY showing de-retroflexion in words with AC retroflex initials. In the following limited cases, words of this type and words with corresponding dental sibilant initials fall together in the same homonym groups. This phenomenon implies the loss of the retroflex feature in words with AC Pr initials. Examples within the homonym groups in HWZY, which illustrate the de-retrofiexion, are listed below, with their origins in MC and their corresponding readings in the present-day ND and MP; 118 Table 37 De-retroflexion in HWZY AC MC MP ND 1-0505 1. "hoe" /^crHywi#//^crHwi#//^crhwi#//^chw i#/ 2. "young (bird)" /^crHywi#//^crHwi#//^crhwi#//^chw i#/ 3. "pregnant woman" /^crHywi#//^crHwi#//^crhwi#//^chw i#/ 4. -fa "to go to" /^cH wi#/ /^cH wi#/ /^ chw i#/ /^chw i#/ 1-0520 5, ^ "vegetables" /^sryw i#/ /^srw i#/ /^ sw i# / /^ sw i# / 3. "sparse" /^sryw i#/ /^srw i#/ /^ sw i# / /^ sw i# / r. "a kind of wood" /^ sw i# / /^ sw i# / /^ sw i# / /^ sw i# / 1-1918 3. 4^ "to search" /^sryiw/ /^ siw / /^ siw / /^ siw / 3, "to collect" /^sryiw/ /^ siw / /^ siw / /^ siw / 10. Si "sound of fast- /^sryiw/ /^ siw / /^ siw / /^ siw / flying arrow" 11.it "urine" /^sryiw/ /^Siw/ /^ siw / /^ siw / 12.-It "measure /^ sow / /^ siw / /^ siw / /^ siw / for ships" /^saw / 1-0712 13.^ "decrease /^crhywiy/ /^crhwiy/ /^cw iy/ /^cw iy/ . progressively" 14.^*. "rafter" /^crhywiy/ /^crhwiy/ /^cw iy/ 15. "a surname" /^chwoy/ /^cw oy/ /^cw iy/ /^cw iy/ 3-0202 16. ^ "meat" /cryiy^/ /ciy ^ / /c i# ^ / jl7. :t- / c y i^ / /ciy^ / /c i# ^ / /ci#4f 119 Table 37 (continued) 2-0206 18. 2F "sediment" /^cryiy/ /^criy/ /^ci#/ /^ci#/ 19. ^ "son" /^cyiy/ /^criy/ /^ c i# / Æ i # / 2-0219 20. ffe "to wait" /^crHyiy/ /^crHiy/ /s i# ^ / /s i# ^ / 21. ^ "river bank" /^crHyiy/ /^crHiy/ /si#^/ /si#^/ 22. f "temple" /'^shyiy/ /^shiy/ /si#^/ /si#^/ 4-0110 23. jg "to get up" /srywik^/ /srwik^/ /swi#^/ /swiq^/ 24. i t "small" /srywik^/ /srwik^/ /sw i# ^ / 25. i t "speed" /swik^/ /swik^/ /swi#^/ /swiq^/ The evidence presented above shows that words with AC Pr initials may be read as those with dental sibilant initials in HWZY. This situation implies the de-retroflexion in the retroflex initials under certain condition. A .% (nos. 8-11) and ^ (no12) come from different origins, the former from MC "C(y)iw"-type syllable (i.e., the Liushe) and the latter from MC "Cow"-type origin (i.e., the Xiaoshe). In HWZY, A appears In 1-1918 with the MC "C(y)iw"-type and still keeps its original reading /so w / in 1-1321. These two co-existing pronunciations are preserved in MP while ND only has one reading /^ siw / for no.8. Obviously, the above-mentioned redistributions reflect the phonological history rather ttian the carelessness of the compilers. They imply that the de-retroflexlon of AC Pr as reflected 120 by ND had started as early as the time of HWZy J^ The de-retroflexion in HWZY is limited. Obviously, it is not a sweeping change in HWZY but a result of the conditional change as in the Nanjing dialect (see 3.5.4.). The de-retroflexion of AC Pr in Nanjing dialect affects two groups of words: (1) those originating from the MC Zhishe (”C(y)iy"-type), Yushe ("C(y)wi#"-type), Liushe ("Cyiw"-type), Zhenshe ("C(y)(w)in/t"-type), Shenshe ("Cyim/p"-type) and Tongshe (”C(y)wi;;/k"-type), which have a high vowel before MC; and (2) those of the MC Gengshe ("C(y)af./k, Cye/i/k”-types) and Zengshe ("C(y)op/k"- type), of which the nuclei are low in MC and raised sometime around MM (see 2.3. and 3.5.4.). Since group (2) words are not qualified until MM, therefore, we postulate in 3.5.4. that r —> g / { ^ } {q must have occurred later than MM. However, the evidence of the de-retroflexion in HWZY already covers those of the group (1 ). This fact convinces us that the de-retroflexion in the Nanjing dialect may start before HWZY and affect only group (1) words. After HWZY, the group (2) words then were affected by the de-retroflexion process. ^®See 3.5.4. for detailed discussion of the situation in ND. 121 5.4. Dental sibilants Among the five dental sibilant initials /cr-, crh-, crH-, sr-, srH/ in MC, the three voiceless initials, an unaspirated affricate / c - / , an aspirated affricate /c h - / and a fricative / s - / always remain constant and do not require any discussion. Therefore, the discussion within this section focuses on the change of the two voiced initials, affricate /c H -/ and the fricative /sH -/. it is a major tendency shown by the redistribution of HWZY that the former voiced dental affricate /c H -/ and fricative /s H -/ are devoiced, and both merge into their voiceless counterparts. Words with /c H -/ join those with /c - / in the going or entering tones either in the same homonym groups or in the adjacent homonym groups. In the level and rising tones words with /cH -/ belong to the L2 and r2 subgroups which show the contrast to words with /c -/ or /ch-/ in L1 and r1. However, the interchangeable uses of words with /cH -/ and words with /c -/ or /ch -/ in the Fanqie spellings still illustrate the change: H --> Table 38 Devoicing of dental sibilants (/cH-, sH-/) S et la: /CH- 1. 3-0202 (MC /c iy ^ /, MP /c i# -^ /, ND /ct#^/) (MC/cHiy^/, MP /ci#^/, ND /ci#-^/) 2. 3-0301 $ (MC /cyey^V , MP /k y i# ^ /, ND /kyi#^/) 3-0302 ^ '1 (MC /cHyey^V, MP/kyi#^/, ND /kyi#^/) 3. 3-0617 (MC/coy^/, MP /cay^/, ND /c a y ^ /) 3-0618 (MC /c H o y ^ /) 4. 3-0816 % (MC /c y in ^ /, MP/kyin^/, ND /kyin^/) 3-0817 t . (MC /cH y in ^/, MP/kyin^/, ND /kyin-^/) 5. 4-0230 (MC /cyvyit^/, MP /^cw i#/, ND /cw iq^/) - f - 4-0231 (MC /cH yw it^/, MP /^cw i#/, ND /cw iq^/) S et lb: /CH-.oblique/„> /ch-/ 6. 3-0711 -V’ - (MC /chyw iy-^/, MP /chwiy^/, ND /chwiy^/) 3-0712 % ■ (MC /cH yw iy^/, MP /chwiy*^/, ND /ctiwiy^/) 7. 4-0112 % % (MC/chwik^/, MP/^chwi#/, ND /chwiq_^/) 4-0113 (MC/cHwik^/, MP/^cwi#/, ND /chwiq^/) S et II: /sH .obIique/__>/3_/) 8. 3-0208 H (MC /sHyiy^/, MP/si#^/, ND /si#-^/) (MC/syiy^/, MP/si#^/, ND/a#^Y) 3-0207 (MC/syiy^/, M P /s i# ^ /, ND /si#"^/) 9. 3-0709 (MC /syw iy'^/, MP /sw iy '^/, ND /swiy^/) 4 (MC /swiy^/, MP /swiy"^/, ND /swiy-^/) 3-0710 (MC /sH yw iy^/, MP /sw iy ^ /, ND /sw iy ^ /) 10. 3-0813 '■t (MC /sy w in ^ /, MP /h y w in ^/, ND /hywin*^/) 3-0814 (MC /sH yw in^/. MP /h y w in ^/, ND /hywin"^/) 3-0815 (MC /swin^/. MP /hywin"^/, ND /hywin"^/) 1 23 While the majority of words with the voiced dental affricate /cH -/ in MC join those having the voiceless unaspirated affricate /c -/ in an oblique tone (see Table 38 above), a small number of them (see nos. 6 & 7 in Table 38) acquire the aspirated affricate /ch-/. Both the regular and exceptional readings in HWZY shown in Table 38 parallel the cases in ND and ZYYY or MP. The readings for nos. 6 and 7 are the exceptions shared by Mandarin dialect even before HWZY. it is a major tendency in Mandarin dialects that the MC voiced dental fricative /sH -/ in MC still remain fricative (i.e. /s-/) after devoicing. Their reflexes in HWZY shown in nos. 8-10 of Table 38 parallel this situation. However, there are also cases in which a small number of words with MC /sH -/ initial join those having the voiced dental affricate /cH -/ in the level tone (see Table 39 below). These limited cases in HWZY can simply be counted as "exceptions." Table 39 Exceptions in HWZY parallelling MP or ND MC ZYYY ND MP /s H - / —> / c h - / (parallels MP and ND) 1. 1-1915 /^cH y iw /. /^ c h y iw /, /^khyiw/, /^khyiw/) /^sH y iw /, /^ s y iw /. /^khyiw/, /^khyiw/) (parallels ND) 2. 1-1709 M /jCHyo,;/, /^chyo?;/), /^khyo/?/, /jk h y o y /) 1-1708 /^sHyorj/, /^ sy o ij/), /^khyo»;/, /^hyo»)/) 124 The words listed in Table 39 only share their exceptionality with ND and/or MP but not ZYYY. This situation offers evidence, though limited, to enhance a link between dialect of HWZY the regional accent of ND we proposed at the beginning of this dissertation. Though the redistribution in HWZY demonstrates the devoicing of /cH -/ and /sH-/, the I'oiced vs. voiceless contrast still remains in the following seven pairs shown in Table 40: Table 40 The voiced vs. voiceless contrast in dental sibilants A A 1. 4-0754 jfi (MC/cHyaky) vs. 4-1166 ^'1 (MC/cyok^/) 4-0753X4.. (M C/cHoky) A 2. 4-0721 ^ (MC/sHyak^/) vs. 4-0719 (MC /s y a k ^ /) 3. 3-0209’lj :^(MC/cHyiy^/) vs. 3-0202 (MC/cyiy^/) i t (MC/cHyiy^/) 4. 3-1104 & (MC/sHyen^/) vs. 3-1101 # (MC/syan^/) 5. 3-1105;^ (MC/cHyan^/) vs 3-1103 # (MC/cHyen^/) vs. 3-1143 (MC /cyan^/) 6 . 3-1714 S (MC/cHyajj^/) vs. 3-1709 ^ (MC/cyaj}^/) 7. 3-1844 (MC/cHop^/ vs. 3-1836 ^ (MC/cop^/) 1 25 The contrast in case 3 of Table 40 illustrates an exception. ; ;*• share the same source as ^ in 3-0209. The fact that they join :è in 3-0202 proves the devoicing of /cH-/. The three leftover in 3-0209 are very marginal. Words in the other six cases all have low vowels. We need to reconstruct /sH -/ and /cH -/ for those exceptions which still retain voicing and claim that the voiced dental sibialnts /sH -/ and /cH -/ are devoiced and only in the syllables with low vowels, the exceptions exist: • H —> h/{S} _ (M)V(E)'®''®' (V= [-low]) 5.5. Dentals There are five dentals, namely /t-, th-, tH-, n-, I-/ in MC. All but the voiced dental /tH -/ always remain constant and therefore do not require attention. The former voiced dental stop /tH -/ shows evidence of the devoicing process, i.e., —> / t - / : 12? Table 41 Devoicing of voiced dental initial (/tH-/) Set A: —> /t-/ /tj^_®bliqu®/ spelled by w ords with / t - / 1. 4-1012 (MC /tH yap^, ND /th y e q ^ /. M P /^ ty a » /) (MC /tH yap^, ND /tyeq^/, M P /^ ty S f/) 2. 3-0511 (MC/twi#^/, ND/twi#^/, MP/twi#^/) 3-0512 (MC/4Hwi#/, ND /twi#^/. MP/twi#^/) 3. 3-0702 (MC/twiy^/, ND /twiy^/, MP /tw iy ^ /) 3-0701 (MC/tHwiy^/, ND /twiy'^/). MP /tw iy^/) 4. 3-0602 (MC/tHoy^/, ND /tay^/. MP/tay^/) 3-0603 (MC/toy^/, ND/tay^/, M P /ta y ^ /) 3-0604 (MC/toy^/, ND/tay'^/, M P /ta y ^ /) 3-0605 (MC/tHoy^/, ND /tay^/, MP/tay^/) SetB: —> /th-/ /tH -/ spelled by words with /th -/ 5. 3-0849 (MC /tH w in^/, ND/thwin*^/, MP /th w in ^/] 6. 4-0255 (MC/tHwit^/, ND /th w iq ^ /, M P /^ th w i# / The devoicing of the former voiced dental stop /tH -/ reflected by "Merging" and "Adjacent" cases in the redistribution of HWZY as well as the Fanqie spellings, illustrated in Table 41 above, parallels what modern Mandarin dialects present; ZtH-®^''^"®/ — > /t-/. Even the exceptions: /tH-Oblique/ /^h-/ as in 3-0849 tun % (MC /tHwin^/) "slip out" and 127 4-0255 tu ^ (MC /tHwit^/) "sudden" parallel ND and MP. The voiced vs. voiceless contrast has exceptions in the following pairs: Table 42 The voiced vs. voiceless contrast in dental initials 1. 4-0115 (MC/tHwiky) vs. 4-0137 # (MC/twik^/) 2. 4-0319 (MC/tHwot^/) vs. 4-0317 % (MC/twoty) 3. 3-1108 (MC/tHyen^/) vs. 3-1106 % (MC/tyen^/) 4. 3-1834 (MG/tHyeji^/) vs. 3-1832 i r (MC/tyeji^/) 5. 3-1017 (MC/tHon^/) vs. 3-1019 S. (MC/ton^/) 6. 3-1726 (MC/tHoj?^/) vs. 3-1728 ^ (MC/to%4/) 7. 3-1204 #1 (MC/tHyew^/) vs. 3-1202 (MC/tyew^/) 8. 3-1935 J. (MC/tHiw^/) vs. 3-1933 M (MC/tiw^/) 9. 3-0307 % (MC/tHyey^/) vs. 3-0305 t (MC.'tyey^/) 3-0308 (MC/tHyiy^/) 10. 3-0108 « (MG /tHwi?^/) vs. 3-0106 ^ (MC/twi?^/) 123 Table 40 shows that the devoicing of the former voiced dental stop /tH -/ has left some exceptions in the dialect of HWZY. We therefore need to reconstruct /t-, th-, (tH)-, n-, !-/ for the dentals and keep /tH -/ within the parenthesis. 5.6. Gutturals The term "Gutturals" used in this dissertation covers the combination of the two sets of initials in MC, namely, the velars /k-, kh-, kH-, r j-/ and uvelars /x-, xH-/, plus (the so-called zero initial) and a glottal stop /q-A Among these nine guttural initials, two voiceless stops /k-, kh-/ and one voiceless fricative /x -/ have remained constant and therefore will not be discussed. The voiced uvelar fricative /xH -/ merges into its voiceless counterpart /x -/ either in the same homonym groups or the adjacent homonym groups: 129 Table 43 Devoicing of /xH-/ 1. 1-2118 Si. (MC/^xHom/, MP /^ h a n /) N- (MC /^ x o m /). M P /^ h a n /) 2. 3-0634 (MC/xHay^/, MP/hyG#^/) (M C /x ay ^/) • i r 3. 3-0907 (MC /xHwon^/, MP /hwan^/) 3-0908 (MC /x w o n ^ /. M P /h w an ^/) 4. 3-1515 (MC /xH w ay^/, M P /h w a # ^ /) 3-1516 (MC/xwa#^/, M P /h w a # ^ /) 5. 4-0769 #•] (MC/xHwak^/, M P /h w a # ^ /) (MC/xHwak^/, MP /^hwa#/) (MC/xwak^/) 6. 4-1013 (MC /x y a p ^ /. M P /^ hy3#) % (MC/xHyap^/, M P/% h y s f) Though the redistributions of HWZY illustrasted in Table 43 above show the tendency of /xH-/ —> /x -/ change, the /xH-/ vs. /x -/ contrast still exists in the nine pairs of homonym groups listed in Table 44 which follows below. Words in 3-1745 of case no. 1 derive from the second division of the MC Jiangshe (the MC "Ca?/k"-type}. The fact that they are in contrast to their MC first-division conterparts (the MC "Co?/k"-type) in 3-1734, implies that they have acquired the palatal medial /-y -/ as in ND 130 and MP (also see rule [xxi] ÿ —> y / G _ a in 2.2.8.). They then should join their third-division counterparts (the MC "Cyo;j/k"-type> in 3-1719. However, it is not the case here, and the only contrast then must lie in the initial position, i.e., /x H -/ vs. /x - /. Table 44 The /xH-/ vs. /x-/ contrast 1. 4-0645 $ (MC/xHak./) vs. 4-0605 ^ (MC/xyok^/) vs. 4-0643 % (M C /x H o k y ) 2. 4-0767 ^ (MC/xHok^/) vs. 4-0708 # (MC/xok_^/> tk (MC/xHak^/) 4-0709 .f, (M C /x ak ^/) 3. 4-0747 % (MC/xHyek^/) vs. 4-0737 (MC /x y e it^ /) 4. 4-0535 # (MC/xHyet^/) vs. 4-0541 JK (MC /x y e t^ /) 5. 4-0401 # (MC/xHaty vs. 4-0425 St (M C /x at^ /) 6. 3-1745 ^ (MC/xHa>?^/) vs. 3-1719 (MC/xyO)?^/} vs. 3-1734 (MC /xHoj?^/) 7. 3-1111 # (MC/xHyan^/) vs. 3-1116 (MC/xyan^/) 8. 3-1114 lè (MC/xHyan^/) vs. 3-1121 # (MC /x y w a n ^ / 9. 3-0901 # (MC/xHon^/ vs. 3-0903 0L (M C /x o n ^/) 131 Since the /xH-/ vs. /x-/ contrast only remains in the syllables derived from the MC "Ca?;/k"-type (Jiangshe), "C{y)(w)or;/k"-type (Dangshe) and "0(y){w)an/t"-type (Shanshe), which have low vowels as nuclei by the time of HWZY and possess nasal endings, we therefore can write the devoicing process of /xH -/ as: (V=[-low], E=-nasal) Due to the tonal split in the level tone conditioned by the initial voicing, the former voiced vs. voiceless contrast in the initials is replaced by the Li vs. L2 tonal registers (see [iii] in 2.2.2.). Similarly, voicing also functions as the condition for the tonal split in the rising tone category (see [rv] in 2.2.2.). Therefore, we do not expect /kH -/ and its voiceless counterparts /k-, kh-/ to fall into the same homonym group in these two tonal categories either. The following evidence shows the devoicing of /kH-/ in the going and entering tones: 132 Table 45 Devoicing of /kH-/ 1. 2-2208 (MC /^kyam/, MP /^kyan/) 2-2209 (MC/^kHyam/, MP/^kyan/) 2. 3-0310 (MG/kyiy^/. MP/kyi#^/) (MC/kHyiy^/, MP/kyi#^/) 3. 3-0718 i t (MC/kwoy^/. M P /k w iy ^/) a (MC /kywey^/, M P /k w iy ^/) m (MC /kyway^/, M P /k w iy ^/) 3-0719 15: (MC /k y w iy ^/, M P /k w iy ^/) 3-0720 m (MC/kHywiy^/, MP/kwiy^/) 4. 3-0406 (MC/kywi#^/, MP/kywi#^/) iâ (MC/kHywi#^/, MP/kywi#^/) 3-0407 (MC/kHywi#^/, MP/kywi#^/) 5. 3-2014 (MC/kyim^/, M P /k y in ^ /) (MC/kHyim^A M P /k y in ^ /) 6. 4-0503 (MC /kyet^/, MP/^kyg #/) # (MC /k y a t^ /, M P /^ k y g # / (MC/kHyet^/, MP/^kyG #/) The /kH -/ —> /k -/ change has limited exceptions in the palatalized syllables with low vowels /a, e / and nasal ending /-n/, as the following homonym groups demonstrate:^^ ^ ^8'2011## (MC/kHyim-^/) Is in contrast to 3-2014 ^ (MC/kyim^/). (MC /kHylm^/). We exclude these contrasting pairs from the list for the following reasons: (1) 3-2014 is an admixture of words with both voiced and voiceless initials; (2) 3-2011 contains only three words no longer in use. 133 Table 46 The /kH-/ vs. /k -/ contrast 1. 4-0134 ^ (MC/kHywik^/) vs. 4-0124 (MC/kywik^/) 2. 4-0515 # (MC/kHyaty) vs. 4-0503 ^ (MC/kyet^/) 3. 4-0533 (MC/kHywat^/) vs. 4-0530 ^ (MC/kywet^/) 4. 3-0124 A (MC/kHywfj?"^/) vs. 3 - 0 1 2 6 * # ^ (MC /k y w i?^ /) 5. 3-1141 * (MC/kHyan^/) vs. 3-1113 ^ (MC/kyan^/) 6. 3-1140 # (MC/kHywen^/) vs. 3-1119 ^ (MC/kywan^/) 7. 3-1803 % (MC/kHyep^/) vs. 3-1801 (MC/kyep^/) The /kH -/ vs. /k -/ contrast remains in the above-listed limited cases. Bacause of these aforementioned exceptions (in Tables 45 and 46), we need to retain /kH-/ and /xH-/ and write the devoicing process of /xH-/ and /kH -/ as: 134 5.6.1. The velar nasal initial /g -/ Evidence in HWZY reveals that the velar nasal initial /%-/ is in the last phase of disappearance. Based exclusively on the sequential connection among the Fanqie spellings, previous research only indicates vaguely that the Tj —> ^^Cf. Liu 1931, Ying 1970 and Ch'oe 1975. 1 35 Table 47 The /ÿ -/ vs. /%-/ contrast 1. 4-0412 4L (MC /q a t^ /) vs. 4-0402* #- (MC /7?at^Z) 2. 4-0730 (MC/^ak./) vs. 4 -0 7 4 0 # (MC /7?yek^/) 4-0729 # (MC /q y e k ^ /) 3. 4 -0 5 3 6 X (MC / ÿy a t^ /) vs. 4 -0 5 0 2 # $ (MC Zqyap^Z) 4. 3-1837 * (MC / ÿ y ^ / ) vs. 3 -1 8 1 4 # 31 (MC Z??yejT^/) 5. 2-1701 (MC/^^yo,;/) vs. 2 -1 7 0 7 # fp (MC /^7?yo7?/) 6. 3-1701 (MC/ÿyo?^/) vs. 3-1722# # (MC /tjyoT)^/) (MC Z nyo?^/) 7. 1-0721 (MC /^ 8. 4-0717 (MC /q a k ^ /) vs. 4-0712 $5 (MC /j?ak^Z) 9. 2-1417 (MC/^qwo#/)vs. 2-1425"4& (MC/^;?wo#/) 10. 3-1928 (MC /q iw ^ /) vs. 3-1938* (MC /jjiw^Z) 11. 2-1128 (MC /^ 12. 3-1308 (MC /q a w ^ /) vs. 3-1305*#t (MCZ??aw^Z) 13. 1-2013 (MC /^ÿ y im /) vs. 1-2016* Rk (MC Z^vyimZ) 14. 2-2017 & (MC /^ q y im /) vs. 2-2011*9^ (MCZ^^yimZ) 15. 3-2015 (MC/qyim'^/) vs. 3-2017* (MC Zr/yim^Z) 16. 1-2201 m (MC /^ ^ y a m /) vs. 1-2214» (MC Z^TjyamZ) 17. 2-2201 (MC/^<;iyam/) vs. 2- 2210* (MC Z'^TjyamZ) 2-2202 (MC Z'^qyam/) 1 3: Table 47 (continued) 18.3-2201 ^ (MC/<^yam^/) vs. 3-2215’ «S- (MC/j?yam^/) 3-2202 m (MC/qyam^/) 19.4-1001 Ü: (MC/ ®Those marked by an asterisk ’ are less commonly used words and those with # show the tendency to acquire the alveolar nasal /n - / Words with the velar nasal initial /%-/ but different finals in MC now have the sam e final in HWZY but remain contrast in the above-listed pairs. The contrast in nos. 1-6 remains even in modern Mandarin dialects, but the velar nasal has been absorbed to an alveolar nasal "n-." The contrast in cases 5 and 6 is possibly due to a n —> n change. 2-1707 fP "face upright" (MC %yo%/) is in contrast to 2-1701, e.g. # "to foster" (MC /^4>yoi]/). This case strongly suggests that in words like W , the velar initial is either preserved or changed to the alveolar. Though 2-1707 does not have a minimal pair under the /n -/ initial to test whether it follows the n —> n change, its counterpart fp in the going tone category exemplifies that it has. In 3-1722, words formerly with the /? -/ initial fP admix with , which are with /n-/ initial. The same phenomenon is reflected by ZYYY, in which join and in ND in which 137 i ÿp has also acquired an alveolar nasal initial a s 0% (MC /nyo??/'^/). Though 4-0740 il (in no.2), 4-0502 # (in no. 3) and 3-1814 (in no.4) show contrast respectively to homonym groups with zero initial, i.e., 4-0730 ^ , 4-0729 # ,4-0536 X and 3-1837 # (see Table 47, no. 4), they do not acquire the alveolar nasal initial either. They still retain /??-/ _ A VS. /n-/ contrast respectively to 4-0733 E (MC /n y a k ^ /), 4-0538 & (MC / n y a t y ) and 3-1835 t (MC /n y e jl^ /) in HWZY. The only possibility is that they still retain the /t? -/ initial in the dialect of HWZY. The contrasting pair 4-0717 ^ (MC /q a k ^ /, MP / 5 vs. A 4-0712 $$ (MC/T]àk^/, MP 7^3 (f/) (no.8) does not necessarily represent the contrast in the initials. In MP, Jh in 4-0717 acquired the going tone and ^ in 4-0712 the Yang-level tone. This situation is not se en in ZYYY in which both acquire the same tone, but may have been surfaced by the time of HWZY in some Mandarin variants and caused the compilers to keep this pair in contrast. Pair no. 7 presents a unique problem. Their counterparts in other tones all illustrate the merger in HWZY and the level-tone words 7c-‘>'1 (MC/^»;wiy/)^L^l (MC/^Tjwoy/) in 1-0707 (no. 7) alone are exceptionally not affected by the rj —> <6 change.^^ 2-1425, 3-1938, 2-1130, 3-1305, 1-2016, 2-2011, 3-2017, 1-2214, y o Cf. Dong 1954 and Hsueh 1975 for detailed discussion on the status of in ZYYY. ^^Ihe counterparts of contrasting pair no. 7 show the case of merger in rising tone (2-0702,2-0703) and going tone (3-0722,3-0723). 1 38 2-2210, 3-2215 and 4-1018 in pairs nos. 9-19 of Table 47 consist of words with velar nasal initial /»?-/ in MC and show contrast to homonym groups with zero initial in HWZY. They are small in number and less commonly in use. The compilers may define their pronunciations by relying on the spellings of the old dictionaries.^® Only two of them, i.e., # in 3-2215 and S in 4-1018, are commonly used. They both are with the labial endings /-m / and /-p/, we therefore can say that words with the -m/p endings have exceptions in the /??-/ —> <}> change in the dialect of HWZY. Based cn our observation of the status of /j?-/ in HWZY, we can reach a conclusion: the redistributions in HWZY demonstrate the last phase of the /]) -/ —> tf> change. If we ignore those less-commonly-used words, we can see that the velar initial merges with zero. We therefore reconstruct a velar nasal initial / r j - / only for those exceptions in HWZY. 5.6.2. The glottal stop initial In HWZY, 111 homonym groups are designated for words with the glottal stops /q -/ and, in most of them, /q -/ loses its phonemic contrast with the zero initial /<^-/ or velar nasal initial /?/-/. We find that the words with zero initial and those with / q - / initial are either mixed together in the same 4#- (MC/rjS H ^/) in 3-1305 functions as a verb "to like" and does not have any connection with the commonly-used (MC /j?ak^/) "music." is the only item in 3-1938, while the commonly-used { f, is its rising tone counterpart, which appear in 2-1930 and have already lost contrast with the rising tone counterparts of 3-1928 in 2-1929. This evidence proves that the contrast may not exist if 3-1938 is not a less-commonly-used words. 1 35 homonym group or appear in the adjacent homonym groups. The /q -/ vs. / In other three tonal categories, the /q -/ vs. /(f>-/ contrast is only partially retained in words with the palatalized medials /-y -/ and /-yw -/: ^®See (iii) f '®''®' —> F*-^ /[ +H , +R ] and f '®''®' —> f'-"' / elsewhere in 2.2.2. 1 40 Table 48 The / 1. 3-0120 m (MC/^ywijj^/) vs. 3-0117* (MC /qywÎTj^/) 2. 3-0214 ^ (MC vs. 3-0227 ia (MC /q y iy ^ /) 3-0215 X (MC /»?yey'^/) 3-0228 & (MC /q y e y ^ /) 3-0216 (MC/.^yay^/) 3. 2-0807.?! (MC Z'^ÿyin/) vs. 2-0826 (MC/^qyin/) 4. 2-0820 (MC/^ 5. 3-0838 ^ (MC /^ y w in ^ /) vs. 3-0836 f i (MC /q y w in ^/) 6. 4-0234 (MC /^ y w it^ /) vs. 4-0245 (MC/qywit^/) 7. 3-1022 % (MC/«ian^/) vs. 3-1002 # (M C /q an ^ /) 8. 2-1128 (MC Z'^ÿyan/) vs. 2-1141 (MC /^ q y a n /) 9. 3-1112 % (MC/ÿyan^/) vs. 3-1120 ^ (MC /q y en '^ /) (MC /??yen^/) (MC /qyan"^/) 10. 3-1115 ii (MC/^ywan'^/) vs. 3-1123 (MC /qyw an'^/) (MC /ijyw an'^/) 11. 4-0536 ^ (MC /ÿ y e t^ /) vs. 4-0510 as (MC /q y e t^ /) 12. 4-0509 ;) (MC/ 13. 3-1218 (MC /^ y a w ^ /) vs. 3-1210 ^ (MC /q y aw '^ / 14. 3-1701 ^ (MC /(pyoT)^/) vs. 3-1721 * (MC /qyoj?^/) 15. 3-1837 # (MC /(pyep'^Z) vs. 3-1840 (MC /q y e /1^/ ) 16. 2-1822 (MC/^^iyweji/) vs. 2-1814 ^ (MC Z^qyw ep/) 141 /q -/ —> ÿ is in the last phase of change and leaves some exceptions in the syllables with palatal medial /-y -/, as shown above. Therefore, we should reconstruct a glottal stop as initial for syllables of these kinds and write the process of this change: q—>(&/_ (w )V __ 5 .6 ,3 . The zero initial Words previously with velar nasal and glottal initials have joined those with the zero initial in HV/ZY. The status of the zero Initial remains a s usual except that in the following cases it shows the tendency to be absorbed by voiced retroflex /r-/: ( 1 ) rui (MC /<;&ywiy^/, MP /rwiy"^/, ND /rw iy ^ /) in 3-0716 should join wei ^ (MC / ND /(pvjïy^/) in 3-0724 but it appear next to 3-0717 which contains items such as ryi (MC /njywiy^/, MP /rwiy*^/, ND /rwiy^/), the items with the /n j-/ initials In MC and /r - / in modem Mandarin dialects. (2) yu i t a (MC /^y w ik ^/, MP /« iy w i# ^/, ND /rw iq ^ /) in 4-0127, 2^ ;j5]5 (MC /q y w ik ^/, MP /<6yw i# ^ /, ND /rw iq ^ /) in 4-0128 and ^ (MC /?y w ik ^/, MP /ÿyw i#"^/, ND /rw iq ^ /) in 4-0129 are adjacent to 4-0126, which contains words such as ru 1 42 ^ (MC /niyw ik^/, MP /rwi*^/, ND /rw iq“^/) . which has the /n j- / initials in MC and / r - / initial in MP and ND. It must have been arranged intentionally.^^ As we know, case (1) is a popular arrangement in Mandarin dialects and is reflected by ZYYY too. Case (2) is only observed in ND and this phenomenon in HWZY possibly mirrors the contemporary Nanjing dialect of the Ming dynasty. 5 .7 . Conclusion Our discussion proves that HWZY reflects the same devoicing process as ZYYY and Modem Mandarin dialects do. Since the voiced vs. voiceless contrast is transferred to Li vs. L2 and the r2 vs. r1 distinctions in the level and rising tones, devoicing is not shown as directly as in other tones. However, the interchangeable use of words with the voiced and voiceless initials in the HWZY Fanqie spellings and the cases of "Merging" and "Adjacent" tell the truth. As we mentioned in 5.1., 69 of 528 homonym groups, which contain words with voiced initials in MC, still show the contrast respectively with homonym groups having words with the same final and corresponding voiceless initials by HWZY. The contrasting pairs in the entering tone category may not necessarily represent the evidence of the ^^See Tables 3 and 4 in 2.1. 143 voiced vs. voiceless contrast in the initials. They do not merge in the dialect of ZYYY either, in which the voiced vs. voiceless contrast no longer exists but words in these contrasting pairs acquire the different tones, conditioned by the voicing status in the initials. The MC entering-tone words with voiced initios, resonant initials (i.e., MC /I-, n-, m-, 4>~, nj-/) and voiceless initials acquire respectively the Yang-level, going and rising tones in the Type-B-line of development.^® Although HWZY reflects the Type B line of development in which the entering tone category is retained and these former contrasting pairs became the homophones after the initial devoicing, it might be true that the contrasting status of these former entering tone words shown in some widespread Type A readings in the North as represented by ZYYY had influenced the H W ZYs compilers to keep these two sets of words separately. The other exceptions may be retained under the influence from the Wu-dialect, which is spoken in the areas being adjacent to Nanjing — the first Capital of the Ming dynasty and still retains the voiced vs. voiceless contrast until present-day. Since the majority of these contrasting pairs are words with low vowels, we can say that the devoicing process is in the last phase while the exceptions exist in items with low vowels. In this situation, we need to reconstruct the voiced initials for those limited syllables and present them in parentheses. The devoicing process in HWZY can then be summarized: ^®See Hsueh 1975:32-33 and 93-102 for detailed analysis. 1 44 ,H - > h/ _ (M)V(E)'®'^®' (V = [-I0 W ]) Some "Merging” or "Adjacent" cases in the level and rising tones seemingly violate the principle of tonal split (i.e., words with the voiced initials acquire L2 and r2, see [iii] and [iv] in 2.2.2.) and devoicing (the voiced stops, affricates and fricatives become aspirated in the level tone and unaspirated in the oblique tones; see above and [v] in 2.2.2.). in Table 49 which follows below, words marked by • are exceptions to the regular changes. Words in cases 1-4 have the MC voiced initials but acquire LI, r1 respectively instead of L2 and r2 where they are expected. and af in cases 5-6 have the voiceless initials and join L2 and r2 respectively rather than Li and rl where they should remain. In cases 7-10, words with the voiced affricate initials of the oblique tones join those having the voiceless aspirated affricate in an oblique tone, instead of following the major tendency of devoicing process to acquire the voiceless unaspirated initials. There are also cases (nos. 11, 12) in which the MC dental voiced fricative /sH-/ become affricated while /sH-/ —> /s-/ is the major tendency in Mandarin. 14 n Table 49 Exceptions in HWZY parallelling MP and ND plevel pLi / -R] 1. 1-0121* (MC/^trHywû//, MP/^crhwi?/, ND /^crhwi)?/) {MC /^crhywi?;/, MP /^crhwi?/, ND /^crhwi;?/) 2. 1-2118* sé (MC/^xHon/. MP /^ h a n /, ND /^ h a n /) # (MC/^xon/, MP /^ h a n /, ND /^ h a n /) prising pr 1 / s[+H] 3. 2-0519* m (MC/^crHwi#/, MP/^cwi#/, ND /^cw i#/) fS. (MC/^crwi#/, MP/^cwi#/, N D /^C w i#/) 4. 2-2208 (MC/^kyam/, MP/^kyan/, ND /'^kyan/) 2-2209* % (MC/^kHyam/, MP/^kyan/, ND/^kyan/) pievel pL2 / s[-H , -R ] 1-1312 ^ (MC/^crHaw/, MP /^ c rh a w /, ND /^chaw /) 1-1313 (MC/^traw/, MP /^ c rh a w /, ND/.crhaw/) ' parallels ZYYY, MP, ND ' prising pgoing y g 6 . 2-0413* 3f (MC /^ c ry w i# /, M P /c rw i# ^ /, ND /crw i#^/) # (MC/4rHywi#/, MP/crwi#^/, ND /crw i#^/) H —> h /S pOt»iq'-^e 7. 3-0849* ^ (MC/tHwin^/, MP/thwin-^/, ND /thwin"^/) 8. 3-0711 ^ (MC/chywiy'^/, MP/chwiy^/, ND /chwiy^/) 3-0712* ;^(MC/cHywiy^/, MP/chwiy^/, ND /chwiy'^/) 1 45 Table 49 (continued) 9. 4-0255* ^ (MC/tHwIt^/, MP/^thwi#/, ND/thwiq^/) *••••***** parallels MP, ND 10.4-0112 ^ # (MC /chwik^/, MP/chwi#^/, ND /chwiq^/) 4-0113* # (MC/cHwik^/, MP/^cwi#/, ND/chwiq^/) parallels ZYYY &ND /sH-'®''®'/ —> /o h -/ or /kh-/ (after palatalization) 11. 1-1915* # (MC/^cHyiw/, MP/^khyiw/, ND/^khyiw/) •;g Q (MC/^sHyiw/, MP/^khyiw/, ND/^khyiw/) parallels MP & ND ' 12. 1-1709üèiSè^-ë;MC /^cHyo;?/, MP /^khya?/, ND /^khya?/) 1-1708### %MC /^sHyo;?/, MP /^hya,/, ND /^khya#) MC /ÿ-, »?-, q- ol^Iique/ „ > y^-/ 13. 4-0127* # ^:©:(MC /ÿywik^/, MP /(Jywi#'^/, ND /rw iq^/) 4-0128* # (MC /qywik^/, MP /<^ywi#^/, ND /rw iq^/) 4-0129* T& (MC /»?ywik^/, MP /ÿyw i#"^/, ND /rw iq # ^ /) MP /rw i#^/, ND /rwiq^/) 4-0126 4 (MC/njywik ,/,zi parallels ND 147 Taking the whole sound system of HWZY into consideration, these limited cases can simply be counted as "exceptions." Surprisingly, these "exceptional" readings, implied by the arrangement of HWZY, parallel what w e have in ND an d /o r in MP, or even in ZYYY. This situation offers a clue for us to trace these "exceptions" back to the time of HWZY: First, the HWZY devoicing process in the level and rising tones follows the main trend of the devoicing process mentioned in 2.2.2., i.e., H —> h / S _ p’®''®' and H —> According to our discussion so far, the initials of HWZY can be phonemicized into twenty consonant units, plus ten additional initials in the last phase of disappearance or merger shown in parenthesis — i.e., /q-, r j-/ and eight voiced initials: Table 50 Initials of HWZY Labials P ph (pH) f m V Dentals t th (tH) n 1 Dental sibilants c ch (cH) s (sH) Retroflex sibilants cr crh (crH) sr (srH) r Gutturals k kh (kH) X (xK) iv) (q) <*> CHAPTER VI FINALS OF HONGWUZHENGYUN This chapter will focus on the finals by reconstructing the nuclear vowels and endings for each rhyme-set smd discuss the medials of each homonym group. Since in HWZY, syllables with the same vowel and ending but different tones are assigned to three corresponding rhymes — or four if we include the one in the entering tone category — my discussion will regard this one set of corresponding rhymes as one rhyme-set, reconstruct the same vowel and ending for it, and call it by the label of the level tone rhyme (see Table 29 for the labels of the four tonal categories within each rhyme-set and Table 51 which follows). The ten entering tone rhymes are numbered according to their sequence in the entering ton<- and attached to the corresponding Yangsheng rhymes. 1 48 1 4& Table 51 Labels of the rhyme-sets in HWZY Labels of the Rhymes within each Rhyme-set Dong: (1) Dong Dong Song (1) wu Zhi: (2) Zhi A Zhi Zhi t Qi: (3) Qi # £ ■# Yu: (4) Yu .K Yu Yu Mo: (5) Mo Mu a Mu Jie: (6) Jie Jie # Tai Hui: (7) Hui Hui Dui Zhen: (8) Zhen ■A Zhen # Zhen (2) Zhi if Han: (9) Han Han f - Han (3) He § Shan: (10) Shan Chan J- Jian (4)X ia Xian: (11) Xian Xian San (5)) Xiao: (12) Xiao Xiao % Xiao Yao: (13) Yao Qiao Xiao & Ge: (14) Ge Ge Si Ge Ma: (15) * Ma Zhe: (16) Zhe 4 Zhe Zhe Yang: (17) Yang % Yang Yang (6) Yao # Geng: (18) Geng A Geng Jing % ( 7 ) ^ 1 50 Table 51 (continued) You: (19) You t You You Gin: (20) Qin Qin Qin (8) Qi Tan: (21) $ Gan Kan Yan: (22) Y m a Yan Yan (10) Ye t 6.1. A tentative vowel system As we have said in Chapter Two, the vowel system of MC shows a four-way contrast (see 2.1.). With the following considerations, we shall start with the assumption that HWZY preserves the same vowel system. 1. Our discussion in 2.1., 4.2. and Chapter Five reveals that the sound system of HWZY reflects the speech norm of its time, which derives from the early form of the standard speech represented by the rhyme tables in MC. 2. The four-way contrast vowel system is preserved in Mandarin standard speech until the Mid-Qing period. The rhyme dictionaries in the Yuan and Ming periods, like ZYYY, YT and HT all reflect it (see 2.3.). Some Mandarin variants in the South like ND even maintain that contrast until now (see 3.4.2.) 6.2 . The rhyme-sets with ttie alveolar endings: -n /-t With our tentative vowel system in mind, we are now discuss the rhyme-sets with alveolar nasal ending /-n / and /-t/. According to their modem reflexes, seven rhyme-sets in HWZY should be reconstructed with 1 51 the alveolar endings "-n/-t". However, both their origins in MC and in the rhyme dictionaries being compiled before or after HWZY prove that only four rhyme-sets, namely Zhen, Han, Shan and Xian (nos. 8-11 in Table 51 ), are with the alveolar endings. The other three rhyme-sets (nos. 20-22 in Table 51 ) will be reconstructed with the labial endings /-m / or /-p / and discussed in 6.4. Since Zhen. Han. Shan and Xian share the same endings, therefore, according to our working rules in 4.3.3., each of these four rhyme-sets should have a distinct vowel. Among the four rhyme-sets which have ”-n/-t" as endings, the Zhen rhyme-set is the least complicated. It consists of syllables derived from the MC Zhenshe which have a high central nuclear vowel /-i-/. The syllables of this rhyme-set consistently keep the vowel height to the present.^® In previous reconstructions for HWZY, the nuclear vowel of this rhyme-set has been universally accepted as a central non-low vowel.®® Therefore, it is very reasonable to reconstruct it with a central high vowel /-i-/. The third division words with AC Pj and Dj origins still retain their palatal medial /-y -/ in this rhyme-set since they demonstrate a clearcut distinction with their counterparts which are from AC Pr origins, as shown in the following minimal pairs; ^®ln the syllables without the medial /-y -/, the nuclear vowel is phonetically lower, but that does not change its phoneniic status. ®®Ying1970 [3 ] and Oui 1975/-i-/. 152 1. 1-0855 ^ (AC/^cryin/, MC/^crin/, MP/^crin/) vs. 1-0801 4^ (AC/^cjyin/, MC/^cryin/, MP/^crin/) (AC/^tjyin/, MC/^tryin/, MP/^crin/) 2. 1-0856 ?- (AC/^sryin/, MC/^srin/, MP/^srin/) vs. 1-0802 t {AC/^sjin/, MC/^sryin/, MP/^srin/) This rhyme-set also includes a small number of words with labial initials, such as 2-0845 gin ^ (MC /■^phyim/) and 2-0846 bin % (MC /'^pyim/), which were from the MC "Byim" type of Shenshe. This reveals the early evidence of de-labialization of the ending /-m /, but only in syllables with labial initials, dissimilated by the labial initials: • -m > -n / Byi___ There are eight final types within this rhyme-set, namely , /-in, -win, -yin, -ywin/ for the level, rising and going tone registers and /-it, -wit, -yit, -ywit/ for the entering tones. These eight types and their corresponding origins in MC are displayed in Table 52. The labels and the possible final types of each HWZY rhyme-set are listed in the first two columns on the left, while the other three columns list their origins in terms of MC She (rhyme- class), Division and the final types in MC, respectively: 153 Table 52 The MC origin of HWZY Zhen rhyme-set HWZY MC rhym e-set final type She Division Finals Zhen -in/t Zhen first -in /t Zhen first -yin/t (C = Pr(1)) -yin/t Zhen third -yin/t(CpPr(1)) Shen third -yim (C = B) -w in/t Zhen first -w in/t Zhen third -yw in/t (C = Of) -yw in/t Zhen third -yw in/t (C ÿ Bf) The other three rhyme-sets with the same ending /-n /, namely, Han, Shan and Xian, must be discussed together. They come from the MC Shanshe. which is an Outer-A type rhyme-class with finals of all four divisions, namely the "C(w)on/t"-type (first), "C(w)an/t"-type (second), "Cy(w)an"-type (third) and "Cy(w)en/t"-type (fourth). The criteria for the distribution of these three rhyme-sets are outlined in Table 53, together with their origins in term s of MC S h e, Division and the final types in MC: 1 54 Table 53 The MC origins of HWZY rhyme-sets: Han, Shan and Xian HWZY MC Division Final type Han -(w)on/t Shan first -w o n /t -on/t (C=G) Shan -(w)an/t second ~(w)an/t first -on/t (CfG) third -y w an /t (C=Bf) Xian -y(w)en/t third & -ywan/t (C^Bf) -y a n /t fourth -y (w )en /t 6.2.1. Shan rhyme-set: -(y)(w)an/t The majority of the words in HWZY Shan rhyme-set are from the second division of MC Shanshe. Therefore, they are descendants of the words with the low central vowel /-a -/ in MC and still remain as the low central vowel /-a -/ in modern Mandarin dialects, such as MP and ND. They are universally accepted as having a low central vows! in previous reconstructions for HWZY.^^ The "Con/t"-type words (e.g., shan MC /^son/, Ian 1^1 MC /^lon/), except those with guttural initials (i.e., the ”Gon/t"-type) which enter the Han rhyme-set of HWZY, join their "C(w)an/t"-type counterparts (e.g., shan MC /^sran/, jan MC 81 e.g., Ying 1970 a and Oui 1975 /-a -/. 155 /^lan/) in this rhyme-set. The merger of the "Con/t"-type and the "C(w)an/t"-type words in this rhyme-set implies that the o —> a / C E change also affects the dialect of HWZY {see [xviii] in 2.2.6.), but rule (xviii) must be rewritten as below for this dialect to exclude "Gon/t"-type words; o —>a / C E (C = G) The MC "Gon/t"-type words (e.g., gan # (MO /^kon/) join the MG "Cwon/t"-type words (e.g., guan 'f ü jfî, (MC /^kwon/) in the Han rhyme-set of HWZY and retain the contrast with their MC "Gan/t"-type counterparts (e.g., M (MC /^kan/) in nucleus. There is therefore no internal evidence to prove whether those MC "Gan/t"-type words in HWZY Shan rhyme-set undergo the ’V —> y /G a" change (see [xxi] in 2.2.8.). However, it is indirectly supported by the rhyme dictionaries in the Ming period and the modern Mandarin dialects including ND, which we assume is derived from the base of HWZY, that syllables of this type also undergo the change. 6 .2 .2 . Xian rtiyme-set: -y(w )en/t The Xian rhyme-set of HWZY consists of the words from the "Cy(w)an/t"-type and "Cy(w)en/t"-type of MC Shanshe (see Table 53 above). The former minimal pairs, such as qian "money" (MC /^cHyan/) and qian # "front" (MC /^cHyen/), which contrasted in 156 nucleus slots in MC, therefore appear in the same homonym group (1 - li 05) of HWZY Xian rhyme-set. This phenomenon reveals that the low central vowel /-a -/ of the "Cy(w)an/t"-type syllables merges with the low front vowel /-e-/ of the "Cy{w)en/t"-type (see [xvii] a —> e / y(w) in 2.2.6.). Both internal and external evidence of HWZY indicates that this rhyme-set has in all probability a [-high, -back] vowel.®^ We have proved in 6.2.1. that HWZY Shan rhyme-set has a low central vowel /-a-/, so it is natural the low front vowel /-e -/ should be the nucleus for this rhyme-set. The coalescence of the "Cy(w)an/t" and "Cy(w)en/t" types in this rhyme- set reveals that rule (xvii) (a —> e / y(w) ) also occurs in the dialect of HWZY. 6 .2 .3 . Han rhym e-set: -(w )o n /t The HWZY Han rhyme-set consists of MC "Cwon/t"-type words such as 1-0908 guan '& (MC /^kwon/, MP /^kwan/) "official." Those of the MC "Gon/t"-type such as 1 -0903 kan (MC /^khon/, MP /^khan/) "to see" are also found here. Since words within this rhyme-set have the back low vowel in MC and are still in contrast to those of the Shan and Xian rhyme- se ts in HWZY, they must have retained the low back vowel /-o-/ in ®^lt is [ e ] in Ying 1970’s reconstruction for HWZY and in modern Mandarin dialects including ND (see Chapter Three). 1 57 HWZY.^^ 6 .2 .4 . Summary We have reconstructed a high central vowel /-i-/ for the Zhen rhyme- set, a low back vowel /-o -/ for the Han rhyme-set, a low centra! vowel /- a -/ for the Shan rhyme-set and a low front vowel /-e -/ for the Xian rhyme- set. Our tentative vowel system fits well for the four-way contrast before the alveolar nasal ending. 6.3. The rhymes with the velar endings: -g /-k There are three rhyme-sets in HWZY which have the velar nasal ending /-??/, namely, Dong, Geng and Yang. The distribution of these three rhym e-sets in HWZY can be observed from the outline below, with their origins in MC in term s of She, Division and the final types: in ZYYY and VT, the MC "Cwon/t, Got"-type words also preserve the low back vowel /-o -/ except those MC "Gon"-type which jcin their MC "C(w)an/t"- type counterparts (of. Hsueh 1975). 1 58 Table 54 The MC origins of HWZY rhyme-sets: Dong. Geng and Yang HWZY MC rhym e-set final type She (rhyme-class) Division Finals Dong -wiij/k Tong first -wi??/k -ywi;;/k third -ywizy/k Geng -(w)e??/k Zeng first -(w )o p 4 second -(w )^ /K ^ -y(w)67?/k Geng third -y(w)aji/l^ Geng fourth -y(w)ep/]j Zeng third -y(w)op/K Yang -(w)07;/k first -{w)o;7/k second -axj/k (C * G) -y(w)oj?/k third -y(w)07//k second -a?;/k(C = G) The HWZY Dong rhyme-set includes the words from MC Tongshe, which has the "CywiTj/k, Cwi7j/k""-type syllables in MC and has in all the possibility a high vowel in HWZY.®'^ A The HWZY Geng rhyme-set comes from the MC "C(y)(w)qi/k, A A C{y)(w)ep/k (Gengshe)” and "C(y)(w)op/k (Zengshe)" types, which has low vowels /-a -/ and /-e -/ (for Gengshe), and /-o -/ (for Zengshe) in early MC. The MC Zengshe and Gengshe joined to form a single rhyme before the ®^Both Ying 1970 and Oui 1975 reconstruct the rhyme-set with a high vowel [u] in Ying 1970 and / - i - / in Oui 1975. 1 59 Mandarin period (see 2.2.6.). Since the definition for each rhyme-set is that all syllables within a single rhyme-set should share one single nucleus, this phenomenon reveals that the vowel fronting shift (xix) (i.e., a, o --> e / p/k in 2.2.6.) also occur in the dialect on which HWZY is based.®® Therefore, the rhyme-set in question should have the front-low vowel /-e -/ as its nucleus. So far, then, we have the high central vowel /-i-/ for the Dong rhyme-set and low front vowels for the Geng rhyme-set in HWZY. The nucleus of the HWZY Yang rhyme-ser is comparatively back. The syllables in this rhyme-set come from the MC Dangshe (i.e., the "C(y)(w)07?/k"-types) and Jiangshe (the ”Caj;/k"-type), with either low back vowel /-o -/ (those of Dangshe) or central-low vowel /-a -/ (those of Jiangshe) in MC. We shall discuss in 6.3.2. below whether /-a -/ or /-o -/ should be chosen as the HWZY value. 6.3.1. Dong rhyme-set: -(y)win/k This rhyme-set formed from the MC Tongshe. which only has two types of finals: "-ywijj/k" (third-division), and "-wijj/k" (first division), both with labial medials /-(y)w -/ and central high central vowel /-i-/. Some MC "Cywi;;/k"-type syllables with labials (B), dentals (D) and AC retroflexed initials (i.e., Pr [ 1]) also join the MC "Cwij?/k"-type in HWZY. As shown below, this evidence reveals the loss of the palatal medial /-y -/ in the third- division final "-ywirj/k" after Labials (B), dentals (D) and AC retroflexed initials (Pr[1]). ®®See 2.2.6. for detailed discussion. 150 The MC "Bywi;j/k"-type words like 1-0107 meng (MC /mywi;?'^/) "dream," 4-0109 mu g) (MC /mywik^/) "eye" merge, respectively, with their MG "Bwi;;/k"-type (first division) counterparts, such as 1-0107 meng ^ (MC /m w i?;^/) "overcast" and 4-0109 mu (MC /m yw ik^/) "wood" in HWZY. This evidence reveals that they must have lost their medial /-y -/ before the dentilabialization of labials (see [i] B --> Bf / yw in 2.2.1.) and therefore lost the conditioning factor for the dentilabialization of their labial nasal initial /m -/: • y --> ^ /m wiî?/k The MC "Dywi?)/k"-type words (those with the MC third-division final "-ywi?//k" and the dentals) are in the process of losing their medial /-y-/. They join their MC first-division counterpart (the "Dwi)?/k"-type) in the following homonym groups, respectively: 161 Table 55 Loss of the palatal medial /-y - / of MC "Dywijj/k" type 1. 1-0131 nong "thick" (MC /^riy wIj?/) nong "farming" (MC/^nwi?/) 2. 2-0104 long "ridge" (MC/^lywi??/) long a "trunk" (MC/^lwij?/) 3. 1-0104 long i l "dragon" (MC/^lywiq/) long % "deaf" (MC/^Iwi?/) 1-0105 long "prosperous' '(MC/Jywi?/) long ■ t "rice huiler" (MC/Jwt}/) 1-0104 and 1-0105 in c a se 3 both contain an admixture of MC "Dywij?" and "Dwijy" types of syllables. They are spelled with the "Cywi;?”-type words representing the finals in HWZY Fanqie spellings. 1-0104 includes "Cwi7j"-type syllables plus , a "Cywiîj" type, while 1-0405 contains "Dywi?" syllables plus ^ , a "Dwi??" type. It is very likely that these two types of finals are no longer in contrast after the dental initials /n-, I-/ in the dialect on which HWZY is based. The contrast of these two types may still remain in some Owier dialects, including the dialects of the compilers, who held a different view and finally compromised by putting them side by side. This evidence reveals the loss of the palatal medial /-y -/ after n, I (dentals): • y —> ^ / n, I w i?/k 162 The MC "-ywij?/k"-type final preceded by dental sibilants also loses its palatal medial /-y-/. As shown below, each former "Dsywi?;/k" vs. "Dswi;y/k" contrasting pair in MC becomes a homophone pain Table 56 Loss of the palatal medial of MC "Dsywii;/k" type 1. 1-0108 "fir" (MC /^cH y w i?/, M P/^chw ij?/) a "chimney" (MC /^cHwij?/, MP /^chwi?/) 2. 1-0120 "pine tree" (MC /^sH yw iq/, MP /^ S W i;; /) » "loose" (MC /^sH w ijj/, MP /^ s m t]/) 3. 4-0110 * "solemn" (MC /sy w ik ^ /, M P /s w i# ^ /) i â "speedy" (MC /sw ik ^ /, M P /s w i# ^ /) 4-0111 K "long-cherished" (MC /sywik^/, M P /s w i# ^ /) 4. 1-0111 It "crowded together" (MC /^cHwij//, MP /^chwii?/) 1-0112 K "from" (MC /^cH yw ii;/, MP /^chwijj/) 5. 1-0110 (MC /^cw i?/, MP/^CW !?/} 1-0109 "ancestor" (MC/^cywi?/, MP /^cw i?/) The last three pairs (nos. 3-5) seemingly maintain the contrast. The fact that they appear in adjacent homonym groups proves that they have 163 become homophones in HWZY as they do in MP and ND.®® The above evidence then presents the loss of the palatal medial /-y -/ in the syllables Avith dental sibilant initials: • y —> ÿ /D s v/iT]/k W ords with final /-v /\ij/ and AC Pr initials are rare. (MC /^crHwitj/, MP /^crhwi»;/) of 1-0124 happen to be the only two examples se en in HWZY. They seemingly maintain the contrast with ^ (MC /^trHywiî?/, MP /^crhwi?/) of 1-0125, which had the Dr initial in MC and have acquired the ssune initial /crh-/ as 1-0124 by the time of HWZY (see ([vii] j —> r and [viii] t —> c in 2.2.3.). The fact that % (MC /^crHwi?/, MP /^crhwi)?/} (1-0124) and (MC /^trHywi??/, MP /^crhwiîj/) (in 1-0125) appear in adjacent homonym groups proves that they may have become homophones in HWZY as they do in MM, MP and ND. This adjacent case may reveal the loss of the palatal medial /-y -/ in MC ’'Drywi7j”-type words of 1-0125: • y -> 4> / Pr(3) w i?/k To summarize, the phenomena discussed above can be generalized into a single rule. The "-ywij?/k"-type final still keep the "-ywlj?/k" (1-0128 ^ MC/^kywiTj/) vs. "-wi7p/k" (1-0116 'Ù MC/^kwiTj/) contrast after gutturals, therefore we need one restriction C ^ G here: Qg Since HWZY follows the format that homonym groups within each single rhyme are basically in sequence according to their medial status, this arrangement is obviously done intentionally. It coincides with what we observed in the redistribution for the devoicing (see Chapter Five). 164 I y —> (j> / C wi7//k (C = G) This rhyme-set also includes ^ "elder brother" (MC /^xywajn/) in 1-0133, which is from the MC Gengshe. It also appears in the HWZY Geng rhyme-set, where it is expected. Since it is the only such word in the HWZY Dong rhyme-set for merger of the MC "Cyw ^ (of Gengshe)" and "Cywi;? (of Tongshe)" types, the reading for this word do not represent a regular change in HW ZY and may be obtained through dialect contact. 6.3.2. Yang rhyme-set: -(y)(w)at)/k The HWZY Yang rhyme-set comes from the MC "Ca»;/k (Jiangshe), G(y)(w)o;?/k (Dangshe)" types of syllables, both with velar nasal ending and low vowels, low central for the former and low back for the latter. The MC "Ca?/k"-type merges into the MC "Cy(w)oj?/k"-type and appears in the same table of DZ and ZZT around 12th or 13th centuries (see [xx] a —> o / jj/k in 2.2.7.). Three phenomena in this rhyme-set must be pointed out here: First, the AC "Pryo7?"-type words fall together with the words having MC "-a? (in 1-1717)" or ''-orj (in 1-1716)" final types in HWZY, while still showing a clear cut opposition with words having "-yo»?"-type final and AC Pj, Dj initials in 1-1712, 1-1711 and 1-1710 (see Table 57 below). The merger of AC Pr, Pj and Dj into a new retroflex series (Pr[3]) of the Mandarin 1 65 period is a widespread change in Mandarin dialects and it is also seen in HWZY (see 5.3.). Therefore, the contrast in the medial position must be the only reason for the situation of 1-1718 vs. 1-1712, 1-1717 vs. 1-1711 and 1-1716 vs. 1-1710 contrasts illustrated in Table 57, i.e., the presence ( in 1-1712,1-1711 and 1-1710) or absence ( in 1-1718,1-1717 and 1-1716) of a palatal medial /-y -/. Table 57 The presence vs. absence of palatal medial after retroflex initials in the Yang rhyme-set 1. 1-1718 (AC /^ c ry o ? /. MC /^ c r o T //) vs. 1-1712 -if (AC /^ c jy o r j/. MC /^cryo»?/) (AC /^tjyo??/. MC /^tryo»?/) 2. 1-1717 (AC /^crhyoj?/. MC /^ c rh O T j/) 'ia (AC /^crhat]/. MC /^crha?/) (AC /^tjha??/. MC /^ trh a ii/) VS. 1-1711 g (AC /^cjhyo;?/, MC /^crhyor?/) fk (AC /^tjh y o ,;/. MC /^ trh y o ? /) 3. 1-1716 (AC /^ sryo t]/, MC /^sroT}/) I f (AC /^ sro t]/, MC /^sro?/) vs. 1-1710 (AC /^ sjy o jj/. MC /^ s ry o )? /) 1 66 Second, the MC "Cy(w)o?/k "-type and "Ca?/k"-type words became hom ophones in HWZY, if they have guttural initials. For example: Table 58 Acquisiticn of palatal medial in the MC "Ga??/k" syllable type 1. 4 -0627 % (M C /k ak ^/) (MC/kyok^/) 2. 1-1724 (MC /^ k a ? /) & (MC /^ k y o r]/) This phenomenon reveals that the second-division finals "-arj/k" in MC acquire the palatal medial /-y -/ after the guttural initials (see rule [xxi] il> —> y / G a in 2.2.8.) and the two low vowels /-a-/ and /-o -/ merge, possibly into /-o -/, assuming assimilation due to the back feature of the velar endings / - t ) / and /-k/. Since /-a-/ is one of the two conditioning factors for the acquisition of the medial /-y -/ in "Ga?/k"-type syllables, its change to /-o -/ must have occurred after the acquisition of the palatal medial /-y -/ in the dialect of HWZY, as in most Mandarin dialects: c • a —> o / ___ T}/k. (see [xx] in 2.2.7.) As a result of the above-mentioned two changes, the MC 1 67 "Ca?//k"-type words (Jiangshe) with guttural initials merge with the MC "Cyo?;/k"-type (Dangshe) in HWZY (see Table 58 above). Third, the rest of the "Ca;?/k"~type words in the MC Jiangshe (e.g., 1-1737 pang fe MC /^pHa>?/, 4-0638 bo MC/pak^/) fall respectively into the same homonym groups with those "Coj//k"-type words of the MC Dangshe (e.g., 1-1737 pang MC /^ p H o rj/, 4-0638 bo MC /pok^/) and have the MC "Co;//k"-type words representing their finals in the HWZY Fanqie. Some "Ga;?/k"-type words (i.e., :fx MC /^ka,;/) join the "Co;;/k"-type P] (MC /^ k o r]/) in the same homonym group, 1-1743, which have the MC "Co7//k"-type Fanqie spelling representing its final. ^ are the "Ga;;"-type words in MC. The fact that they did not acquire a palatal medial /-y -/ but join the MC "Co??"-type instead implies that they may have their nucleus changed to /-o -/ before the change (xxi): (f> " > y / G a and then lose their qualification for change (xxi). These two examples give additional support to our assumption that the above- mentioned vowel backing shift (a —> o) had affected the words of this rhyme-set, conditioned by the back feature of velar endings -?//k. Therefore, we reconstruct a back low vowel /-o -/ for this rhyme-set. To sum up, there are three types of finals in the HWZY Yang rhyme set, namely, /-o r j/, /-wo??/ and /-y o t]/ for the level, rising and going tone 1 68 categories and /-ok/, /-wok/, /-yok/ for the entering tone.®^ A 6.3.3. Geng rhyme-set: -(y)(w)eji/k The HWZY Geng rhyme-set contains words from the MC "C(y)(w)^/A, Cy(w)eji/ic (Gengshe)” and "C(y)(w)qp/k (Zengshe) " types of syllables, both with palatal velar endings /-((/ and /-p / in AC and MC. The "C(y)(w)oji/^"-type and the "C(y)(w)^/k, C(y)(w)ep/i("-types first coalesce into one rhyme-class in MC ([xvi] o —> a / y(w) — (E) in 2.2.6.) and later form a single rhyme before the Mandarin period (see [xix] a, o —> e / — p/k in 2.2.6.). This situation is also seen in HWZY: First, the "Cy(w)^/ic, Cy(w)ep/A"-types of MC Gengshe and "Cy(w)on/(^'-type of MC Zengshe fall into the same homophone groups in HWZY. The coalescence of the MC finals /-yop, -y ^ , -yep/ or /-yoü, -ya1<, A -yek/ actually reflects the coalescence of the nucleus /o, a, e/ in these finals and implies the occurrence of the vowel-fronting shifts in the dialect of HWZY: o o —> a / y(w) (E) (see [xvi] in 2.2.6.) A • a, o —> e / — p/k (see [xix] in 2.2.8.) There are only a small number of "Cywo;?/k"-type words in MC Dangshe, either with labial or guttural initials. The MC "Bfywoz;/k"-type (e.g. fang ^ MC /^pfhywa?/, MP /^fwa»;/) lost palatal medial /- y - / (y --> ÿ / Bf wV) by the time of MC (see 2.2.1.). The "Gywo,;/k"-type words (e.g. kuang g MC /^khywajj/, MP /^khwa»?/) lost their palatal medial /- y - / before the Mandarin period. This is confirmed by both their modern reflexes and the previous studies on ZYYY (cf. Hsueh 1975, Li 1983) and HWZY (of. Ying 1970 and Cui 1975). Therefore, there is no any "Cyworj/k"-type syllable in HWZY, 1 69 A Second, the MC "G^/k"-type words (second-division of Gengshe) A appear respectively as homophones of their MC "Goji/k"-type counterparts in HWZY: Table 59 The MC "G^/k"-type in HWZY 1. 1-1805 (MC/^xH^/), •t£ (MC /^xHop/) 2. 4-0710 s (MC/khaA^/), A (MC /khok^/) 3. 4-0767 (MC/xHaic^/), (MC /xHok^/) 4. 4-0708 (MC /xak^/) 4-0709 % (MC /xok ^ /) The MC "G^/^"-type words in the above-listed homonym groups do not bear any connection with their MC palatalized coounterparts A A "Gy(w)^/k, Gy(w)ep/k”-types and remain in contrast with them as shown in Table 60 below: 170 Table 60 ^ The MC "G^/k"-type vs. "G y^/k”-type contrast in HWZY MC ''Gan/fe”-type MC "Gyan/k. Gveji/k'’-type 1. 1-1801 #v^(MC/^kap/) vs. 1-1816 % (MC/^ky^/) # (MC/^kyen/) 2. 3-1818 (MC/^vap/) vs. 3-1814 % (MC/,y^^/). 3. 3-1806 (MC/^k^/) VS. 3-1801 (MC /kyap^/) 4. 4-0767 % (MC/xHaicy) vs. 4-0747 % (MC/xHyek^/) # (MC/xHok^/) 5. 4-0708 # (MC/xa((^/) VS. 4-0737 M (MC/xyek^/) 4-0709 M. (M C /x o k y ) 171 The above examples exemplify that the second division syllables with A guttural initials ("G ^/k"-type) do not acquire the palatal medial /-y -/ in this rhyme-set as their counterparts in other rhyme-sets do. This phenomenon in HWZY reveals that the coalescence of the MC Zenq/ Genq, i.e., the "G(y)(w)^/è, "Cy(w)^/k, C(y)(w)oji/k’*-types, in this dialect must have occurred before the palatalization of the "Ga(E) '-type syllables, so the "Gayi/A"-type syllables lose their qualification to acquire the palatal medial / - y - / : • a.o—> e / p/k(see[xix] in2.2.6.) • —> y /G a (see [xxi] in 2.2.8.) A The development of the "G^/k"-type words in HWZY shows that HWZY is on the same line as the Type B dialects such as ND or the Type B stratum in MP (see 2.2.8., 3.5.1. and 7.1.2. for detail). However, as exceptions to the above-mentioned phenomenon, a smaii number of MC "G ^/k"-type syllables join the MC "Gysp/k"-type: 1-1819 (MC/^«iap/), (MC/^ÿyap/) 3-1802 :g. (MC/q^^/), (MC/^qy^/) These examples present the Type A pronunciations but are very marginal. They must be a product of confusion of "phonetic" ( # ) since they share this "phonetic" in both the "G^/k"-type and "Gy^/k"-type ^ or else the anomaly has come about through dialect borrowing. The same case also exists in ND and MP, it is apparently not an artificial arrangement of HWZY. 172 The MC "Cop"-type vs. "C^"-type vs. "Cy^, Cyep"- type three- way contrast in the HWZY Geng rhyme-set is shown in Table 61 which follows. This situation has two implications: (1) the MC "Gap"-type words did not acquire the palatal medial /-y-/; (2) the MC "Gop"-type did not undergo change [xviii] o —> a / 0 — E (see 2.2.6.). According to our above discussion, the case (1) is true in HWZY (see Table 60) and it is a a general case in Type B dialects (see 2.2.8., 3.5.1., 7.1.2. and Table 83). The case (2) is not the case in HWZY since there is evidence showing the coalesence of the MC "Cop/i<" and "Cap/k" types (see Table 59). Since 1-1860, 3-1845 (marked by *) of the MC "Goji"-type, presented below in Table 61, contain only less-commonly-used words, the conservative readings of these words is possibly the cause of this exceptional contrast: Table 61 The three-w ay contrast in the Seng rhym e-set •’Goji” vs.______"Gap” VS;______"Gyap, Gyep” 1-1860* 1-1801 1-1816 (MC/^koji/) ^11 (MC/^kap/) (MC/^kyap/) $ (MC/^kyep/) ^ 3-1845* 3-1806 3-1801 (MC/^koji/) (MC/^k^/) ^ (MC/kyaji^/) % 173 6.4. The rhyme-sets with bilabial endings: -m /-p Three rhym e-sets in HWZY correspond to the rhyme-classes with the biiabiaü endings -m /-p in MC. The Qin ihyme-set is from the MC Shenshe (i.e., "Cyim/p"), which possesses the high central vowei /-!-/. The Tan and Yan rhyme-sets come from MC Xianshe, an Outer-A type rhyme-class with the syllable types "Com/p (first-division)," "Cam/p (second-division)," "Cyam/p (third-division)" and "Cyem/p (fourth-division)," displayed as below: Table 62 The MC origins of HWZY rhyme-sets: Tan and Yan HWZY MC Rhyme Final type Final type She Division Tan rhyme -am /p -o m /p Xian first -am /p second -yw am /p (C=Bf) third Yan rhyme -yem/p -yam/p third -yem/p fourth 174 6 .4 .1 . Qin rhym e-set: -(y)im /p The Qin rhyme-set of HWZY derives from the MC Shenshe (i.e., ”Cyim/p"-type), an Inner-A type rhyme-class with words in the third division only. Syllables of this type have the high central vowel /-i-/ consistently from MC to MP and are universally seen to have a [-iow.+central] vowel.®® Therefore, it is reasonable to reconstruct a high central vowel /-i-/ for this rhyme-set. 6.4.2. Tan and rhyme-sets The Tan and the Yan rhyme-sets in HWZY are product of the MC Xianshe (i.e., "C(y)om/p, C(y)am/p, C(y)em/p"-types), the rhyme-class for syllables with labial endings -m /p and low vowels /o, a, e / as nuclei. As shown in Table 62, the HWZY Tan rhyme-set forms from the "Com/p (first-division), Cam/p (second-division)"-types plus their third- division counterparts with labiodentals ("Bfyam/p"-type) which lost the palatal medial /-y -/ at an earlier time. The coalescence of the MC "Com/p" and "Cam/p" t^'pes is seen in the following cases. The "Com/p"-type w ords ^ (MC /^ n o m /) "south" join the "C am /p"-type w ords (MC /^nam /) "murmur" in 1-2105. The final of the "Com"-type words such as 1-2113 , 1-2114 # ,1-2115 Ê and 1-2116 ^ were originally spelled with -th (MC /^ k o m /) in GY. In HWZY, is replaced by g. (MC /^kam /), a MC "Cam”-type word instead. This redistribution has ®®Ylng 1970 [3 ] and Cui 1975 /- + -/. 175 two implications: (1) the MC "Com’'-type words are affected by the change (xviii) (o —> a / C (E); (2) those with the guttural initials like th still retain their nuclei unchanged. As we have mentioned in 6.2., words of the first-division of the MC Shanshe, with either the guttural initials (the MC "Gon/t’*-type) or labial medial (the MC "Cwon/t"-type) are not affected by change (xviii) (o —> a /C (E) and form a single rhyme-set, Han, in HWZY. Since there are no first-division "Cwom/p"-type words in the MC Xianshe (see Table 2 in 2.1.), and the "Com/p"-type words with guttural initials are very scanty, the compilers did not establish a separate rhyme for words which still preserve tha back low vowel /-o -/. However, the MC "Gom/p"-type words are in contrast with their MC "Gam/p (second-division)"-type counterparts, in HWZY as shown below: 2-2101 (MC/^kom/) vs. 2-2121 % (MC/^kam/) 2-2119 K (MC/^kom/) 3-2102 ^ (MC/^kom/) vs. 3-2118 A (MC/^kam/) 3-2103 (MC /xHom"^/) vs.3-2114 (MC/xHam^/) This phenomenon has two implications: first, the MC "Gom/p"-type words still retain their back low vowel unchanged in HWZY, as do their "Gon/t" counterparts in the Han rhyme-set (see 6.2.3.); second, those "Gam/p"-type word acquire a palatal medial /-y -/ as do their counterparts in other rhyme-sets (see [xxi] in 2.2.8. and 6.2.1., 6.3.2.). If we parallel the development of these MC "Gam/p"-type words with those in the MC 175 Shanshe ("Gan/t"-type) — with which they shared everything except the endings — both above assertions are true in HWZY.^^ The distinction between words of "Com/p" and "Cam/p" types can be interpreted as the presence (in the latter) and the absence (in the former) of the medial /-y -/. One strange phenomenon is that the MC ”Com/p"-type words are split into two contrasting homonym groups as shown below. The Fanqie spellings representing the finals of these words in both GY and HWZY are also attached: OQ See 6.2. for the information on those which derive from the MC Shanshe. 177 Table 63 Contrasting pairs in Tan rhyme-set Homonym groups Origins Fanqie spellings representing in HWZY in MC finals in GY finals in HWZY a. 1-2101 /^tH o m / (MC /^xH om /) (MC /^xH om /) b. 1-2113 /^tH o m / (MC /^ k o m /) (M C /^kam /) a. 1-2103 Bjt5t /^ to m / (MC /^xH om /) (MC /^xH om /) b. 1-2114 /^ to m / (MC /^ k o m /) (MC /^ k a m /) a. 1-2104 X /^ lo m / (MC /^xHom/) -è- (MC /^xH om /) b. 1-2115 /^ lo m / -a- (MC /^ k o m /) (MC /^ k a m /) a. 4-0911 /th o t^ / (MC /x H o p ^ /) (M C /xH op^/) b. 4-0914 /thop^/ A (MC /x H o p ^ /) (M C /k ap ^/) a. 2- 2110* /^ to m / & (MC /•^kom /) (M C /^kom /) b. 2-2116 /^tom/ (MC/^kom/) ■ft (M C /^kom /) a 2- 2102* /■“tHom/ (MC /^ k o m /) € (MC /^ k o m /) b. 2-2117 /•^tHom/ % (MC /"^kom /) (MC /^ k o m /) a. 2-2118* /'^lom / (MC /^ k o m /) (M C /^kom /) b. 2-2120 /•^lom/ M. (M C /^kom /) i t (MC /^ k o m /) a 2-2101* /“^kom/ (MC /^ k o m /) (MC /^ k o m /) b. 2-2119 i t /■^kom/ £ (M C /^lom /) (MC /^ lo m /) a 3-2101 /'^khom / (M C/"^kom/) (MC /^ k o m /) b. 3-2107 8fc /^khom/ (MC/^kom/) (MC /^ lo m /) 173 The only way to explain this split is to trace the words' origins back to AC. Words of the (a) and (b) types of each pair come from two closely- related rhymes, which contrast only in the vowel value of their nuclei in AC. These two rhymes merge in MC, and the distinction no longer exists in Mandarin dialects by the time of HWZY. However, according to Dong (1954: 73), the AC (a) vs. (b) distinction retains in Wu dialects and that may be the main cause for the compilers (4 out of 11 were from the Wu area) to keep this (a) vs. (b) distinction in HWZY. Though some MC "Com/p"-type words still seemingly preserve their nucleus unchanged, they are small in number and may be obtained through language contact. Therefore we can regard them as the exceptions and only reconstruct a central low vowel /-a - / for the majority of this rhyme-set.®^ The Yan rhyme-set is a mixture of the MC "Cyam/p (third-division)"- type and "Cyem/p (fourth-division)"-type. Evidence in the following homonym groups demonstrates the coalescence of these two types of finals: 90 This parallels the reconstruction in Ying 1970 a and Cui 1975 /-a -/. 1 79 I able 64 The Coalescence of MC "Cyam/p" and "Cyem/p" types 1-2212 lian "honest" (MC/^iyam/) lian .m "a river" (MC/^lyem/) 1-2215 nian "sticky" (MC /^ n y a m /) nian "catfish" (MC / “^nyem /) 4-1013 xie "to threaten" (MC /x y a p ^ /) xie "to assist" (MC /x H y e p ^ /) 4-1015 aie "timid" (MC /k h y a p ^ /) qie % "small suitcase" (MC /khyep^/) The above evidence reveals that those with the MC "Cyam/p (third- division)"-type origin are affected by change (xvii) (a —> e / y(w) ), and therefore this rhyme-set has a front low vowel /-e -/ as its nucleus and remains in contrast with the Tan rhyme-set which has the central low vowel / - a - / i n HWZY.®'' ®^The contrast still exists marginally in the minimal pairs 3-2213 qian St "to owe" (MC /khyem ^/) vs. 3-2218 qian ^ "yawn" (MC /khywam^/). However, this is obviously not a matter of the contrast in the nuclei. Since the latter is with the labial medial /-w -/ in AC and the early MC as shown in QY and YJ, they possibly are kept in contrast in the absence or the presence of the labial medial. ISO 6.5. The rhyme-sets with the labial semi-vowe! ending: -w Only three rhyme-sets in HWZY have the labial semi-vowel /-w / as their ending, namely You, Yao and Xiao. The You rhyme-set comes from the MC "Cy(w)iw"-type (Liushe). The HWZY Yao and Xiao rhyme-sets come from the MC "Cow, C(y)(w)aw, Cy(w)ew"-types (Xiaoshe). Those of the first {"Cow"-type) and the second ("Caw"-type) divisions exist in the Yao rhyme-set of HWZY, while their counterparts in MC third ("Cyaw"-type) and the fourth ("Cyew"-type) divisions formed the Xiao rhyme-set. Since the syllables in the Uu rhyme-set share the same origin with a small set of syllables in the ^ rhyme-set, I will discuss them together in a later section (se e 6.8.). 6.5.1. Yao rhyme-set : -Cy)ow Words of the MC "Cow" and "Caw" types fall together in the HWZY Yao rhyme-set. According to our working rule no. 3 (see 4.3.2.), this situation implies that they share the same nucleus in HWZY. The MC "Cow" vs. "Caw" contrasting pairs only exist in syllables with labial, guttural and alveoair nasal initials in HWZY. Words with the guttural initials of the MC "Cow"-type origin like 1-1317 gao ^ (MC /^kow/) "tall," 1-1315 hao ^ (MC /^xHow/) "unretrained," 1-1316 hao ^ (MC /^xow/) "wormwood," still keep in clear-cut contrast with words of the MC "Gaw"- type: 1-1302 jiao (MC /^kaw/) "to deliver," 1-1301 yao ^ (MC /^xHaw/) "to confuse," 1-1304 xiao ^ (MC /^xaw/) "roar." This 181 situation implies that the MC "Gaw”-type words had acquired a palatal medial / - y - / in HWZY, as their relfexes in ZYYY, YT, HT and modem Mandarin dialects (see [xxi] contrasting pairs under gutturals do not illustrate the /-a-/ vs. /-o-/ contrast. The former contrasting pairs under n initial is scanty. The /now / vs. /n a w / contrast in HWZY, shown below in Table 65, deals with the less commonly-used words or pronunciations which were no longer in common use and is obviously artificial. Possibly by following the convention of the literary reading, these pairs are kept in contrast. Table 65 The MC /naw / vs. /now / contrast in Yao rhyme-set 1. 2-1328 nao "brain" MC /^ n o w / 2-1309* MC /'^ n a w / 2. 1-1329* nao "monkey" MC /^ n o w / 1-1314 ik. nao "big cymbals" MC /^ n a w / 3. 3-1331* m nao "forelimb" MC /n o w ^ / 3-1315 u\ nao "noisy" MC /n a w ^ / indicates that only the rare or less commonly-used syllables are included in this homonym group. 182 The former contrasting pairs "Baw"-type (second-division) and "Bow"-type (first-division) fa!! into the same homonym groups or enter the adjacent homonym groups in HWZY. This situation implies that the former /-o / vs. /-a / contrast had been eliminated: Table 66 Merger of MC "Baw" and "Bow" types 1-1308 pao "gown" (MC /^ p h o w /, MP /^phaw/) pao 1^ "kitchen" (MC /^ p h a w /, MP /^ p h a w /) 1-1309 mao "hair" (MC /^ m o w /, MP /^ m a w /) mao "cogongrass" (MC /^ m a w /, MP /^ m a w /) 3-1306 bao M. "to report" (MC /p o w ^ /, MP /p a w ^ /) bao ^ "leopard" (MC /p aw '^ /, MP /p a w ^ /) 3-1324 bag "to embrace" (MC/^pHow/, MP /p aw '^ /) ^ a "plane" (M C /p aw ^/, MP /paw "^/) 3-1310 Mao to "hat" (MC /m o w ^ /, MP /m a w ^ /) 3-1309 Mao "appearance" (MC /maw"^/, MP /m a w " /) 183 The evidence discussed above reveals that the central low vowel /-a -/ merges into /-o -/ under the influence of the back off-glide /-w /. However, the /-a -/ vs. /-o -/ contrast still remains in the following four pairs of homonym groups which have voiceless unaspirated labial stop / p - / a s initial: Table 67 The MC /paw / vs. /pow/ in Yao rhyme-set 1. 1-1306 bao "to praise" M C /^ p o w / vs. 1-1320 a bao "to wrap" MC /^ p a w / 2. 2-1318 bao "treasure" MC /^ p o w / vs. 2-1303 & bao "be full" MC /^ p a w / 3. 2-1319 bao "to embrace" MC / ‘^p o w / vs. 2-1204 bao "surname" MC / “^p aw / These three contrasting pairs reveal that the limited exceptions of the o /a coalescence exists after the labials. I cannot offer any explaination for the retaintion of these contrasting pairs. Since the same situation is also obtained in ZYYY, th ese exceptions in HWZY therefore is not an isolated case or artificial arrangement but a widespread phenomenon in the early 1 84 Stage of Mandarin Chinese. The redistribution in HWZY suggests the vowel shift: a —> o / C(y) w. Therefore, we can rewrite rule (xx) ( a —> o / __ Tj/k) in 2.2.7. and 6.3.2. into : • a —> o / __ E (see [xx] in 2.2.7. and 6.3.2.) (E = [+back]) 6.5.2. Xiao rhyme-set: -yew In the Xiao rhyme-set, the former /-yaw/ vs. /-yew / contrast is eliminated. Syllables like 1-1201 ^ "vertical bamboo flute" (MC /^ s y e w /) and "night" (MC /^^syaw/) then appear as homophones. Since we have reconstructed the back low vowel /-o -/ for the yao rhyme, the nucleus of the Xiao rhyme-set is either /-a -/ or /-e -/. For the following reasons, we reconstruct a front low vowel /-e -/ here for this rhyme-set. First, there is evidence in the HWZY Yao rhyme-set showing that the MC "Caw"-type words with the guttural initials have the palatal medial /-y -/ (see 6.5.1). The fact that they enter the HWZY Yao rhyme-set instead of joining their MC "Cyaw, Cyew" counterparts in this rhyme-set implies that the former "Cyaw"-type words must have undergone the vowel fronting shift (xvii) (i.e., a —> e / y(w) ) before the acuiqisition of palatal medial /-y -/ in MC "Gaw"-type. Otherwise, the latter should join word with MC "Cyaw, Cyew" origins in this rhyme-set. Second, it is universally accepted that the nucleus of the HWZY Xiao rhyme-set is [-high, -back].®^ Our discussion ®^Ying 1970 [ e ] and Oui 1975 / - 9 -/. 185 proves that the above-mentioned three related changes must occur in the following order: • a —> e / y(w ) (se e [xvii] in 2.2.6.) • • a —> o / C(y)(w) E (see [xx] in 2.2.7.) (E=[+backj) 6.6. The rhyme-sets Ge: -(w)o#; 1^: -(v)(w)a#and Zhe: -y(w)e# These three rhyme-sets derive from the "C(y)(w)o# (Guoshe), C(w)a# (Jiashe)" of MC. Both have the low vowels: the low back /-o -/ for the former and the low central /-a -/ for the latter. Those syllables from the first-division of the MC Guoshe (i.e., the "C(w)o#" type) appear in the Ge rhyme-set of HWZY; those from the second-division of the MC Jiashe (i.e., the "C(w)a#" type) enter the ^ rhyme-set, and an admixure of the leftover from both MC Guoshe (the "Cy(w)o#" type) and Jiashe (the "Cya#" type) form the Zhe rhyme-set. Outlined below are the final types in these three rhyme-sets of HWZY and their sources in MC: 1 35 Table 68 The MC origins of rhyme-sets Ge, ^ and Zhe HWZY MC Rhyme-set Final type Final type She Division Ge / - o # / /-o#/ Guo first /-wo#/(CiB,G) Guo first /-wo#/ /-wo#/(C=B,G) Guo first Ma /-a#/ /-a#/{C^G) Jia second /-ya#/ /-a#/(C=G) Jia second / - w a # / /- w a # / Jia second Zhe / - y e # / / - y a # / Jia third / - y o # / Guo third /- y w e # / /-y w o # / Guo third In the HWZY Ge rhyme, words with labial medial /-w -/ and dental or dental sibilant initials are admixed with their counterparts which do not have labial medial and are given a new Fanqie spelling, usually the type without the labial /-w -/, as shown in Table 69 in the column marked by "Fanqie spellings in HWZY representing the finals." The former "Cwo#"-vs.-"Co#" contrasting pairs fall respectively into the same homonym groups. Table 69 includes the Fanqie spellings representing the finals of these homonym groups in HWZY. The MC source of both these homonym groups and the Fanqie spellings are also attached: 187 Table 69 Neutralization of MC "Owe#" and "Co#" types after dental or dental sibilant initials Fanqie spellinqs in HWZY representinq the finals Dental sibilants: 1-1407 (M C /^S O # /) f r (MC/^xHo#/) (MC/^swo#/) 1-1409 (MC/^cHo#/) f r (MC/^xHo#/) (MC/^cHwo#/) Dentals: 3-1413 (M C /tw o # ^ / (M C /c o # ^ /) # (M C /to # ^ /) 1-1411 (MC/^tho#/) f r (MC/^xHo#/) i t (MC/^thwo#/) 1-1414 (M C /^ n o # /) n (MC/^xHo#/) (MC/^nwo#/) 3-1412 (MC/nwo#^/) (M C /k o # ^ /) é (M C /n o # ^ /) 1-1413 * (MC/Jo#/) (MC/^xHo#/) & (MC/^lwo#/) 3-1408 (MC/Iwo#^/) (M C /c o # ^ /) * (M C /lo # ^ /) 1 CO As the above-listed evidence shows, the w — >^ change has affected words with dental initials in both level and going tones and words with dental sibilant initials in the level tone. The "Dwo#, Oswo#"-types, those with dental or dental sibilant initials and the labial medial /-w -/, still remain unchanged otherwise, as shown by contrasting pairs such as 2-1407 (MC / ^ t o # / , MP / - t w 3 # / ) vs. 2-1422 ^ (MC /^ tw o # /, MP /^ tw 9 # / ) and 2-1411 # (MC /^ s o # /) vs. 2-1420 (MC /^ s w o # /, MP /^sw 9 # /) . This situation suggests that the w —> 4> may start from words with dental sibilant initials of the level tone and with dental initials in both the level and going tones: D _ The presence vs. absence contrast of labial medial /-w -/ still remain in words with the guttural initials. The redistribution for words having the guttural initials presents an interesting picture in the going tone. All the MC /G w o#/-vs.-/6 o # / minimal pairs are still separated but enter the adjacent homonym groups. This is a unique arrangement since each rhyme-set in HWZY follows the format that homonym groups having the labial medial /-w -/ comes first and then those without the labial /-w -/. As shown in Table 70 which follows below, the finals of the MC "Go#"-type are spelled by words without labial medial /-w -/, # Tf , while that of the MC "Gwo#"-type words are consistently spelled by "to lie down," which has a labial medial /-w -/ in MC but joins words without the labial medial /-w -/, e.g., % "hungry" in 3-1407. 109 Table 70 Neutralization of MC "Cwo#" and "Co#" types after guttural initials Fanqie spellings in HWZY representing the finals 1. 3-1407 % (MC /k o # ^ /) (MC/»?wo#^/) 2. 3-1406 (MC/xHo#^/) (M C /k o # ^ /) 3-1405 ir (MC/xHo#^/) (MC/t?w o # ^ / ) (MC/xHwo#^/) 3. 3-1401 ËI (M C /k o # ^ /) (MC /k o # ^ /) 3-1402 (M C /k w o # ^ /) (MC/T jw o # ^ /) 4. 3-1403 (MC /k h o # ^ /) (MG /ko#^/) 3-1404 if. (MC /k h w o # ^ /) ,5^ (MC /j? w o # ^ /) This situation reveals that the MC "Gwo#"-type words in 3-1402 (no. 3), 3-1404 (no. 4), 3-1405 (no. 2) and 3-1407 (no. 1) have adopted the pronunciations of the MC "Go#"-type, as ND also demonstrates (see 3.5.1.). The MC "Go#" and "Gwo#"-types still maintain a clear-cut distinction in the level and rising tones of HWZY, suggesting that the w —> 4> / G o # process has just been completed in the going tone and sometime after HWZY it touches those in the other tones. The w —> change in HWZY can then be summarized: 190 Jevel D, G __ ongoing The status of the MC "C(w)o#"-type words in HWZY proves that HWZY possibly mirrors the early stage of the w —> ÿ change that occurred in the Nanjing dialect, in which words with labial medial /-w -/ have unconditionally lost labial medial /-w -/ (see 3.5.1,7.1.3., 8.3. and Table 25). The HWZY ^ rhyme-set includes a small number of words which stem from the "C(w)ay"-type of the MC Xieshe, a rhyme-class with the palatal off-glide ending /-y /: Table 71 Exceptional readings of the MC ”G(w)ay"-type syllables 1-1154 (MC/^kay/), (M C /^ k a # /) 1-1517 (MC /^»?ay/), (M C /^ j?a# /) 1-1522 (MC /^ q w a y /), $ (MC /^ q w a # /) 3-1515 t (MC/xHway^/),#- (MC/xHwa#^/) 3-1518 (MC /kw ay'^/) 191 The fact that these MC "C{w)ay"-type words become homophonous, respectively, with the MC "C(w)a#"-type within this rhyme-set reveals that these relocating syllables lose their semi-vowel ending /-y / before HWZY. However, most of them also appear in the HWZY Jie rhyme-set, where they are expected. This case parallels what we have in modern Mandarin dialects like MP and ND, and is also reflected in other dictionaries during the Yuan- Ming periods, including ZYYY, Y T and HT. Obviously, it is a widespread phenomenon in Mandarin, though the condition of the change still unknown to us. These three HWZY rhyme-sets, namely Ge, ^ and Zhe, still keep the previous distinctions between the first, second and the third divisions, respectively (see Table 68). The nucleus of the Zhe rhyme-set is definitely a low central vowel.®^ The nucleus of the Ge rhyme-set is relatively back, probably a low back vowel /-o -/ as in ND. The Zhe rhyme-set is an admixture of both MC "Cy(w)o#" and "Cya#" types. Syllables in this rhyme-set are affected by the following two widely spread changes: (xvi) o —> a / y (E) and (xvii) a —> e / y(w) , before the time of HWZY (see 2.2.6.) and therefore possess a front low vowel /-e -/ as shown by the Yuan-Ming phonological records and modern Mandarin Southern variants like ND.®'^ 93 This is strongly supported by the modern reflexes of the syllables from this rhyme-set and previous research on HWZY, Ying 1970 a and Oui 1975 /-a-/. In MP, this vowel has been neutralized with the back low vowel /- o - / into a centra! mid vowel /- 3 -/, affected by a change occurred after KM (see 2,3.3.}. 1 92 6.7. The rhyme-sets Zhi, Ql, ^ and Hui Four rhyme-sets, namely Oi, Jie and Hui, of HWZY formed from the MC Zhishe ("Cy(w)iy”-type) and the MC Xieshe ("C(w)oy, C(y){w)ay, Cy(w)e"-types), both of which consist of syllables with the semi-vowel ending /-y /. The MC Zhishe has a central-high vowel and the third-division finals only, while the MC Xieshe consists of all four divisions with the final types "-(w)oy (first-division), -(w)ay (second-division), -y(w)ay (third- division)" and "-y(w)ey (fourth-division)" (see Tables 1 & 2 in 2.1.). As shown below, the MC "C(w)ay, Coy"-types enter the Jie rhyme-set, MC "Cwoy, Cyway, Cywey, Cywiy (C = Bf)"-types form the Hui rhyme-set and the rest form the and Qi rhyme-sets: 1 93 Table 72 The MC origins of HWZY rhyme-sets: Zhi, Qi, Jie and Hui HWZY MG She Division final type Zhi rhyme: / - I # / Zhi third /Cyiy/ (0 = Pr[2], Ds) / - y i # / /Cy(w)iy/(C = B,ACDj) Xie third /Cyay/(C = Pr[3], B) fourth /Cyey/(C = Pr[3], B) Qi rhyme: /- y iy / Zhi third /Cyiy/(C*Pr[3],B) Xie third /Cyay/(C $ Pr[3]) fourth /Cyey/(C # Pr[3]) Hui rhyme: / “Wiy/ Zhi third /C yw iy/ (C = Bf) xie first /Cwoy/ third /C y w ay / fourth /C y w ey / Jie rhyme-set: / - a y / Xie first /C o y / second /C a y / (C 4 G) /-v /a y / Xie second /Cway/ /-yay/ second /C ay/ (C = G) 1 94 6 .7 .1 . %ge rhym e-set The HWZY Jie rhyme-set comes from the "Coy (first-division)", C(w)ay (second-division)"-types of the MC Xieshe. This phenomenon demonstrates that the MC "Coy"-type are affected by change (xvii) (o —> a / E; see 2.2.6.), and the nucleus of this rhyme-set must be /-a-/.®^ Some MC "Cwoy"-type words also appear in this rhyme-set, such as 1-0605 * (MC /^xHwoy/, MP /^hwiy/), 3-0614 (MC /?woy^/, MP/way^/), 3-0630 i t (MC/kwoy^/, MP/kway^/), 3-0633 (MC /khwoy'^/, MP /khway^/). The MC "Cwoy"-type words join their MC "Cway"-type counterparts respectively in 1-0605, 3-0630 and 3-0633, in which the final is spelled by a MC "C(w)ay"-type words in Fanqie. ^ also appear in the HWZY Hui rhym e-set (see 6.7.2.) where the other MC "Cwoy"-type words t appear. Though as the exceptions, their modern reflexes in the Mandarin dialects show that these exceptional readings in the HWZY ^ rhyme-set are mirrored by the current pronunciations of HWZY. There is a clear-cut first-division-vs.-second-division distinction in HWZY among words with the guttural initials and without labia! medial (i.e., "Goy" vs. "Gay"): It is accepted as a central-low vowel in the HWZY reconstructions of both Ying 1970 and Oui 1975. According to other phonological records of the Yuan- Ming periods and the modem Mandarin dialects, we have no another choice than this. 1 95 1. 1 -0601 ^ (MC /^ k a y /. MP /^ k y a # / ) vs. 1-0615 ^ (MC/^koy/,MP/^kay/) .2 3-0634 K (MC/xHay^/,MP/xy 3 #^/) vs. 3-0610 K (MC/xHoy^/,MP/kay- ThouCjh siiii showing the contrast, the fact that these formerly contrasting pairs ("Coy" vs. "Cay") appear in the same rhyme-set strongly suggests that they share the same vowel in HWZY. The distinction must lie in the medial position. As we have observed in other rhyme-sets, the medial inserting change (rule [xxi] in 2.2.8.) occurs in this dialect, and a palatal medial / - y - / is inserted betw een the guttural initial and / - a - / in w ords such as ^ (in 1-0601 ) and % (in 3-0634). Therefore, thise rhyme-set has three types of syllables, namely /-ay, -way, -yay/. 6.7.2. Hui rhyme-set The inventory of the HWZY Hui rhyme-set consists of words from four types of finals in MC, namely, /-woy, -yway, -ywey, -ywiy/, all with the labial medials. /-woy, -yway, -ywey/ from the MC Xieshe and /-yw iy/ from the MC Zhishe. Words with MC /-yway, -ywey, -ywiy/ types of finals join words with the /-w oy/ final in the same homonym groups of the HWZY Hui rhym e-set: 196 Table 73 Loss of palatal medial /-y - / in MC syllable type "Cywiy, Cyway, Cywey" 1. 1-0703 K (MC/^qywiy/, MP/^^wiy/) % (M C /^q w o y /, MP /^ ÿ w iy /) 2. 2-0705 * (MC/'^mywiy/, MP/^miy/) (MC/^mwoy/, MP/^msy/) (MC /^ m y w e y /, M P/'^m yi#/ or y^m iy/) 3. 2-0709 # (MC /^ly w iy /, M P/^liy/) Æ (MC/^lwoy/,MP/^liy/) 4. 3-0709 ^ (MC /sy w a y ^ /, MP/swiy*^/) (MC/swoy^/, MP/swiy^/) The evidence presented above has two implications: 1.The fact that words with the MC finals /-woy, -yway, -ywey/ joined those with the MC final /-yw iy/ (Zhishe) in this rhyme- set implies the raising of the nuclei in MC /-woy, -yway, -ywey/. Two major changes are involved; one is vowel- fronting change (xvii) (a --> e / y(w) ; see 2.2.6.), and the other is vowel-raising change (xxii) (o, e —> i / y; see 2.2.9.). 2. The MC "Cywey, Cyway, Cywiy"-type words (the third- and the fourth-divisions) lost their palatal feature /-y -/ before the time of HWZY and enter the same homonym groups as their MC first-division counterparts "Cwoy"-type in HWZY. This arrangement illustrates change (xxiii) (y —> ^ / wiy; see 2.2.9.). This change must have occurred later than the vowel- raising change, in which the palatal feature /-y -/ plays a conditioning factor to exclude the "Cway"-type words, which appears in the Jie rhyme-set of HWZY. The HWZY Hui rhyme- set therefore only has one type of final, "-wiy". 197 6.7.3. Qi and Zhi rhyme-sets The line between the HW ZY 7 ^ and the ^ rhyme-sets is difficult to define with a clearcut phonological generalization. These two rhyme-sets come from the MC "Cyiy"-type of Zhishe and "Cyay, Cyey"-type of Xieshe, both without the labial medial /-w -/. The evidence in the HWZY Hui rhyme- set (6.7.2.) has proved the vowel fronting-shift of the central-low vowel /- a-/ and the raising of the low vowels /-o-, -e-/ in MC "Cyway, Cywey"- type words (see 6.7.2., rule [xvii] in 2.2.6. and [xxii] in 2.2.9.). The situation in which the MC "Cyay, Cyey"-type words join those of "Cyiy"-type in the HWZY Zhi and ^ rhyme-sets also exemplified the same fact. Therefore, these two rhyme-sets must have the same nucleus, a central-high vowel /-i-/, with the absence (in the gii ) and presence (in the Qi) of the palatal semi-vowel ending /-y / as the distinction. The emergence of a new rhyme with the syllable final /-\#/ had been noticed long before the time of HWZY. It arises from the "Cyiy"-type syllables of the MC Zhishe and is limited to those with the dental sibilant and AC retroflex sibilant initials (i.e., "Pr(1)yiy, Dsyiy;" s e e 2.2.4.).®® The HWZY gii rhyme-set has radically expanded its inventory to include the MC "Dryiy, Byiy, Pr(2)yey, Pr(2)yay"-type words Words of the MC "Cyiy"-type with MC retroflex (Pr[2]) and dental sibilant initials such as ^ and S '-fc all illustrate the syllable final / - i # / long before HWZY (see 2.2.4.). They are joined by the MC QR ZYYY expands to include the "Pr(2)yly,” the type with MC retroflex sibilant initials, a combination of AC Pr and Pj. 198 "Cyiy"-type and "Cyay, Cyey"-type words -6 M , both with labial or MP retroflex (Pr[3]) initials in the HWZY Zhi rhyme-set. This fact implies that these new-joiners also lose their palatal semi-vowel ending /-y / and the low vowels of the "Cyay, Cyey"-types had been raised before the loss of the palatal semi-vowel ending. Otherwise, they enter the Qi rhyme-set. However, as shown below, ttie MC "Pr{2)y:y"-type words like f still show contrast to those new-joined MC "Pr(2)yay, Pr(2)yey" and "Dryly" types of words: 1. 1-0201 (MC/^cryiy/) vs. 1-0210 *= (MC/^trhyiy/) 2. 3-0201 (MC/cryiy^/) vs. 3-0210 (MC/tryiy^/), 3-0211 4.J (MC/cryay^/), 3-0212 (MC/trHyiy^/), A (MC/tryay^/) 3. 3-0203 a (MC/sryiy^/) vs. 3-0231 $ (MC/crHyay^/) 3-0204 ^ (MC/crHiy^/) 4* (MC/trHyay^/) 4. 3-0205 i f (MC/srHyiy^/) vs. 3-0222 # (MC/srHyay^/) f (MC/crHiy^/) This situation reflects that words with origins in MC "Pr(2)yay, Pr(2)yey" and "Dryly" (i.e., the new-joiners) may still retain their palatal medial /-y -/, while MC "Pr(2)yiy"-type words lose both flieir medial and ending long before HWZY. The loss of flie semi-vowel ending /-y / in words which come from MC "Pr(2)yay, Pr(2)yey" and "Dryiy" types must occur after (i) the 199 retroflexion (j --> r) of both AC Pj and D] (i.e., Pj > Pr, Dj > Dr) and the affrication ( t —> c) of MC Dr initials; (ii) the vowel-raising in w ords of the MC "Pr(2)yay, Pr(2)yey”-type words, because we find that words of this type fall together with the MC "Dryiy"-type words either in the same homonym groups or in adjacent homonym groups as in MM and in MP (as shown in 3-0205, 3-0203/3-0204 for AC Pj/Pr merger and 3-0231 and 3-0210/3-0211/3-0212 for both AC Pj/Dj merger and the vowel-raising shift). None of the phonological records before or around the time of HWZY illustrate the loss of the palatal semi-vowel /-y / in these words. However, the fact that even those in the Qi rhyme-set of HWZY had lost their ending / - y / in HT of the sevententh century marks the completion of this change and exemplifies the fact that the change reflected by HWZY is not an isolated or artificial case but mirrors the current pronunciations of a prestigious dialect on which HWZY was based. This change can be expressed by the following processes: ®^ln ZYYY of 1324, words like 4 '! ^ join the the ZYYY Qiwei rhyme (the ZYYY "G(y)(w)iy"-type) with words like jg which appear in the HWZY Qi rhyme-set (the HWZY ”Cyiy"-type), and words lik e ^ which enter the HWZY Hui rhyme-set (the "Cwiy"-type). The fact that 4’]^ appear in the same rhyme with the words with palatal semi vowel ending /- y / implies that these words still retain their ending unchanged in the dialect of ZYYY. 200 1. y —> ^ / Pr(1 ) (se s rule [vi] in 2.2.3.) 2. j —> r (see rule [vii] in 2.2.3.) (AC Pr, Pj > MC Pr; AC Dj > MC Dr) 3. y — / Ds iy (se e rule [ix] in 2.2.4.) 4. y —>ÿ / Pr(2) iy (see rule [x] in 2.2.4.) 5 . y - > ^ / { P f ) } ___ (see rule [xi] in 2.2.4.) 6. e, o —> i / y (see rule [xxii] in 2.2.9.) 7. y —> ^ / ___ wiy (see rule [xxiii] in 2.2.9., 6.7.2.) 8 . t — >c (se e rule [viii] in 2.2.3.) (MC Dr, Pr > OM Pr) 8. y —> ÿ / Cyi____ (C = B,Pr) The changes 1, 3, 4, 5 and 8 split the Zlii rhyme-set off the Qi rhyme- set. This situation implies that the loss of the ending /-y / in the words which appear in the liW Z Y Zhi rhyme-set had already started its process in a prestigious dialect three-hundred years earlier than HT. The fact that the margin between these two rhyme-sets cannot be elegantly defined implies that the last change must have still been in process when HWZY was compiled. 201 6.8. The rhyme-sets Yu: -ywi# and Mo: -wi# Two rhym e-sets in HWZY, namely Yu and ^ are from the MC Yushe (the "C(y)wi#"-type), an Inner-A type rhyme-class in the rhyme tables with labial medials /-(y)w -/ and central high vowel. The syllables from the first- division (i.e., "Cwi#" type), plus those third-division syllables with the AC retroflex sibilant (Pr[1]) and MC labiodental (Pf) initials which lose medial /-y -/ before MC are evident in the ^ rhyme-set (see 2.2.3. and 2.2.1.). Those from the third-division (i.e, "Cywi#" type) form the Yu rhyme-set of HWZY: Table 74 The origins of HW ZY Yu and Mo rhym e-sets HWZY MC She Division final type Yu rhyme-set: /- y w i# / Yu 3rd /Cywi#/ (C = Bf, Pr[1]) Mo rhym e-set: / - w i # / Yu 1st /C w i# / 3rd /Cywi#/ (C ^ Bf, Pr[1]) Uu 3rd /Cywiw/ (C = B) (limited) 202 Words with origins in AC "Pjywi#, Djywi#"-types like # {AC /^Sjywi#/, MC /^srywi#/) "book," * (AC /^tjywi#/, MC /^crywi#/) "pig" enter the HWZY Yu rhyme-set. Those with AC "Prywi#"-type origins such as (AC /^srywi#/, MC /^srwi#/) "vegetable," ^ (AC /^crhywi#/, MC /^crhw i#/) "at the beginning of" appear in the HWZY Mo rhyme-set. This arrangement implies that though AC Pj and Dj merge with AC Pr before HWZY, the third-division syllables with Pj or Dj in AC still keep the palatal medial / - y - / by the time of HWZY. A small number of words which come from the MC "C(y)wiw"-type of Liushe, unexpectedly, join the HWZY ^ rhyme-set in the homonym groups shown in Table 75a. These words also appear in the homonym groups 1-1921, 2-1922, 2-1932, 3-1906 of HWZY You rhyme-set, which is where they are expected (as shown in Table 75b). 203 Table 75 Dual readings of words with origins in MC "Bywiw"-type 75a HWZY AC MC Homonym syllable Syllable group type rhyme She type 1-0521 / f w i # / Mu Yu /pfhywi#/ /fw i# / You ÜU /pfhyw iw / 2-0501 # /mwi#/ Mu Yu /m w i# / /m w i# / Hou Uu /m yw iw / 3-0524 ^ /fw i# / Yu Yu /pfhywi#/ /fw i# / You Liu /pfyw iw / S '] /fw i# / You Uu /pfhyw iw / 3-0525 jC /fw i# / Yu Yu /p fh y w i# / /fw i# / You Uu /pfyw iw / (75b) HWZY AC MC syllable syllable type rhyme she type 1-1921 # /fiw / You Uu /pfhyw iw / 2-1922 4^. ^ /fiw / You Uu /pfhyw iw / 2-1932 /m iw / Hou Uu /m w iw / 3-1906 "g /fy iw / You Uu /pfyw iw / S'l /fyiw / You Uu /pfhyw iw / 204 All these dual-pronounced words are with labial initials. The material presented above implies that the syllables with the labial initials in the MC Liushe are initially with the labial medials /-(y)w -/, (i.e., the "B(y)wiw"- type . Because of dissimilation between the labial medial /-w -/ and ending /-w /, they lose either the ending or the medial in different dialects and result in the abovepresented dual pronunciations. The bifurcated changes of the final /-(y)w iw / in question can be explained as below: S tep One: y~-> (f>/ Bwi (for those that entered the ^ rhyme) Type-ll-line w —> 4> /B iw (for those that entered the Uu rhyme) The following words have the same conditioning as the above- illustrated words but appear only in the You rhyme-set, where they are expected: 205 Table 76 MC ”Bywiw”-type words in the HVVZT You rhyme-set HWZY MC syllable syllable form She form 1-1921 /fiw / Liu /pfhyw iw / 1-1932 /m iw / /m yw iw / JL 2-1922 /fiw / /pfhyw iw / 2-1931 /phiw/ /phw iw / 2-1932 6 /m iw / /m w iw / 3-1906 g'J /fyivw'/ /pfyw iw / /fyiw / /pfhyw iw / 3-1929 % /m iw / /m w iw / %. The above-presented evidence impiies that the change of the MC "B(y)wiw”-type words follows two lines of development; those join the HWZY ^ rhyme-set derive through Type-l-iine while those remain in the HWZY Uu rhyme-set form through Typs-!!-line. The Type-1! development in HWZY is overwhelmingly frequent, and the readings for words like % ^ ^ parallel those of the Nanjing dialect. Obviously HWZY reflects the Type-11-line development of these words and those limited 206 Type-1 readings take shape through borrowing.®® The Ming sp eech norm represented by HWZY is possibly the source of the Type-il readings for # inMP. 6.9. Conclusion We have analyzed the sound system of HWZY on phonemic principle and reconstructed the final system of HWZY in the phonemic pattern based on the traditional Chinese syllable segmentation represented by the formula; {C)(M)V{E). The result is a phonemic system with four contrasting vowels /-e-, -a-, -0-, -i-/, five endings (i.e., /-m, -n, -q, -y, -w/) and four types of medials, namely /-ÿ-, -w-, -y-, -yw-/. The finals of HWZY are reconstructed in Table 77. Each syllable final represents one set of rhymes, i.e., the three corresponding rhymes in the level tone, the rising tone, the going tone and the entering tone. Since HWZY matches the entering tone rhymes with the Yangsheng rhymes, 1 assume that they share the same main vowel with each corresponding Yangsheng rhyme-set. Each set of rhymes is numbered at the top of the column according to its original sequence in HWZY (see the numbered list at the beginning of this chapter). QO All the above-listed words, except those in 3-1929, are in the Yumu rhyme of ZYYY, with the Type-1 reading. See 7.1.5. for further discussion. >07 Table 77 Finals of HWZY -# -w -y -1- -i- (2) ( 16) (15) (14) (19) ( 12) (13) (3) (6) ~4>~ i# a # 0# iw ow ay R -y- yi# ye# ya# yiw yew yow yiy yay - -n -m -r) - e - -a- -0- -i- -e- -a - - e - -a - (8) (11) (10) (9) (20) (22) (21) (1) (18) 17) in an on im am e»? Or, .% m 4: ia- (p -y- yin yen yan yim yem yam yen yon g a m a * A -w - win wan won1 WITJ wey woi; & ^ % j i -yw - ywin ywen ywi77 ywe% t -t "P -k (2) (5) (4) (3) (8) (10) (9) (1) (7) (6 ) - The changes reflected by the redistribution of HWZY dicussed so far can be summarized in the following order: 1. (i) B—>Bf/ yw (see2.2,1.) 2. (ii) y —>(/>/Bf_w(E) (see 2.2.1.) 3. (iii) p'Gvel - > / C+H, +R] _ (gee 2.2.2.) F / elsewhere 4. (iv) F^'Sing-.>£F9°"’9/[+H] (see 2.2.2.) ptising y elsewhere 5. (Vi) y-->«i/Pr(1) (see 2.2.3.) 6. (vii) j —> r (see 2.2.3., 5.3.) (AC Pr. Pj > MC Pr; AC Dj > MC Dr ) 7. (xvi) o —>a/y(w )___ (E) (see2.2.6.,6.3.2.,6.5.1.) (E = [-velar]) 8. (xvii) a ~> e / y(w) (E) (see 2.2.6., 6.2.3,6.3.2., 6.5.2.) A 8. (xix) a, o ” > e / — ji/k (see 2.2.6., 5.3.3.) 10. (xxi) 4^—> y / G _ a (see2.2.8.,6.3.2.,6.5.1.) 11. (xviii) 0 ” > a / C _ E (see2.2.6.,6.2.2.,6.4.2.,6.7.1.) (E = [-b ack ]; if C = G, then E $ p, t) 12. a “-> o / C(y)(w) — E (see (xx) in 2.2.7., 6.3.2., 6.5.1.) (E=[+back]; if E = w, then CÿB) 13. (ix) y —> <^ / D s iy (X) y—>,^/Pr(1)_ iy (see2.2.4., 6.7.3.) 209 14. (xi) y — _ (see2.2.4.,6.7.3) 15. (xxii) e, o ” > i / _ y (see 2.2.9., 6.7.3.) 16. (xxiii) y —> <6 / _ wiy (see 2.2.9., 6.7.2.) 17. (vil!) t —> c (see 2.2 .3.) (MC Dr > OM Pr; AC Pj, Dj, Pr > OM Pr) (V=[-low]) 19. y --> çi / C(y)i _ (C = B, Pr) (see 6.7.3.) 20. ( s e e 6.6.) 21. y—> — wiw (see 6.8.) 22. w --> ^ / By — iw (see 6.8.) 23. -m —> -n/B i__ (see 6.2.) 24. T]—y 4> / y (see 5.6.1.) 25. q —> 9 7 — (w)V (see 5.6.2.) The appendix here is designed to demonstrate the sound system of HWZY in a more visual form. The far-left column presents the basic forms of the syllable type in level (L1 and L2), rising (r1 and r2) and going tones. For syllables in the entering tone, the nasal endings /-m, -n, -?/ should be 21 0 replaced by stop endings /-p, -t, -k/ respectively. If more than one homonym group shares one syllable type and tone register, we list them in sequence. The digital number of each homonym group is identified by a graph: :i 1 Table 78 Combinations of initials and finals in HWZY leveKLD ievel(L2) rising(rl) rising(r2) going entering /kwhj/ 1 -0116 -6 - — 3-0113-f 4-0102^' /khwi/;/ 1-0115 s: — 2 -0 1 0 9 ÎL 3-01124t 4-0103 5c 2-01 1 0 g; /xwi,;/ 1-0114 1-0113:# 2-0108 7$ 3-0111 4-0104'% 3-01104-0105 4^ /fwiz;/ 1-0117 3^ — 2-0111 3-0114 K 4-0101 & /twi;;/ 1-0101 ^ — 2-0101f 2-0103-^7 3-0106 4-0137 u ?/tHwi/?/ 3-0108 ;i6] 4-0115 % /thwiij/ 1-0102 i i 1-0103 ]=] 2-0102 % 3-0107 ^ 4-0114 ;L /nwhj/ 1-0131^ 2 -0 1 2 1 -^ 3-0128.% 4-0132 # /Iwh]/ 1-0104^1 2-0104 # 3-0109 4- 4-0116#. 1-0105 pX' /pwit]/ — — 2-0105 4-0106 b /phwi)?/ 1-0106 iï. — — 4-0107 4V 4-0108 ji. /mwi;;/ 1-0107'#: 2-0106 3-0115 4-0109 /fwi/;/ 1-0118.®. 1-0119 2-0112 ^ 3-0116 if- 4-0117 % 4-0118-% ?/pfHvv:/;/ 3-0102 ^ /cwij;/ 1-0109 — 2-0107 % 3-0104^^ 4-0119 ^ 1- 01 1 0 *% 3-0105 % /Chwi?;/ l-OIOB.’i- 1-0111 ^ — 3-0103% 4-0112 ^ 1- 0112^ 4 -0 1 1 3 ^ 21 2 Table 78 Combinations of initials and finals in HlVZy(continued) /swi»;/ 1 -0 1 2 0 — 2-0116 3-0101 iH 4 -0 1 1 0 ^ 4-0111 / srwiîj/ — — 4-0130% / cywi/j/ — — — 4-0135 ^ / sywi;;/ — — 3-0121 4-0136 /crywij;/ 1 -0 1 2 2 ^ — 2-0 1 13SÊ 2-0114 3-0118^ 4-0123 î>: 3 - 0 1 1 9 $ /crhywi,;/ 1-0121 1-0124 2-0117 €. 4-0121 # 1-0125 & /srywi/;/ 1-0132 ^ — — — 4-0120:Vi^i ? /srHywi;;/ 4-0125 «« /rywi,;/ 1-0123 ^ 2-0115 'K. 4-0126 4- 4-0127 $ 4-0128 ÿp 4-0129 _j, /kywi;j/ 1-0128 ^ 2-0120 # 3-0126 # 4-0124 ?/kHywij;/ 3-0124 4-0134 % /khywi;;/ — 1-0129'^ — 3-0125 iS 4-0133 É) 1 -0 1 3 0 ^ /xyvjhj/ 1-0133 >L 1-0135 2-0119 Æ 3-0123 * 1 4-01 2 2 •‘I ’ / /qywijj/ 3-0117" 21 3 Table 78 Combinations of initials and finals in HWZY(continued) Zhi rhyme-set; / c i # / 1 -0208 ^ — 2-0206 -Î- 3-0202 ^ /% ? /cH i# / 3-0209 /chi#/ 1 -0207 1 -0209 2-0205 3-0225 3-0224 -'«'j /si#/ 1-0206 1-022134 2 -0 2 2 0 ^ 2-0219 3-0207 s ; 3-0208 ^ /c r i# / 1 -0201 — 2-0201 2-0202 4" 3-0201 ^ /crhi#/ 1-0203J . — 2-0203 ^ 3-0203 % 2-0204 3-0204 m. /Sri#/ 1-0202 ^ 1-0204 # 2-02071%' 2-02093-0217"K 2-0208 ^ 2 -0 2 1 0 % ?/srH i#/ 3-0205 /ri#/ 1-0205 SL — 2-0213 4 3-0206 ^ /kyi#/ — — 2-0218'ÜL 3-0218 K /khyi#/ 1-0218-4" /xyi#/ 1-0219 # — 2 - 0 2 2 1 -1 - 3-0226 Sk /^ y i# / 1 -0 2 2 0 1-0217 3: 2 -0 2 1 1 3-0214 # 2-0212 3-0216 X 3-0215 /q y i# / 3-0227 ^ 3-0226 g /pyi#/ 1-0214 — 2-0214 ft 2-0216*^ 3-0220 2 -0 2 1 7 # : 3-0221 f t /phyi#/ 1-0213^'^ 1-0215 ^ 2-0215# 3-0219 214 Table 78 Combinations of initials and finals in HWZy(continued) /my!#/ 1-0216# /fyi#/ 1 -0224 ^ 1 -0223 -92- 3-0229 /vyi#/ 1-0222 % 2-0224 ^ 3-0223 ^ /c r y i# / 1-02104W 3-0210 f 3-0211 3-0212% /crh y i# / 1 -0 2 1 1 ^ 1- 0 2 1 2 % — 3-0231 /sryi#/ — — 2 -0 2 2 2 3-023C # ?/srH yi# 3-0222 ^ Qi rhyme-set: /kyiy/ 1 -0311 — 2-0311 Z. 3-0314 i f 3-0313 ^ /khyiy/ 1 -0312 — 2-0312 3-0311 % 2-0313 êi 3 - 0 3 1 2 # /x y iy / 1 -0313 — 2-0310 tK 3-0316 /ty iy / 1 -0305 — 2-0304 4' 2-0305 ^ 3-0305 ?/tHyiy/ 3-0307 & 3-0308% /thyiy/ 1 -0306 # 1-0307 2-0308 3-0306 # /nyiy/ 1-0308}£ 2-0309-&i; 3-0315 «jîi 1-0309.^ 215 Table 78 Combinations of initials and finals in HWZY{continued) /iyiy/ 1-0310# 2-0307^ 3-0309 3-0310 /p yiy/ 1-0315 /m yiy/ 1-0314iâ 2-0314 3 - 0 3 1 7 # /cy ly / 1 -0304 — 2-0302 # 2-0301 # 3-0301 # 3-0302 /ch yiy/ 1-0303 # 1-0301 ^ 2-0306 # 3-0304 iv /sy iy / 1-0302 6 2-0303 'A 3-0303 48 /cryiy/ 3-0318 Yu rhyme-set: /kywi#/ 1-0406 — 2-0404 ^ 2-0406 & 3-0406 (Æ 3-0407 {jg /khywi#/ 1-0405 Ê 1- 0407 # 2-0405 ^ 3-0405 ^ /xywi#/ 1 -0404È. 2-0403 3-0417 /pywi#/ 1-0401 2-0401 3-0401 1-0402-f 2-0402 3-0402 f t 1 0403 #- 3-0403 ^ /n y w i# / 1 0416"^ 2 -0 4 1 6 -è- 3 -0 4 1 9 -^ /ly w i# / 1 0418 2-0414 S 3-0418  /cywi#/ l-0409£ait- 2-0407 is. 2-0417 3-0410 3-0411 ^ /chywi#/ 1-0419^ 1-0410 2-0416^ 3 -0 4 0 9 ^ /sywi#/ 1-0408 'f' — 2-0420 2-0419% 3-0408# 216 Table 78 Combinations of initials and finals >r. HWZY(continued) /crywi#/ 1 -0412 ^ — 2-0411 i 2-0413# 3-0415 ^;i. Hÿ 3-0416 /crhywi#/ 1-0417# 1-0413 2-0412# 3-0414 ^ 1-0414 /srywi#/ 1-0411 — 2-0409K 2-0408 Sf 3-0412^ 3-0413 /ryw!#/ 1-04154* 2-0415:4: 3-0404 ^ Mu rhyme-set: /kwi#/ 1-0512 # — 2-0514 "à 3 - 0 5 1 9 # /khwi#/ 1-0513# — 2-0513 # 3-0518 /xwi#/ 1-0514 "f 1-0511iji 2 -0 5 1 2 ^ 2-0515 f 3-0517# / /twi#/ 1 -0507 # — 2-0507 8 ^ 2-0509 # 3-0511 4P 3-0512 fi /th w i# / 1-0508 2-0508 3-0513 t /n w i# / 1 -0510 2-0511 % 3-0515 4A /Iw i# / 1 -0509-^ 2-0510'^ 3-0514 /p w i# / 1 -0503 — 2-05032-0504 # 3-0503 ^ 3-0504 f /phwi#/ 1-0502 iM 1-0506 ^ 2-0502 3-0502 U\ /m w i# / 1 -0501 Ijî 2-0501 # 3-0501 217 Table 78 Combinations of initiais and finals in HWZY(continued) /fw i# / 1-0521 1-05222-0521 # 3-0524 ^ 2-0522 ^ 3-0525 /v w i# / 1-0523^ 2-0523 ^ 3-0526 # /c w i# / 1 -0504 — 2-0505 i-a 3-0508 # 3-0507 # /chwi#/ 1-0516 # 1 -0505 # 2-0506 # 3-0506 # /swi#/ 1-0518 ^ — — 3-0505 ^ /crwi#/ — — 2-0519 lia 3-0510 3-0509 /crhwi#/ 1-0519 — 2-0520 it 3-0523 i t /srwi#/ 1-0520 — 2-0518 3-0522 ^ Jie rhyme-set: /kay/ 1-0615 iK— 2-0616 Zi: 3-0610%. /khay/ 1-0614 — 2-0615'fI 3-0616 Ik /x a y / 1-0613 1-0616 2-0614 2-0617 3-0613 Ÿ /pay/ 1-0617^ 1-0618 Vi 2-0618^ 3-0611 3-0612 5C. /la y / 2-0623# 3-0603 3-0602# 3-0604 3-0605 /thay/ 1-0619 M 1-0620 o — 3-0601 é- /n a y / 1-0621 2-0624 7} 3-0608 A.f 218 Table 78 Combinations of initials and finals in HVVZyCcontinued) /la y / 1 -0 6 2 2 ^ — 3-0606 3-0607 /c a y / 1-0625 A — 2-0620 ^ 2-0621 ^ 3-0617# 3-0618 /ch a y / 1-0624 1-0626 2-0619 #- 3-0609 % /s a y / 1 -0623 ^ — — 3-0629 S /Cray/ 1 ”0607 3-0632 -ffr /crhay/ 1-0606 Ü 1-0608# 2-0605 ^ 3-0619 2-0606 SJt /sra y / 1-0611 I'*? - — 2-0604 # 3-0628 36 /kyay/ 1-0601 2-0601 3 -0 6 2 0 4 , /khyay/ 1 -0602 -i'ft — 2 - 0 6 1 1 # 3-0623^# /xy a y / 2-0602 ^ 3-0634 /p yay/ 1-0612 >1 3-0622 SJk 3-0621 m /kw ay/ 1-0604 ^ — 2-0609 ^ 3-0630 'fir /khway/ 3-0633 /xw ay/ 1 -0605-— 2 - 0 6 0 8 # 3-0635 i t /^w ay/ 3-0614 3-0615 /pw ay/ — — 2-0603 3-0625 H 3-0626 /phway/ 1 -0609 -— — 3-0624 # - /m way/ 1-0610 >2 2-0607 X 3-0627 Table 78 Combinations of initials and finals in HWZY'(continued) Hui rhyme-set: /kwiy/ 1 -0704 2-0722 It, 2-0723 3-0718 # 1-0705 % 3-0719 3-0720 g . /khwiy/ 1-0702 >#5 1- 0722 2-0710#, 3-0733 & /xwiy/ 1-0701 ^ 1- 0706 tS 2-0721 ^ 2-0701 % 3-0714 # 3-0713 m 3-0715 /ç.wiy/ 1 -0703 1-07214 2-0702 # 3-0722 * 2-0703 £ 3-0723 3-0724 TT 3-0725 / 7 ;w i y / 1-0707/L /twiy/ 7-0706 ^ — 2-0708%& 3-0702 3-0701 # /thwiy/ 1-0709 4# 1-0710 fXi — 3-0703 /nw iy/ 2-0711 H: 3 -0 7 3 1 ^ 3-0732 # /Iwiy/ 1 -0711^ 2-0709 ^ 3-07042Q /pwiy/ 1-071317' - 2-0704 # 3-0707 i t 3-0706 ^ /phwiy/ 1-0714 ^ 1 -0724 3%. 3-0705 /m wiy/ 1 •0715 Æ 2-0705 ^ 3-0708 % /cw iy / 2-0717 2 -0 7 0 7 U 3-0736- /chwiy/ 1-0712 % 1 ■0731 # 2-0706fg. 3-0711 $ 3 -0 7 1 2 ^ 120 Table 78 Combinations of initials and finals in HI/VZY'fcontinued) /swiy/ 1-0720 .«ft 1-07171% 2-0715 % 3-0709 A 3 -0 7 1 0 i% /crwiy/ 1-0718 il — 2-0718# 3-0726 # ?/crHwiy/ 3-0721 a /crhwiy/ 1-0730 1-0716 A 2-0712 % 3-0727 /srwiy/ 1-0725 ^ 1-0728# 2-0720 3-0728 3-0729 3-0730 |,}3 /rwiy/ 1-0719 4% 2-0714 ^ 3-0717 # 3-0716 /rywiy/ 1-0726 /kywiy/ — — 3-0734 # /xywiy/ 1-0729# — 3-0737 # Zhen rhyme-set; /kin/ 1 -0859 — 3-0852 ^ /khin/ 2-0843 .# 3-0853 # /xin/ 1-0858 # 2-0842 # 3-0851 /«pin/ 1-0860# 1-0861 % 2-0844 Sg. /crin/ 1-0855#- 1 -0857.# — 4-0235 # /crhin/ — 2-0828 &L 3-0822 # 2 2 1 Table 78 Combinations of initials and finals in HWZy(continued) /srin / 1-0856 jp ------4-0236 /id- /kyin/ 1-0821 ’t’ 2-0812^ 2-0829 Ü 3-0828 4-0221 ^ /khyin/ 1-0822 3-0826 4-0220 C /xyin/ 1 -0827 'r>: ---- 2-0827 3-0827 % 4-0222 /<>yin/ 1-0816 S 1-08232& 2-0807 3-0807 4 -0 2 1 8 i# 3-0806 4-0217 f t 3-0808 4-0219 — /qyin/ 2-0826 i% ---- /?;yin/ ---- 2-0830"4r ---- /nyin/ 1-0812#& ------4-0216 /iyin/ 1-0815AP 2-0808 3 -0 8 2 4 ^ 4-0215 % /pyin/ 1-0811 #2 ---- 2-0845 % 3-0810^ 4-0210^- 4 -0 2 1 1 ^ /phyin/ 1-0810 ^ 1 -0 8 1 2 ^ 2-0846 A 2-0805 i t --- 4-0213 US /myin/ 1-0813 PL 2-0812..1L ---- 4-0212 /cy in / 1 -0 8 0 8 # ---- 2-0809 2-0806 3 - 0 8 1 6 # 4-0208 S 3-0817;^ 4-0209 /chyin/ 1-0807#, 1 -0 8 0 8 i- ---- 3-0821 # 4-0207 3-0820 ^ /sy in / 1-0806 --- 3-0812 ia 4-0206 é /cryin/ 1-0801 -$r ---- 2-0801#? 3-0801 K 4-0201 3-0802 f# ?/crH yit/ 4-0214 * /crhyin/ 1-0803 BA 1-0814P# 2-081 Of^ 3-0823 ^ 4-0203 R& 222 Table 78 Combinations of initials and finals in HWZY(continued) /sryin/ 1-0802 ^ 1-0804 # 2-0802 «Ô 2-0803'S’ 3-0809 ift. 4-0202 ^ /ryin/ 1 -0805 A 3-0804 '3 4-0204 EJ /kwin/ 1-0840 Æ, — 2-0833 1L 4-0261 - t /khwin/ 1-0843i^ — 2-0832 't® 3-0841 g 4-0260 % /xw in/ 1 -0842 1-0839 ^ — 2-0831 3-0840 4^ 4-0259 % 3-0839 4-0258 # /pw in/ 1-0841^ — 2 -0 8 3 4 ft 4-0263 4% 4-0262 A /tw in/ 1 -0854 — 2-0841 Æ 3-0847 # 4-0252 "j; 3-0848 f t /thwin/ 1-0851 ^ 1-0852 — 3-0850 4-0255 '''' /nw in/ 3-0849 -Hi 4-0256 /Iwin/ 1 -0 8 5 3 ^ — 3-0825 %- 4-0253 # /pw in/ 1-0844 - - - 2-0835 A 3-0811 f f 4-0248 4-0247 #5 /phwin/ 1-0845'# 1-0846 ^ — 3-0842 4-02549^ 3-0843 /mwin/ 1 -0847 FI 2-0836 3-0844 PJ] /vwin/ 1-0836 À 2-0821 3-0831 4-0237 % /twin/ 1 -0837 ^ 1-0838 îà- — 2-0822't# 3-0833 # 4 - 0 2 3 8 # 3-0832 ^ 4-0239W& /cwin/ 1 -0850 4- — 2-08394^ 2-0840 3-0846 4* 4-0251^" /chwin/ 1-0849 # 1-0833 ^ 2-0838 3-0845 - f 4-0250-f- /swin/ 1-0848 — 2-0837# 4-0249 A Table 78 Combinations of initials and finals in HlVZYCcontinued) /srwin/ — — — 4 - 0 2 0 5 # - /kywin/ 1-082C ^ — 2 -0 8 1 4 # : 3-0834 ^ 4-0243Æ 3 -0 8 3 5 ^ 4-0 2 4 4 iS /khywin/ 1-0824® 1-0826 if 2-0815 fW 4-0242 /xywin/ 1 -0825 — — 3-0837 /ÿywin/ 1-0817#, 1-0819 #' 2-08201. 3-0838 i f 4-0234 ^ /qywin/ 2-0824 3-0836 as 4-0245 /iywin/ 1-0835 f4; — 4-0233 # /cywin/ — — — 3-0818 4-0230 f 3-0819 4-0231 /chywin/ 1-0832 — — 4-022G&& /sywin/ 1-0831 Sj 1-0834 ^ 2-0819 =] 3-0813 4-0226 -là. 3-0814 fA] 3 -0 8 1 5 ^ /crywin/ 1-0828 # 2-0816 ^{t 3-0803 4-0232 3: /crhywin/ 1-0829 ^ 1-0830 2-0817 & 4-0227 it /srywin/ — — 3-0829 A 4-0226 % 3-0830 # /rywin/ 2-0818% 3-0805 Fi] Han rhyme-set /kon/ 1-0904 "f" — 2 -0 9 0 4 # 3-0902# 4-0304 ^ /khon/ 1-0903 ^ — 2 -0 9 0 3 # 3-09044-0303 /x o n / — 1-0901^ 2-0902 3-0903'# 4-0302 2-0901^ 4-0301 § 224 Table 78 Combinations of initials and finals in HVVZy(continued) ?/xHon/ 3-0901 /(pen/ 1-0905 4c ------3-0905 # 4-0305 3-0906 /kw on/ 1-0908'& ---- 2-0908 3-09091% 4-0310 /khwon/ 1-0907 X ---- 2-0907 4-0309 /xw on/ 1-0906-K 1-0922 # 2 -0 9 0 6 ^ 3-0906 4-0306 3-0907 4^ 4-0307 # /ç w o n / 1-0909% 1-0910 4%, 2-0906 Sr 3-0311 % 4 - 0 3 1 1 # /pw on/ 1-0912 % ------3-0912-^ 4 -0 3 1 2 ig ?/pHat/ 4-0314 /phwon/ 1-0911'^ 1-0913 ---- 2-091 Of^ 3-0913#] 4-0313 3-0914 "f- /m won/ 1-0914 2-0909 ^ 3-0915 4-0306 /tw on/ 1-0918 % -- --- 2-0913% 2-0915 ttr 3-0920% 4-0317 &Ü 3 - 0 9 2 l/t 4-0319 ^ /thwon/ 1 -0919 1-0920® 2-0914 "È --- 4 -0 3 1 6 M, /nw on/ --- 2-0917'ig. 3-0910% ------ /Iwon/ 1-0921% 2-0916 3-0922 IL 4-0320 # /cw o n / 1-0916 i f ------2-0912 & 3 - 0 9 1 8 # 4-0316 , 3-0919,)% /chw on/ 1-0917 4# — 3-0917 X. 4-0315 4K /sw o n / 1-0915 % ------2 -0 9 1 1 # 3-0916 — “ — 2 2 5 Table 78 Combinations of initials and finals in HW2y(continued) Shan rhyme-set /kyan/ 1-1008 * — 2 - 1 0 1 2 A 3-1001# 4-0411 ^ /khyan/ 1 - 1 0 2 1 — /xyan/ 1-1019 M — 2-1005 fS- 3-1028%.. 4-0425 B? ?/xHyay/ 4 - 0 4 0 1 # /^yan/ 1-1022 K 1-1009#% 2-1013 aK 3-1002 # 4-0412 31 /fjyan/ 3 -1 0 2 2 ;^ 4-0402 M /tan / 1-1026— 2-1016-Î?- 2-1018'f- 3-1019 s. 4-0405 ^ 4-0406 i t ?/tHan/ 3-1017 /than/ 1-1027#. 1-1028# 2-1017 m 3-1016 A 4-0407^ /nan/ 1 -1 0 3 0 # 2-1004 3-1023 # 4-04094^ /Ian/ 1-1017 & 2-1019 # 3-1018 fS 4 -0408f'i 1-1018 % /pan/ 3-1025 # — /phan/ 3-1026 — /fan / 1-1023 IS 1-1024!i% 2-1008 3-1029 Qi 4-0430 % 3-1030 là /ca n / 2-1015# 2-1014# 3-1014# 4-0404,.^ 3 -1 0 1 5 )# /chan/ 1-10164e- 1-1025 3-1013^ 4-0410 * /s a n / 1 - 1 0 0 2 jç» — 2-10203-1020tk 4-0403 IË 226 Table 78 Combinations of initials and finals in HWZy(continued) /cran / 2-1010 À 2-1011 % 3-1009% 4-0417 4L ?/crHan/ 3 -1 0 2 7 ^ /crhan/ 1 -1015#. 2-1001 Æ 3-10244-0416# /sran / 1001 - 2 - 1002# 3-1008 4-0415 /kw an/ ■1003 SS - 3-1003# 4-0420 ^’1 /xw an/ 1029 1 •1005 ^ — 3-1004,*, 4-0413 % /ÿw an/ 1004 ^ 1 -1010 ^ 2-1006:% 3-1021 !SL — /»;wan/ 3-1012 £ /nw an/ — 4-0418 ^ /pw an/ 1 • 1 0 1 1 - 2-1007 XK. — 4-0414 A. /phw an/ 1 •1 0 1 3 ^ - 2-1023 gJi 3-1005 /mwan/ 1 - 1014 $ — 3-1007'ft 4-0423 ?/pfHwat/ 4-0428 /vw an/ 2-1009 3jt 3-1031 4-0429 ^ /cw an/ — 4-0427 /crw an/ 1 -1007JÈT — 2-1003 ^ — — /crfiwan/ - 3-1010 X — /srw an/ 1-1031 - — — 4-0421 R'\ Xian rtiyme-set: /kyen/ 1-1113 ^ 2-1110% 2-1134$ 3-1113 £ 4-0503# 2-1135 2 2 7 Table 78 Combinations of initials and finals in HWZy(continued) ?/kHyen/ 3-1141 it 4-0515 /khyen/ 1-1114# 1-1132 2-1183 8-11394-0505 % /xyen/ 1-1131# 1-1115 2-1109 2-1111-* 3-1116 4-0541 ?/xHyen/ 3-1111 %. 4-0535 % / /»?yen/ 2 - 1 1 3 0 # SK 4-0502#$ 2-1129 # /qyen/ 2-1141 3-1120$ 4-0510 "^5 /tyen/ 1-1109 # - 2-1105 # 3-1106 % 4-0540 ^ ?/tHyen/ 3-1108 ‘t’ /thyen/ 1-1102 1-1110 W 2-1106 % 3-1107 1^ 4-0525 ^ ' 2-1107 ^ /n y en / 1 -1 1 1 1 ^ 2-1108 # 3-1118#. 4-0538 ^ /lyen/ 1-1112 ill 2-1127 ^ 3-1109.*^ 4-0508 f'j /pyen/ 1-1106 % — 2-1102 4 2-1103 # 3-1122 5? 4-0507 ^ 4-0506 jg.J ?/pHyen/ 3-1142 ft /phyen/ 1-1107-15 1-1133 # — 3-1124 # 4-0517 If /myen/ 1-1108 2-1104 ^ 3-1125 dg 4 -0 5 1 a /cyen/ 1-1104®^ — 2-1116# 2-1117% 3-1143# 4-0523 4-0524 ?/cHyen/ 3-1103-^ 3 -1105% /chyen/ 1-1103 "f 1-1105 «T 2-1115 >1. 3-1102 .# 4-0542 ta 220 Table 78 Combinations of initials and finals in HWZy(continued) /syen/ 1-1101 1-1124 K 2-1101 ^ 3-1101 4-0501Æ ?/sHyen/ 3-1104 /cryen/ 1-1127 * 6 2-1126 ^ 3-1131^ 4-0534#^ /crhyen/ 1-1130 ff 1-1128#- 2-1120# 3-1137,f$ 4-0531 #1. 1-1129^ 4-0532 /sryen/ 1-1125 A 1-112655 2-1121 3-1129 4-0537 % ?/srHyen/ 3-1132.# 4-0539 # /ryen/ 1-1123.#, — — 4-0516#= /kywen/ 1-1118;% — 2-1137# 2-1136® 3-1119^^ 4-0530 îiî ?/kHywen/ 3-1140 ^#- 4-0533 iS /khywen/ 1-1144® 1-1145# 2-1112 3-1117 # 4-0504 Ml 2-1113%%. /xywen/ 1-1142*S 1-1120 2-1140 2 - 1 1 1 4 ÎÈ 3 -1 1 2 1 ^ 4-0512 4 -0 5 1 1 ^ ?/xHywen/ 3-1114 8è / 0 ywen/ 1-1122 % 1-1143 ^ 2-1138 it 3-1115 & 4-0509^ 2-1139 % /qywen/ 3-1123 & 4-0526 ^ /lyw en / 1-1 1 2 1 îjt 2-1132 % 3-1110 ,® 4-0528-^ /cywen/ 1-1136 5% — — 2-1119 % — 4-0521 A& 4-0520 ^ /chywen/ 1-1135^ 1-1138 37— 3-1127% — /sywen/ 1-1134^ 1-1137 it 2-1118 & 3-1126 ig. 4-0518 229 Table 78 Combinations of initials and finals in HVVZYCcontinued) ?/sHywen/ 3-1126 ic /crywen/ 1-1140^' — 2-1123 ^ 2-1125-f?- 3-1133 ^ 4-0513 ?/crHywen/ 3-1135*"*^ 3-1138 /crhywen/ 1-1139^ 1-1119 2-1 1 2 2 H 3-1134 4-0527 -ST /srywen/ — — — -— 4-0522 iJt, /rywen/ 1-1141 2-1124 3-11364% 4-0529 Xiao rhyme-set: /kyew/ 1-1206 4% — 2-1208 ^ 2-1210^ 3-1209*4 ?/kHyew/ 3-1219 /khyew/ 1-1208 4A 1-1223 — 3-1208 K /xyew/ 1-1224 % — 2-1216 % 3-1223 % / /r jy e w / 3-1206'% . /qyew/ 3-1210-ê- /tyew/ 1-1202% — — 3-1202 ?/tHyew/ 3-1204 /thyew/ 1-1203# 1-1204 2-1204^ 2-1206 3-1203#% /nyew/ — 2-1203% 3-1207 /[yew/ 1-1205# 2-1205 T 3-1205 230 Table 78 Combinations of initials and finals in HWZY{continued) /pyew/ 1-1212 ^ — 2-1217 ^ 2-1219 8-1224 ?/pHyew/ 3-1221 /phyew/ 1-1213 1-1214 ^ 2-1218 #® 3 - 1 2 2 0 *J /myew/ 1-1215 ® 2-1220 B;).' 3-1222 /cyew/ 1-1210 2-1202 ^'1 3-1212 5^. 3-1213 /Chyew/ 1-1209 4:1 1-1211# 2-12143-1211 4K /syew/ 1-1201 2-1201 *J' 3-1201 % /cryew/ 1-1218 49 2-1209 2-1213Æ 3-1215?.?. ?/crHyew/ 3-1217 -S /crhyew/ 1-1217 1-1221 % — — /sryew/ 1-1216 1-1219 4% 2-1215 2-1211 #3 3-1214# ?/srHyew/ 3-1216 /ry ew / 1- 1 2 2 0 ^ 2 -1 2 1 2 Yao rhyme-set: /kow/ 1-1317 .K — 2-1316^ 3-13211# /khow/ 1-1330 & — 2-1315# 3-1320 /xow/ 1-1316 % 1-1315 ^ 2-1314-iî 2-1313 n# 3-1319 K 3-1318 2L /ÿow/ 1-1318 Æ 1-1319 % 2-1317 3-1322 ^ 3-1323 # 231 Table 78 Combinations of initials and finals in HWZY(continued) /to w / 1-1325 2-1324 2-1326 i i 3-1329 J'J 3-1330 i|- /thow / 1-1326# 1-1327 # 2-1325 i f ---- /n ow / 1 -1 3 1 4 # - 2-1309 % 3-1316 1-1329 2-1328 3 -1 3 3 2 ^ /lo w / 1-1328 ^ 2-1327 3-1331 4^ /p ow / 1-1306 i l 2-1303 fê. 2-1304 3-1306 1-1320 2-1318 ^ 2-1319 3 -1 3 2 4 # . /phow / 1-1307 Sé. 1-1308 i t ---- 3-1307 /m ow / 1-1309 4L 2-1305 4)' 3-1309 A 3-1310 ^ /c o w / 1-1323 i l 2 -1 3 2 2 - f 2-1323 3-1327 i i 3-1328 ;t /ch o w / 1 - 1 3 2 2 # 1-1324 # 2-1321 jp 3 - 1 3 2 6 # /s o w / 1-1321 # ---- 2 - 1 3 2 0 # 3 - 1 3 2 5 # /crow / ------2-1308 3 -1 3 1 7 .is /crhow / 1-1311 1-1312*. 2-1307 3-1312(# 1-13139% /sro w / 1 -1 3 1 0 # ---- 2 - 1 3 0 6 # 3 -1 3 1 1 # /kyow / 1-1302 2-1302 ÎX 3-1304 /khyow / 1-1303 • -- 2-1301 7^ 3-1303 /xyow / 1-1304 1-1301 dt — - 2-1312fs: 3 -1 3 0 2 # 3-1301 5t / Table 78 Combinations of initials and finals in HWZY(continued) A jyo vj/ 3-1305 ^ /cryow / »...... 3-1313 -?■ ?/crHyow/ 3-1315 /crhyow / ». --- ... 3-1314 Ge rhyme-set: /k o # / 1 -1 4 0 1 ^ --- 2-1401 3-1401 si 3-1402 jg /k h o # / 1-1402 jsj --- 2-1402 3-1403 t? 3-1404 ^ /xo#/ 1-14033? 1-1405 f? --- 2-1405# 3-1405 % 3 -1 4 0 6 ^ /p o # / 1-1404 f? 1-14064i 2 -1 4 0 4 ^ 3-140701 2-1403 W /to#/ 1-1410 # --- 2 -1 4 0 7 # 2-1408 to 3-1413 /th o # / 1-1411 ft 1-1412 --- — /n o # / 1-1414 # 2 - 1 4 0 9 ^ 3-1412 ê - / l o # / 1-1413 ... 3-1408 & /CO#/ --- 2 -1 4 0 6 ^ 3-1410 A /o h o # / 1-1408 fiL 1-1409SË 2-1412% ... / s o # / 1-1407 --- 2-1411 # 3-1409 /kwo#/ 1-1415 % --- 2-1413 ^ --- /khwo#/ 1-1416#... 2-1414 # 233 Table 78 Combinations of initials and finals In HWZY'(continued) /xwo#/ — 1-1418^» 2-1415 2-1416?% 3-1419 / ( ? W 0 # / 1-1417 1-1419 2-1417^$ 3-1420:%. A ; W O # / 2-1425 /two#/ — — 2-1422-JT 3-1411 % /thwo#/ — — 2-1423"^ 3-1421 /Iwo#/ — 2-1424 — /pwo#/ 1-1420:&. — 2-1418 ÿè 3-1414 /phwc#/ 1-1421 1-1422-^ 2-1419 3-1415 «'t /mwo#/ 1-1423/$ — 3-1416^ /two#/ — — 3-1422 /owe#/ — — 2-1421 3-1418 /chwo#/ — — — 3-1417 # /swo#/ — — 2-1420 î'K — Ma rtiyme-set; /na#/ 1-1510^ —- — /pa#/ 1-1503 E, — 2-1502 ^ 3-1503 jR ?/pHa#/ 3-1512 /pha#/ 1-1502 âê. 1-1504 — 3-1502 # /ma#/ 1-1501^ 2-1501 31-1501 % /era#/ 1-1507# — 2-1503# 2-1504 3-1505 3-1506 'f Table 78 Combinations of initials and finals in HWZy(continued) /crha#/ 1-150651 1-15096K 2-1508-it 3-1507 It / s r a # / 1-1505 — — 3-1504 /kya#/ 1-1514 fs — 2-1507 t 3-1511 % /k h y a # / 1-1513»* 1-1515"(»° — 3-1510 # /xya#/ 1-1512'^ 1-1511 2-1509 ^ 2-1506T 3-1509 # 3-1508 gg» /ÿ y a # / 1-1516# 1-1517:^ 2-1511# 3-1514 if 2-1510 3-1513 iS- /kwa#/ 1-1521 Æw — 2-1514 S 3-1518# /khwa#/ 1-1520:^ — 2-1513# 3-1517# /xwa#/ 1-1518jc 1-1519# 2-1512Ü?. 3-1516 ft 3-1515 / /twav?/ ------2-1516 4t - - - /cr w a # / 1 -1508 — —- — /srwa#/ -— -— 2-1517IX. — Zhe rhyme-set; /khye#/ — 1-1609# — — /xye#/ 1 -1611 -— -— — /ÿye#/ — 1-1608 2-1608 If 3-1607 /tye#/ 1-1610 ^ — -— —- 235 Table 78 Combinations of initials and finals in HWZY(continued) / e y e # / 1-1605% - 2-1610-&& 3-1603 3 - 1 6 0 4 # /chye#/ — — 2-1604 JL 3-1608^ /sye#/ 1-1603# 1-1606 # 2-1603 % 2-1606 K- 3-1602 /crye#/ 1-1601 — 2-1601 ^ 3-1601 ^ /crhye#/ 1-1604# — 2-1607 /srye#/ 1-1602 1-1607% 2-1605 2-1602# 3-1605'ê' 3-1606 /r y e # / 2-1609 ^ /k y w e # / 1-1612 ^ -— Yang rhyme-set /kO);/ 1-1743 ÎX —- 2-1739 fli 3-1744 4-0630 ^ 2-1744 ^ /kho;;/ 1-1742 — 2-1737 3-1735 /L» — /xo,/ 1-1752 ^ 1-1745 2-1736 3-1734'Æ. 4-0644 *& 4-0643 % /tt> O T]/ 1-1744 2-1738 è 3-1737 4-0649-r? 3-1736 è 4-0648 & /rjOi]/ 2-1740 /pOtj/ 1-1750 — 2-1730 4#" 2-1745 # 3-1739^# 4-0638-f 4-0639 ?/pHOq/ 3 -1 7 3 0 # ?.Z6 Table 78 Combinations of initials and finals in HWZy(continued) /pho/;/ 1-1735 7^ 1-1736 ^ —- 3-1750 M- 4- 0641 it- /mo;?/ 1-1737 * 2-1731 3-1743 4- 0642 -fr /fo;?/ 1-1702 1-1703 4- 2-171S # 3-1702 -Ÿ 4- 0606 # /V O ;? / 1-1704 -t 2-1720 R 3-1703 ^ - /tor]/ 1-1731# — 2-1727 3^ 2-1726 3-1728 # 4-0640 ?/tHO;?/ 3-1726 # /t h O ; ? / 1-1732 ik 1-1730 2-1728 ft 3-1727 "SK 4-■0635 3-6. /no;?/ 1-1734 # 2-1729 3 - 1 7 4 2 # 4-•0637 # /\0r]/ 1-173 2-1747 iFi 3-1729 % 4- •0636 il- /C O ;? / 1-1740^ 2-1734 2-1735 4- 3-1733 M- 4-•0613 f t 3-1732 iK. 4-•0614 fit / C h o ; ? / 1-1739 1-1741 «&. 2-1733 ^ — 4-C-0609 ^ /SO;?/ 1-1738 ^ ------2 - 1 7 3 2 -#5 3-1731 & 4-0608 /cror]/ 1-1718 — — 3-1747 4- 0651 # 3-1748 ;$ 4- 0652 /crho.7/ — 1-1720 /sror]/ 1-1716 — 2-1712 ^ 3-1749'# 4-0615 # /kyoT]/ 1-1724 ii — 2-1714 iS 2-170611 4-0627 ^ 1 -1725jg 4-0628 /khyo^/ 1-1723 — — 3-1720 % 4-0624 ;^'p /xyo r]/ 1-1722 1-1751 2-1713Ç 2-1746 3-1719 4-0605 # î/xH yo^/ 3-1745 ^ 4-0645 ^ 237 Table 78 Combinations of initials and finals in HWZY(continued) / /q y o tj/ 3-1721 /nyor;/ 1-1715 2-1707#4tf 3-1722*'^''' — A yot]/ 1-1721 K 2-1705 1^ 3-1718 # 4-06234- /c y o tj/ 1-1707 # — 2-1704 3-1709 4-0612 4-0611 ?/cHyoij/ 3-1714 g /chyo?;/ 1-1706 ifF 1 •1708^ 2-1724 3-1712 — 1 •1709;iJj /syo;;/ 1-1705 -- 2-1708 % 2-1703 K 3-1704 # — /cryo))/ 1-1712 # - 2-1711 $ 2-1715 i 3-1708 4-0618 4-0619 # ?/crHyo7?/ 3 - 1 7 1 7 # /crhyoïj/ 1-1711 ë 1 1713 2-1710% 3-1707 «S 4-0620 # /sryoq/ 1-1710 ^ - 2-1717 T 2- 1718 jL 3-1706 ^ 4-0621^^ 3-1705 A /ryoi;/ 1714#. 2-1716 ^ 3-1715 #. 4-0622^ /kw oq/ 1-1748 C ... 2-1743 ^ 3-1740 ^ 4-0647 # /khwoq/ 2-1742 % 3-1738 # 4-0646 ^ /XWOi// 1-1747 Æ 1 1749 2-1741 M. 4-0632 ^ 4-0633 % Z(i>wot}/ 1-1746 iS. V 1727JE 2-1722 & 3-1723 SJ. — 2-1721 238 Table 78 Combinations of initials and finals in HWZy(continued) /crwoi;/ --- 3-1710 Mi --- ?/crHwoi;/ 3-1713 /crhwo>;/ 1-1717/g- 1-1719 ^ 2-1709 & 3-1716 i i 4-0650 i?. /kywo»;/ --- — 2-1725 il 3-1725 at 4-0629 ^ /khywor;/ 1-1729 g. 1-1728îi ------ /xywor)/ --- — 2-1723% 3-1724 % 4-0634 ‘f'£ Geng rhyme-set: /kei;/ 1-1801# 2 -1 8 0 1 # 3-1806-t. 4-0711 ?& 1-1860 2 3-1845 ^ /keij/ 1-1802 Ft — 2-1834 t “-- 4 -0 7 1 0 $ /xet]/ 1-1804 1-1805 ft —- 2-1802 3-1807iT 4-070E # ' 4-0709 ?/xHe?/ 4-0767 i i % 3 -1 8 0 2 ^ 4-0717 ^ /î]er}/ --- 3-1818«S. 4-0712 /? /terj/ 1-1853«■ 2-1840 ^ 3-1841*^ 4-0758 # : 3-1842^5 /the;// —— 1-1854 # ---- 3 -1 8 4 9 :^ 4-0760 # 4-0759 ^ /nei// 1-1825 tl. — — — /ISiy/ 1-1855 it 2-1807 8-1846 4-0761 239 Table 78 Combinations of initials and finals in HWZy(continued) /per]/ 1 "1827 Ht] — — 3-1809# 4-0703 IT 1-1828 ^ 4-0704 ^ /pher]/ 1-1808 J. 1-1809 # — — 4-0702 / iTiS/// 1-1803 "5 2-1805 % 3-1810 M. 4-0701 fS /cet]/ 1-1857 ^ --- --” 3-1836 4-0766 E'l 1-1858 l/c H e ,]/ 3-1844 W 4-0754 4-0755 ^ /Chet]/ — 1 ■1859 ^ — 3-1847 ^ 4-0753 Æ'I /s e t]/ 1-185E ft - — 4-0765 & /e v e r ] / 1-1824 -f- — 3-1817# 4-0716^ ?/crHek/ 4-0705 C /crhej?/ 1-181C -f- 1- 1 8 1 1 — 3-1819 ^ 4-0706 % /sretj/ 1-1815 ^ — 2 -1 8 1 8 # 3-1804 ^ 4-0715 S, /kye%/ 1-1816 — 2-1821 3-1801 % 4 -0 7 3 8 ^ 4-0739;!?tJ ?/kHye/j/ 3-1803 % /Vhyer]/ 1-1817jgg. 1- 1818^’ 2-1816^ 3-1805 ^ 4-0741 % /xye??/ ’^-1847# 1-1840 #'j — 2-1815't# 3-1839 # 4-0737 % 1-1852 # 2 -1 8 2 5 '^ ?/xHyek/ 4-0747 # /(jtyet]/ 1-1819 ^ 1- 1839 ÎÏ. 2-1820 3-1837-9- 4-0730 2-1819 4-0729 ^ /q y e t]/ 3-1840& 240 Table 78 Combinations of initials and finals in HWZY(continued) /r ;y e ? ;/ 1-1851 ^ 3-1814% 4-0740 % /tye/j/ 1-1844 T — 2-1833 3-1832 4-0743 4# 4-0744 4-0745 ÿ. ?/tHye»j/ 3-1834 /thye;?/ 1-1845 # 1-1846^1 2-1836# 3-1833 f#. — /nye,;/ 1-1826 2-1837 if 3-1835 ^ 4-0733 # /lye,;/ 1-1838-4^ 2-1832"^ 3-1829 4" 4-0746 ^ /pye,;/ 1-1812^ — 2-1809 2-1810# 3-1811 # 4-0731 ^ 3-1812 ^ /phye,;/ — 1-1813-f- — 3-1820 4-0732 # ?/pHyek/ 4-0734 M /m yer)/ 1-1814 % 2-1817 m 3-1813 ^ 4-0742 H /eye,;/ 1-1830fw — 2-1830# 2-1827 3-1823 üf 4-0723 4-0722 ^ /chye,;/ 1-1829^1' 1-1832 2-1829 3-1822^ 4-0720 /sye,;/ 1-1843& 1-1831 # 2-1828 3-1821 4-0719# ?/sHyek/ 4-0721^ /crye,;/ 1-1835 — 2-1838 # 3-1828 a£ 4-0726 #. 3-1827 ?/crHyek/ 4-0728 ^ ?/srHyek/ 4-0752 Ü /crhye,;/ 1-1837# 1-1836 ^ — 3-1826# 4-0725 241 Table 78 Combinations of initials and finals in HWZY(continued) /srye/j/ 1-1834 1-1849 — 3-1824 S 4-0724 ^ 3-1825 a; ?/srHyek / 4-0727 Æ /rye;;/ 1-1850 1% — 3-1848 /kwe;;/ 1-1807 — 2-1804 4-0714 ® /khwe;;/ 1-1861 ^ --- — /xwer}/ 1-1823 & 1-1806 if. 2-1803 Hf 3-1808 4-0768 ^ 4-0769 /çweri/ — 1-1862 * — /kyweq/ 1 -1846 -— 2- ■1823 S —- 4—0750 /khywe;?/ 1-1841 1-1842 *1 2- •1811 - — 4-0749 /xywei;/ 1-1822 B'J — ■1813 iR 3-1816 1R 4-0751 ■1812 is3 /ÿywe;;/ — 1-1820/^ 2-■1822 7% 3-1815 4-0757 /qywe;;/ 2-■1814 /sywe;;/ 1-1833# You rhyme-set: /kiw/ 1-1930 ^4 — 2-1928 # 3-1939 # /khiw/ 1-1928^1^ — 2-1927 cr 3-1927 & /x iw / — 1-1926 # 2-1926 4L 2-1925 $ 3-1926 3-1925 242 Table 78 Combinations of initials and finals in HWZY(contlnued) /çiiW/ 1 -1 9 2 7 ^ 1-1929%% 2 - 1 9 3 0 # 3-1928 # 2 -1 9 2 9 '# /qiw / 3 - 1 9 3 8 # /tiw / 1-1935 --- 2 -1 9 3 6 4 - 2-1918‘i l 3-1933 H ?/tHlw/ 3 -1 9 3 5 -S. /thiw / 1-1936-fâ- 1-1937 sg 2-1917 3-1934 ^ /niw / 1-1939 R 2-1920f& 3 -1 9 3 7 # /liw / 1-1938^ 2-1919# 3-1936 /phiw/ 1-1931 & 2-1931 ^'1 ---- /fiw / 1 -1 9 2 0 >r 2-1921 5 2-1922# 3-1906 g:J 4 3-1907 ^ /miw/ 1-1932^ 2-1932# 3-1929 /c iw / 1-1934"^ --- 2-1935 ^ 3-1932 # /chiw / ------2-1934 4ft 3-1931 ^ /siw/ 1-193331 --- 2-1933 t 3-1930 rft /criw/ 1-1919#P 2-1924 3-1920 3-1921 % 3-1922 # /crhiw/ 1-1903 1-1923 # --- 3 -1919i£ /sriw / 1-1918 --- 2-1923 3-1918 /kyiw / 1-1908 4 , --- 2-1915 A, 2-1916t3 3-1904 A 3-1905 ^ 243 Table 78 Combinations of initials and finals in HVVZV(continued) /khyiw/ 1-1905 1- 1907^ 2-1914 # 3-1903 /xyiw/ 1-1904^^ - 2-1913 # 3-1902”^ /4>y'm/ 1-1908 ^ 1- 1901 2-1901 ^ 3-1901 ^ /qyiw / 2-1912 % 3-1940 ^ /nyiw / 2-1911 32 2-1924 /iyiw / 1 - 1911 @ 2-1910 3-1923 /'S /pyiw / 1-1921 - 3-1917 1-1922 # /phyiw/ 1-1925 ® - /m yiw/ 1 - 1924-^-^ — 3-1941 # /cy iw / l-1 9 1 4 '’-fi: - 2-1903 ÿg /chylw / 1-1913 i t 1- 191513 # — /sy iw / 1-1912 & - 2-1902 # /cryiw / 1-1909 jSl - 2-1909 .# 3-1914 % / crhyiw/ 1-1902;?* 1 1910S4 2-1906 et 3-1913 X /sryiw / 1-1916X t - 2-1904 2-1907'^ 3-1912 # ?/srHiw/ 3-1915 ^ /ryiw / 1-1917 & 2-1908 # 3-1916 # 244 Table 78 Combinations of initials and finals in HWZV{continued) Pin rhyme-set: /crim / 1 -2006 ij- 3-2008 4-0802 /crhim/ 1-2009 — 2-2009 # 3-2007 — /srim / 1-2007 ^ — 2-2008 4 3-2006 4-0811® /kyim / 1-2019 4' — 2-2015 # 2-2016 3-2014 ^ 4- •0816 & 4' ■0817 ^ ?/kHyim/ 3-2011*^ /khyim/ 1-2018 it 1 - 2 0 2 0 # — •0815 •‘•^ /xyim/ 1-2017'èt — — ■0814 '’A /jjyim/ 1-2016"#' 2 - 2 0 1 1 *'#' 3-2017*4' /()yim/ 1-2015-I- 1-2013 iiÉ 2-2017 It 3-2015 I'f 4-0813# /nyim / 3-2013 — /iyim / 1-2012 # 2-2014M 3-2010 4-■0812 ^ /cyim/ — — -- 3-2002 4--0 8 0 5 # /chyim / 1 -2 0 0 1 ^ 1 - 2 0 0 2 4 - 2 - 2 0 0 1 % 3-2001 :.c 4 ■0801# /syim / 1-2014'C — 2 - 2 0 1 0 # •0803BK •0804 f /cryim/ 1-2004#f — 2-2005 2-2013 M 3-2003 4-0806 3-2012 fcl' 4- 0807 /crhyim/ 1 - 2 0 1 0 2-2012 3-2009 K1 — 1-2011 at /sryim/ 1-2003'# 1 -2005 # 2-2003^ 2-2006^ 3-2016'^ 4-0809 -f 2-2004-^ 3-2004 245 Table 78 Combinations of initials and finals in HWZY(continued) /r y im / 1-2006 4 : 2-2007 # 3-2005-fi 4-0810 A Tan rhyme- set /kam/ 1-2117 -W" — 2-2119 3-2102 # 4-0903 2-2101 ^ /kham/ 1-2110 2-2104 ^ 3-2101 % 4-0902 # 3-2107"M /xam/ 1-2118 1-2111't' 2-2114 < 2 2103 'kà 3 -2 1 0 8 # 4-0901 # /<^am/ 1-21123# — 2-2106 3-2104 St 4-0904 /tarn/ 1-21141''! 2-2116 # 2 •2117# 3-2110% 4-0908 ^ 1-2103|fe 2-2 1 1 0 '% 2 ■2102'g 3 -2 1 1 1 # /tham/ 1-2102# 1-2113# 2-2126 4, 3-2112 % 4-0914 f-5? 1-2101 4 2-2111 ^ 4-091 O' 4-0911 5# /nam/ 1-2105— 4-0921*g — 4-0913 .^3 /lam/ 1-2115^ 2-2120 £ 3-2113 4-0912 1-2104 2-2118 /fam/ 2-2128 3-2122 ÿz. 4-0925 £ 4 0926 - è . /cam / 1-2108"^ — 2-2109^ 2-2115# 3-2108^ 4-0906 V 4-0907 m /C h a m / 1-2107#- 1-2109 & 2-2108't# 246 Table 78 Combinations of initials and finals in HWZY(continued) /sam / 1-2106#! — 2-2107#" 3-2109 i 4-0905 55. /cram / 2-2124 2-2125 — 4-0920 /crham/ — — — 8-2120 % 4-0919 @ /sram / 2 - 2 1 2 3 # 3-2121 # 4-0918 É&. /kyam / 1-2123^ . — 2-2121 -A 3-2118 is. 4-0917 ^ 3-2119 # /khyam/ 1 —2124 —- —- 4-0916 ii" /xyam / 1-21192-2113 & 3-2114 PS 4-0915 jê- /4>am/ 1-2120 & 2-2122 ?g 3-2115 tâ 4-0922# Yan rhyme-set: /kyem / 1 - 2 2 2 1 ^ — 2-2208 #- 4-1014 2-2209 ^ ?/kHyep/ 4-1002 % /khyem / 1 - 2 2 2 0 ÎM 1-2216 2-2217% 3-2213% 4-1015-fi /xyem / 1 - 2 2 2 3 =ét 1 - 2 2 2 2 2-2207 fè- 3-2217’^ 4-1016*1# 4-1013 -g' / /qyem / 1-2214* 2-221 O'Pi 3-2215^' 4-1018# /tyem / 2-2214 % 2-2215$ 3-2211 4-1012 247 Table 78 Combinations of initials and finals in HWZYCcontinued) /thyem/ 1-2218# 1-2219 Af 2-2213# 8-2210# 4-1011 # /nyem / 1 -2 2 1 5 ^ 2-2216 3-2212 ^ 4-1008# /lyem/ 1-2212 & 2-2206 & 3-2209 4-1010# /pyem/ 1-2217^1 — 2-2211 fit 3-2203 È /cyem/ 1-2204 3^ — 2-2218 2# 3-2214 fg 4-1004# 4 - 1 0 0 5 # /chyem/ 1-2203 1-2205'fgg 3-2204 ^ 4-1003* 1-2206 /syem/ 1 -2202 ^ — — 4-1017 % /cryem/ 1-2209/®- — 2-2212 & 3-2207T& 4-1007 ?/trHyem/ 4-1009* /crhyem/ 1-2208# 1-2210# 2-2205 # 3-2206 # /sryem/ 1-2207^ — 2-2203 M 3-2205 # 4-1006 /ryem/ 1-2211 ^ 2-2204# 3 - 2 2 0 8 # /kyw6m / —- *— —“ 3-2219 ^ ---- /khyw 0 m / —- — —- 3 - 2 2 1 8 ^ — CHAPTER VII HONGWUZHENGYUN, NANJING DIALECT and STANDARD MANDARIN We have already investigated the sound system of ND (in Chapter Three) and the sound system of HWZY (in Chapter Five and Six) and other related data, we can now discuss (1) the relationship between HWZY and the dialect of Nanjing, (2) their influence on the speech norm in the early Ming peiord and how they were related to the developing process of Standard Mandarin (or Mandarin speech norm);®® (3) If HWZY can stand for the early stage of Mandarin as ZYYY does. 7 .1. Nanjing dialect and the Ming speech norm Our study on the Nanjing dialect proves that ND is definitely a Type B Mandarin variant (see 3.5.6.). Nanjing was the capital in the early Ming period. The influence of the Nanjing dialect is seen in the Ming sp eech norm described by Matteo Ricci (Lu 1985 and Yang 1986). Our research on HWZY and the present-day Nanjing dialect enhanced the assumption that the dialect of Nanjing had a great impact on the speech norm of the early- Ming period represented by HWZY and that influence can be seen even in the speech norm of the later periods. ®®A brief introduction to the sound system of OM. MM and MP is included in Chapter Two. 248 249 7.1.1. Development of syllables with the entering tone The Ming speech norm represented by HWZY (for the early stage of Mandarin) and HT (for MM) preserves the entering tone category. Matteo Ricci and Nicolaus Trigault's records on the late Ming speech norm also prove that the Ming speech norm preserves the entering tone.^^® In HT, the former distinct entering tone endings are neutralized into a glottal stop, and minimal pairs previously distinct because of such endings become homophones. This also obtains in the case of ND. As shown below, the final types of the entering tone in ND correspond to those in HT, except for the "Ciq"-type and "Cwoq"-type syllables, the former is absence in HT while the latter no longer exists in ND. The MC "Cit" and "Cip" types are very few, with either guttural or AC retroflex initials. They acquire the final /-e q / in HT and ND.^°^ The "Ciq"- A A type in ND is formed from the earlier "Cyip, Cyit, Cyok, Cyak"-type syllables with AC Pi and Dj initials. Words of these types still retain the palatal medial /-y -/ and acquire the "Cyiq"-type in HT. Therefore there is no "Ciq"-type syllable in HT: MC "Cip/t"-type: se ^ (AC /sryip^/, MC /srip^/, HT/seq^/), ND /seq^/) se (AC/sryit^/, MC/srit^/, HT /seq^/), ND/seq^/) ^°°Matteo Ricci's documents see Lu 1985 and Yang 1986 and Nicolaus Trigault's record see luo 1930. ^ Words of these two types such as se (MC /srit/) "musical instrument", iS (MC /srip/) "astringent" all read as /s e q ^ / in HT and ND (cf. Chou 1985:48-52). A 250 MC"Cyip/t/k"-type: Shi i‘k (AC /sjy ip ^ /, MC /sry ip ^ /, HT /sryiq^/, ND /sriq^/) Shi ^ (AC/sjyit./, MC/sryit./, HT/sryiq^/, ND/sriq^/) Shi g|i (AC /sjy o k ^ /, MC /s ry o k ^ /, HI /sryiq^/, ND /sriq^/) The loss of the labial medial /-w -/ in the MM "Cwo(q)/(#)"-type syllables is a sweeping change in ND: w --> Table 79 Entering-tone finals in HT (see 2.3.2) -q medial -i- - e - -a - —0" ~4>~ eq aq oq j&jL -y- yiq yeq yaq yoq -w - wiq weq waq woq m ^>J -yw - ywiq yweq 251 Table 80 Entering-tone finals in ND (see 3.4.4) -q medial -i" - e - -a - - 0- ~4>- îq eq aq oq ^ ré” ^ -y - yiq yeq yaq yoq -w - wio weq waq Ü -yw - ywiq yweq Though the format of HWZY seems to keep the former /-p, -t, -k/ distinctions among the entering-tone syllables, it illustrates the tendency of Type B development. First, the format of HWZY shows the merger of the A A palatal /-k/ and the velar /-k/. The MC contrasting pairs "C ^/k (MC Gengshe)" vs. "Ca^/k (MC Jiangshe)”. "Cyop/i< (MC Zengshe)" vs. "Cyorj/k (MC Dangshe)" are no longer distinct phcnemicaiiy in endings but only in A A nuclei, the MC ”C(y)(w)^/k, C(y)(w)op/k"-type with low front vowel /-e -/ while the MC "Ca^y/k, C(y)(w)o?/k"-type with low back vowel /-o -/. As we mentioned before that the former /-p, -t, -k, -k/ endings neutralized into a glottal stop /-q / in Type-B-line development (see rule [xv] and Table 5 in 2.2.5., 3.2.). The situation in HWZY illustrates the first step (/-1 /-k /) A of /-p, -t, -k, -k/ merger in Type-B-line development. Second, the medial 252 and the vowel of these syllables also assume the same forms as what we can observe from HT and ND. The finals of the entering-tone in HWZY can be classified as follows, their nuclei showing correspondence to their reflexes A A A in HT and ND, except those MC CyW)ak, Cy(w)ë<"-type words M. # Æ'I , of which the nuclei merged into a low front vowel before Mandarin period and did not raise until MM (see 2.3. and 3.5.4.). Table 81 Entering-tone finals in HWZy (see 6.9.) -e - V -a - - 0 - ip it ek ap at ot ok 3 ê i 4L & -y- yip yit yek yet yep yap yat yok k (4 ^L -w - wik wit wek wat wot wok & 2L Ü ^•1 yê- $ -yw - ywik ywit ywek ywet 253 This phenomenon proves that the dialects of HWZY, HT and ND follow the same line of development. The following examples demonstrate that ND and the Ming speech norms are results of the Type B changes (/-k/ —> /-k/, /-p, -t, -k/ —> /-q/), while the dialect of ZYYY is a product of the Type A changes (i.e., /-ic/ —> /-y/, /-k/ —> /-w/) and MP is a compromise between the two types, with the Type B changes as the major tendency: Table 82 Bifurcated development of words with the entering-tone MC TypeA TypeB ZYYY HWZYHT ND MP 1. /tok^/ /^tiy/ /te k ^ / / t e q y /te q ^ / A 2. % / ? a k y i/4 > y e # ^ /) / j j e k y /4>eq^/ /<^eq^/ / y a # / /(ÿyay^/ A 3. •1- /mok^/ /miy'^/ /m e k ^ / /meq^/ /meq^/ /m a # -^ / A 4. SI /k w o k ^ / /^kwiy/ /kwek^//kweq^/ /kweq^/ / ^ k w a # / 5. i t /pok^/ /^piy/ /p e k ^ / /peq^/ /peq^/ /^ p iy / A 6. $ - /m a k ^ / /m ay '^/ /m e k ^ / /meq^/ /meq^/ /m a y ^ / 7. ii- / lo k y (/Iw o # ^ /) /lo k ^ / /loq^/ /loq^/ /Iw a# "^/ /la w ^ / /la w ^ / 254 Words with entering-tone start to illustrate their bifurcated development in the Southern Song period.^ The Mandarin dialects which undergo the Type-A-line changes become prevalent in North Chinese during the Yuan period, as recorded in ZYYY, while the dialects affected by the Type-B-line changes become prestigious during the Ming period, as reflected by HWZY, YT and NT. These two types are closely related but clearly distinguished from each other in the readings of the former entering- a tone words and the MC "Ggi/k"-type words (see 2.2.8. & 7.1.2.). In the Ming period, the Type B readings of the entering-tone words are reflected in the most prevalent rhyme books, such as HWZY, Y T and HT, which were compiled either as the official standard for the examinations and other scholarly business (e.g., HWZY), or as textbooks and handy references for standard-speech learners (e.g., YT and HT). The situation illustrated in Table 82 shows the close relationship between MP and the Type B dialects. A 7.1.2. Bifurcated development of the MC "Gap/k"-type syllables In the Ming rhyme dictionaries such a s HWZY, Y T and HT, the " G ^ /k " -ty p e words such a s % (MC /^ k a p /), i t (MC /^ k h a p /), (MC / ^ x ^ / ) and ^ (M C /j? ^ " /) all reflect the Type Bcase.^^® The same situation can also be observed in ND and the Type B stratum of MP. ‘‘°^0f.Hsueh1978. 10'? ^ See 2.2.8. for the bifurcated development of the "G^/k"-type syllables. Also see 6.3.4. 255 However, Type A readings of the "Gan/i<"-type words such as xing 4f (MC /^ x a p /) and ying # (NIC /^ q a p /), also appear in HWZY, YT, and HT, These exceptions present the Type A pronunciations. Since they are small in number, the anomaly must have been obtained through dialect borrowing or else a product of confusion of "phonetic" (e.g., # ) which shared by both the "G^/k"-type % and "Gy^/k"-type ^ (no.10 in Table 83 below and 6.3.3.). These "exceptional* readings in the Ming speech norm es recorded by HWZY, YT and HT—are also shared by ND and MP: Î5S Table 83 Bifurcated changes of MC "G^/k"-type words T ypeB Type A MC HWZYYT/HT ND ZYYY MP 1. % /î/ap '^/ /^e% / /^e% / /4>yer)/ /4>yiT]/ 2. /^kap/ /ke%/ /ke rj/ /k in / /k\T]/ /kye% / /ky\T)/ 3. ■I; / ^ k q i / /ke% / /ke% / /k in / /kye% / /k it]/ i 4. I t / ^ k ^ / /ke% / /ke% / /k in / /k iq / 1 /kye% / /kyiTj/ % /ke% / /ke% / /k in / /k y e q / /k i? / ki 6. £ / k ^ ^ / /ke% / /ke% / /k in / /kye% / /ki%/ l7. / k h ^ ^ / 1/kheq/ /khe%/ /k h in / /khye%/ /khi?;/ 8. /k a k ^ / /k e k / /k e q / /k e q / /k y a y / /k 3 # / a % /khak^/ /khek/ /kheq/ /kheq/ /khye/ /kh3 # / /khyay/ /khy 3#/ 10. % S?: /^q^/ /ÿye%/ /ÿ y e ? / /(&yin/ /4>yer)/ /4>y\7j/ The distinction between Type A and Type B dialects lies mainly in the bifurcated changes of two groups of syllables. One contains words with the entering-tone, as we have discussed in 7.1.1.; the other consists of the A "G ^/k"-type words. It is a widespread change in Mandarin dialects that the 257 MC "-a(E)"-type finals have acquired a palatal medial /-y -/ after the gutttural initials (i.e., /^ k a p /), i t (MC /J ^ h a p /), (MC and (MC /rjS p ^ /) become homophones with ^ ^ , of the MC "Cyap/k, A Cyep/k" origins, as ZYYY demonstrates. In Type B dialects, the "o, a —> e / p/k" chaige — occurred before the 4> —> y / G _ a change. So the syllables under discussion, such as .£ A (MC /^kap/), it (MC /^khap./), -ff (MC /^ x a p /) and s t (MC / 7?ap^/) lose their condition to acquire the palatal medial /-y-/, and thus can not become homophones with ^ . The fact that these two changes occur in reversed order suggests the overlapping waves, with the center of "a, o —> A e / p/k"-change in the South around Nanjing, where HWZY was compiled and the 'V —> y / G a"-change in the North around Beijing, w here ZYYY was recorded. The reversed orders of these two changes in Type A and Type B dialects are illustrated below: Type B: ^ Type A: a ,o —>e/_ p/k >y/G ___ ajE) 4>—> y /G —a(E) a, o—> e /_ p /k (see 2.2.8., 3.5.1., 6.3.3., Tables 59,60 & 83) 25G 7.1.3. Neutralization of the syllable finals /-o # / and /-w o#/ The neutralization of the /-w o#/-vs.-/-o#/ distinction is a general tendency in modem Maniarin. The direction of neutralization may go either way: (1) acquisition of the labial medial by the plain final /-o # / (N.M., NW.M.); (2) loss of the medial /-w -/(SW .M ., S.M.). HWZY, YT and HT parallel case (2), while ZYYY and belong to case (1 ).^ As illustrated in Table 84 below, this bifurcated development of the finals /-o # / and /-w o#/ seems to coincide with the occurrence of the Type A vs. Type B distinction conditioned by the entering tone and the "G ^/k" type words. The change seen in HWZY, H I and ND parallel the Type B change (case [2]), while those of ZYYY, TJ and MP the Type A (case [1 ]): °^See Table 25 in 3.5.1. for ND, Tables 69 & 70 in 6.6. for details in HWZY and Tables 84, 85 in this section for an overall view of this bifurcated development among the Mandarin dialects as shown in ZYYY, HWZY, HT, MP and ND. Also see Zhan Pohui 1981 for more data in modern dialects. ^ ®®See 2.2.5. for definition of Type A and Type B, and also see 3.5.1., 6.3.3. for more evidence in ND and HWZY. 259 Table 84 Neutralization of the /-o # / vs. /-w o#/ contrast o# in Type B and ^ ” > w / Ds, D, Pr c# in Type A TypeB Type A HWZY MC YT/HT ND ZYYY TJ MP 1- A "left" / ^ c o # / /CO#/ /co#/ /cwo#/ /cwo#/ /cw3<^/ 2. 4 - "to dance" /^so#/ /so#/ /so#/ /swo#/ /sw3#/ % "shuttle" /^swo#/ /so#/ /so#/ /swo#/ /swo#//Sw 3 # / 3. ^ "a surname" < ^ lo # / /lo#/ /lo#/ /Iwo#/ /Iwo#/ /Iw3#/ 4 "snail" /^Iwo#/ /lo#/ /lo#/ /Iwo#/ /Iw 3 # / 4. "cowardly" /nwo#^/ /n o # / /n o # / /nwo#/ /nwo#//n w 3 # / "lazy” I'tH w o#^//to#/ /to#/ /two#/ /two#//tw ô # / "to chop" /two#^/ /to#/ / t o # / /two#/ /two#/ /tw 3 # / 7. # "many" /^to#/ /to#/ /to#/ /two#/ /two#/ /hv3f/ "to pull" /^tho#/ /tho#/ /tho#/ /thwo#/ /thwo#/ /thw3 y/ 9 . ^ "carry on" /^ tH o # / /tho#/ /tho#/ /thwo#/ /thwo#/ /thw # / on the back' The examples given above reveal that the bifurcated development of the o#A vo# neutralization started among the Mandarin dialects as early as the Yuan-Ming periods; The "Cwo# (rounded)" vs. "Co# (unrounded)" contrast in MC is neutralized in ND, and constantly pronounced as the unrounded-type "Co#." This is only partially true for MP, which still maintains the contrast among words with guttural initials, while words with dental, dental sibilant and retroflex initials of both types neutralized and are all pronounced with the rounded-type "Cwo#" (see 3.5.1.). However, MP has quite a few exceptions in the MC rounded-type with gutturals which has partially adopted the result of the Type B change. For example, the MC rounded-type words such as ge ^ (MC /^kwo#/) "dagger-ax," he fg (MC /xHwo#"^/) "joining in the singing" are read as the MC unrounded-type words ge ^ (MC / ^ k o # / ) "song," he % (MC /x H o # ^ /) "to congratulate" rather than their original rounded-type homophones guo ^ (MC/^kwo#/)"pot,"huo >; (MC/xHwo#^/) "goods." 261 Table 85 Partial adoption of the Type B change in MP MC ND MP 1, X "dagger-axe" /^kwo#/ /^ko#/ / ^ k 3 # / 2. "science” /^ k h w o # / /^ k h o # / /^ k h 3 # / 3. "classifier" /^khwo#/ /^kho#/ / j k h 3 # / 4. "tadpole" /^khwo#/ /^ k h o # / /^ k h 3 # / 5. /^khwo#/ /^kho#/ /^khd #/ 6. "nest" /^khwo#/ /^ k h o # / /^ k h d # / 7. "and" /^ x H w o # / / ^ h o # / /^ h 3 # / 8. "standing grain" /^ x H w o # / / ^ h o # / /^h@ #/ 9. "joining in the /xHwo#^/ /ho#^/ /h singing" 10. 3E "class" /khwo#^/ /kho#'^/ /kh3 # ^ / ll.îfc "mistaken" /^ijW O #/ /^ ^ w 3 #/ 262 MP consistently illustrates a Type A change (i.e., 4> —> w ) in words with the dental, dental sibilant and retroflexed initials. Only in these having the guttural initials, it has partially adopted the result of the Type B change as shown above. This anomaly in MP may have been obtained under the influence of Type B dialects of the Ming dynasty, implanted into the Beijing areas through the government relocation and the overwhelming number of relocated people from the Nanjing area and its adjacent territories. 7 .1 .4 . De-retroflexion of retroflex initials As we mentioned in 3.5.4., the de-retroflexion represents a regular change in ND, conditioned by (1) non-palatalization of the finals and (2) high vowel. HWZY reveals that the speech norm of its time already included the result of that change occurred in the Nanjing dialect (see 3.5.4. and 5.3.1.). In most modem Mandarin dialects, except in N.M., the MP retroflex initials— i.e., Pr (3) — have been unconditionally de-retroflexed. But in N.M., they basically remain unchanged — as in OM, shown by ZYYY and HWZY.^^^ Some words which had retroflexed initials in AC (Pr[1]) are also de- retroflexed in MP (i.e., sou fs. ) but they are so few and irregular that they obviously are obtained through dialect borrowing. These limited number of exceptional readings in MP exactly correspond to the result of the conditional Pr(l)-de-retroflexion in ND, and may come from ^^®See Hanyu femgyin zihui and Cheng & Wang 1971 for detailed data of the de-retroflexion in modem dialects. Also Of. Zhan Pohui 1971. 263 dialect contact under the social and political influence during the Ming dynasty. 7.1.5. Double readings of MC "Bywiw"-type syllables A small number of words which come from MC "Cywiw"-type of Liushe and have labial initials such as mu ^ (MC /'^mywiw/, MP /•^mwi#/) "mother," fu S (MC /^pfywiw/, MP /fwi#'^/) "rich," become homophonous with words having the "Cwi#"-type origin in MC. Some even have dual readings, e.g., fu (MC /^pfhywiw/, MP /^fw i#/, /^fiw/). The dual pronunciations of these words, which derive from the MC Liushe (i.e., "C(y)wiw"-type) reveal that they underwent the bifurcated changes.^ As we have analyzed in 6.8., all these dual-pronounced words are with labial initials and the "-ywiw"-type finals in MC. They later lose either the labial semi-vowel ending /-w / or the labial medial /-w -/ and then result in the "Cwi#/C(y)iw" dual pronunciations: the Type I pronunciation "Cwi#" and the Type II pronunciation "C(y)iw." The formula of the two-step-changes we proposed in 6.6. for the bifurcated development of the MC "Bywiw"-type words is rewritten as below: S tep One: y --> 4> / __ wiw Step two: Type-l-line w —> (j> / B w i__ (for those read as the "Cwi#"-type words) ^ ®^See Tables 75, 76 in 6.8. for their dual readings in HWZY and Table 86 in this section. 264 Type-l'.-line w —> ^ / B iw (for those still remaining the "C(y)iw"-type readings) As shown in Table 86 which follows bellow that both ZYYY and HWZY include dual readings, though with one of the types as the maior tendency. This situation proves that both Type-1 and Type-il readings coexisted and were influential in their time. The Type-li-line product is overv/helming in HWZY while ZYYY reflects basically the Type-1 readings (see Table 85). The readings in HT of the seventeenth century imply that the Ming speech norm follows HWZY pattern. After the MM represented by HT, more Type-1 readings were adopted by the speech norm, as we can observe in MP. Words of nos. 13 and 14 are read as /maw/, same as words from MC Xiaoshe (i.e., "C(y)aw, Cow"-type) in MP, and so with no. 13 in ND too. The new reading "mao" first emerge in ZYYY for ^ but did not appear in the Ming speech norm. Obviously, this reading came from the Type-1 dialects and its adoption to MP and ND is late. In order to show the major tendency of the development of the MC "Bywiw"-type words in the dialects reflected by ZYY Y , HW ZY and HT as well as ND and MP, the readings which are considered to be the exceptions are parenthesized; 265 Table 86 Bifurcated development of MC "Bywiw"-type words 1 MC Type-1 Type-11 1 z y y y ND M P 1 .... j HWZYNT . 1 1 . /^m yw iw / !/m w l/ /m iw / /miw/ /miw/ 1 /m iw / 1 4 4 /^m yw iw / } /m iw / /m iw / /m iw / 1 1 2 - /m iw / /m iw / 3. $ /^mywiw/ ; /mw!#/ /miw/ /miw/ /miw/ 1 /m iw / i i 4 . i f /'^pfhywiw/ j /fiw / /fiw / ! /fiw / /fw i# / /f w i# / i /fw i# / i ! A ! 5. / pfywiw/ : {/fiw /) /fiw / /fiw / /fiw / 1 /fiw / 1 6. /^m y w iw / /m iw / 1 /m w i# / (/mwi#/) /mwi#//mwi#/j/m w i# / 7. /^mywiw/ /mwl#/ /miw/ /m iw / /m iw / /m iw / 8. 4 /^pfhyw iw / /fiw / /fiw / /f w i# / /f w i# / /fwi#/ /fwi#/ |9. w /pfyw iw '^/ /fiw / /fiw / /fw i# / /fw i# / /fwi#/ /fwi#/ i ! 110. S'J /pfhywiw'^/ /fiw / /fiw / i /fw i# / /fw i# / /fwi#/ /fwi#/ 1 i 1 11. # / pfhywiw'^/ /fiw / /fw i# / (/fw i# /) /fw i# / /fw i# / 12. /pfhyw iw ^/ /fwi#/ /fiw/ /fiw / /fwi#/ /fwi#/ 13. /^mywiw/ (/miw/) /miw/ /miw/ (/m ow /] (/m aw /) 14. /mywiw'^/ (/miw/) /m iw / /miw/ /miw/*. (/maw/) 15. % ;/m ywiw'^/ (/maw/) /miw/ /m iw / /m iw / (/m aw /) 2CK 7.1.6. Exceptions The term "exceptions" used here refers to the readings which do not correspond to the major trends of changes that occurred in Mandarin dialects and is not a product of regular change in HWZY, either. The "exceptional" forms can tell us a great deal about the phonological development of the language. The extent to which two dialects share excepüonal forms can lead us to very different interpretations of the histories of these two dialects."^®® Therefore, we will discuss these exceptional pronunciations and trace their source in the earlier stages of Mandarin as well as in the modern Mandarin dialects. The "exceptions" in HWZY we will discuss here are those (1) paralleling both MP and ND; (2) paralleling only ND. 1. Group 1: Those paralleling both MP and ND a. The zero initial in mi ^ % (MC /6 y m y ^ /, MP /rwiy"^/, ND /rwiy^/), was absorbed to /r-/, as reflected by ZYYY, YT, HT, NDand MP (see discussion in 5.S.3.). b. The voiced dental fricative initial /s H - / in giu EJ (MC /^sHyiw/, MP /^khyiw/, ND /^khyiw/) changes to the voiceless aspirated dental affricate /ch-/ and becomes homophones with giu (MC /^cHyiw/, MP /^khyiw/, ND /^khyiw/). In ZYYY, /sH-/ in ;-l3 changes to the voiceless fricative /s-/. However, the readings of El >0 in MP and ND parallel HWZY (also see no.3 of Table 39 in 5.4. and no.11 of Table 49 in 5.7.). °®Cheng & Wang 1971:219. 267 2. Group II: Those paralleling only ND a.The zero initial in yu ^ ^ (MC /«iyw ik^/, MP / b. The voiced dental fricative /sH -/ in xianq #1# i f (MC /^sH y o q /, MP / ^ y o i) /, ND /^khyoî?/) is assimilated to /ch -/ in HWZY and becom es homohonous with (MC /^cH y o q /, MP /^khyoT?/, ND /^khyo»?/) which has the dental affricate as initial in MC (/c H -/J and Mandain period ( /c h - /) and /k h -/ after being palatalized. It parallels ND. while in MP ^ and are distinct, the former with fricative wniie the latter affricate (see no.4 of Table 39 in 5.4. and no.12 of Table 49 in 5.7.). C. zu . (MC /cHwik^/, MP /^cwi#/, ND /chwiq^/), which has the voiced dental affricate /cH-/ in MC, becomes homophonous with cu ^ ^ (MC /chwik^/, MP /chw i#^/, ND /chwiq^/), which has the voiceless aspirated dental affricate /ch -/. This is also the case in ND, while in MP, has acquired an unaspirated initial / c - /( s e e no.2 of Table 39 in 5.4. and no.10 of Table 49 in 5.7.). d. yonq ^ (MC /^qywi??/, MP /^<^ywi;;/, ND /^4)y\NiT]/) are read as the Yin-level tone in MP. However, they appear in the rising tone category and become homophones of yonq 'if, (MC /■^qywijj/, MP / “^(^ywii?/, ND /^ Case b in both Groups I and II reveal the same situation. It is a major tendency in the Mandarin dialects that /sH -/ changes to the fricative /s - / in the oblique tones. /sH-/ —> /ch-/ is an exception in MP but is overwhelming in ND, in which ^ >E] (see Group II case b above) which had /sH -/ previously are all pronounced with the aspirated affricate /ch -/ before the palatalization of the dental sibilants and /kh-/ after the palatalization. The pronunciations for EJ and in MP may have been obtained through Ming speech norm (see case b in Group I). In case c of group II, the MC voiced dental affricate /cH -/ in ^ does not follow the /cH-°^'‘‘^^® / —> /c -/ major change in Mandarin dialects as shown in MP. Instead it underwent the /cH -/ --> /ch -/ change in HWZY and ND. As an exception, though, it still offers a clue to the close connechon betw een HWZY and ND. The Group II readings (except case d) do not appear in YT and HT. This situation proves that these Group II readings adopted by the Ming speech norm from Nanjing dialect in the early years w ere no longer in use in the late Ming period. 7 .1 .7 . Summary The above discussion shows that the dialect of HWZY follow the Type-B-line development in the changes outlined below: • The bifurcated developments of the entering-tone words (see rule [xv] and Table 5 in 2.2.5., 3.2., Tables 79-82 in 7.1.1.); A * the bifurcated changes of the MC "G^/k"-type words (see 2.2.8., 3.5.1 „ 6.3.3., 7.1.2., Tables 59,60 & 83)]; 265 » the "w —> 4>/G o#" change results (see 3.5.1., 6.6., 7.1.3., Tables 25, 69, 7 0 ,8 4 & 85.) o the dual pronunciations of the MC "Bywiw"-type words (see 6.8., 7.1.5. and Table 86) • the partially adopted de-retroflexion (see Table 37 in 5.3.); • the exceptions in Table 49 and 7.1.6. The major tendency of the abovelisted changes in HWZY have the following implications: First, The early Ming speech norm, represented by HWZY, takes shape on the base of the Type B pronunciation represented by the dialect of the capital city of that time — Nanjing. The influence of the Type B pronunciation has a great impact on the development of Standard Mandarin, and that impact can be seen even in the present speech norm — Modem Pekinese. Second, the Ming speech norm took shape in the first Ming capital — Nanjing — and adopted some exceptional readings from the then Nanjing dialect; it then gradually shifted its base to the dialect of the new capital—Beijing; and some old readings were replaced by the pronunciations of the new base. 7.2. Hongwu^iengyun and Zhongyuan yinyun Zhongyuan yinyun (1324, ZYYY), compiled 50 years earlier than HWZY, has been widely recognized as the representative of the early stage of Mandarin and the direct source of Modern Pekinese, but few recognize that HWZY also reflect the early stage of Mandarin speech. Our research 2 7 0 proves that HWZY and ZYYY came from the same origin (Middle Chinese, represented by the rhyme-tables) and only illustrate some discrepant phonological phenomena, Type A (for ZYYY) and Type B (for HWZY). The major changes listed below illustrate their basic similarities as well as their differences; HW ZY Z Y Y Y 1. y 2. ] —> r yes (see [vii] in 2.2.3., 5.3.) 3. o —> a / y (E) yes (E = [-velar]) (see [xvi] in 2.2.6., 6.3.2., 6.5.1.) 4. a —> e/y(w) __ yes (see [xvii] 2.2.6., 6.2.3., 6.3.2.,6.5.2.) 5. pf, pfh, pfH —> f yes (se e 5.2.) 6. Type B: ^ Type A: a, o —> e / — p/k ( i" > y /G ___ a (see 2.2.6., 6.3.3.) 7. o —> a / C — E yes (E = [-b ack ]; if 0 = G, then E p, t) (see [xviii] in 2.2.6., 6.2.2., 6.4.2., 6.7.1.) 8. a —> o /— E y es (E = [+back] (see [xx] in 2.2.7., 6.3.2., 6.5.1.) 271 9. y —> (jà / Ds _ iy yes y —> <^ / Pr _ iy y —> __ Ds {see [x, xi] in 2.2.4., 6.7.3.) 10. e, o --> i/ y yes (see [xxii] in 2.2.9., 6.7.3.) 11. y —> 0 / ___ wiy yes (see [xxiii] 2.2.9., 6.7.2.) 12. y —> <6 / C(y)i — [no change] (C = Pr,B) (see 6.7.3.) 13. t-->c yes (see 2.2.3., 5.3.) 14. Type B tendnecy: Type A: Jevel ÿ —> w / C 0 # (se e 6 .6 .) 15. y —> ^/B_wiw yes (se e 6.8.) 16. Type-ll-!ine development): Type-l-line development w-->(^/B_ iw w —> ^/B w i__ Type-I (limited exceptions): Type-ll (limited exceptions): w —> tf> / B w i__ w —> «^ / B iw (see 6.8.) 17. m —>n/Bi yes (see 6.2.) 18. j? —> ^ / y yes (see 5.6.1.) 19. q —> (6 / (w)V 272 (see 5.6.2.) 20. Type B tendency Type-A-line development /-k/ --> /-k/ /-k/ —> /-y / / - k / —> /-w / (see 7.1.1) (see 2.2.5.) 21. H - > f h / S _ (M)V(E)-'>level H--> , h / S _ (M)V(E)'®''®' <6 / S _ (M)V(E)°b'ique / S (M)V(E)°^'''^^® (V=[-low]) (see [v] in 2.2.2., 5.7.) The above-listed chsuiges show that HWZYand ZYYY derive from the same origin (Middle Chinese represented by the rhyme-tables) with occasionally bifurcated changes, Type A (for ZYYY) and Type B (for HWZY). Their similarities are obviously seen and their differences can therefore be outlined into the following points: 1.The development of the words with the former entering tone; HWZY is on the Type-B-line while ZYYY is on Type-A-line (see discussion and Table 82 in 7.1.1.). 2. The dual readings of the unrounded syllables with the guttural initials of the second division in the MC Gengshe (i.e., the "G^Æ"-type); HWZY shows Type-B-line change while ZYYY illustrates Type-A-line development (see evidence and discussion in 6.3.3., discussion and Table 83 in 7.1.2. and rule no. 6 above.). 3. The neutralization of /-w o#/ vs. /-o # / contrast; HWZY presents Type-B-line change, ZYYY Type-A-line (see Tables 6 9 ,7 0 ,8 4 and discussions in 6.6., 7.1.3. and rule no. 14 above.). 4. Both ZYYY and HWZY undergo the "y—> /Ds, P r ( 2 ) _ iy" and "y —> retroflex sibilant (Pr[2]) initials. However, HWZY also undergoes change one step further; i.e., y —> 5. Both HWZY and ZYYY show initial devoicing. The devoicing has completed its process in the dialect of ZYYY while in the dialect of HWZY, the exceptions are retained, probably under the influence from the Wu-dialect, which is spoken in the areas being adjacent to Nanjing — the first Capital of the Ming dynasty and still retains the voiced vs. voiceless contrast until present- day (see 5.7. for situation of the devoicing in HWZY). HWZY still keeps entering tone category and partially retains voiced initials; however, these retaintions do not disqualify HWZY as a representative of the early stage of Mandarin as ZYYY does. 27 4 7.3. The Ming speech norm and its historical background It also proves that MP arose from the Ming speech norm, though borrowing heavily from the Type A pronunciations through dialect contact during the past six hundred years. The early Ming speech norm, represented by HWZY, takes shape on the base or the Type B pronunciation represented by the dialect of the capital city of that time — Nanjing. The fact that the Type B pronunciation become influential in the Ming speech norm is not only due to the social and political influence of the Ming dynasty but also the momentum of the historical trend which we will discuss in the following sections. 7.3.1. The impact of social change on the "Mandarinization" of Nanjing dialect Chinese culture arose from the Yellow River plain and the Loess plateau. For nearly two thousand years, the Chinese located their capitals in the North. But the South later exceeded the North in social and economic stability. It suffered fewer natural disasters and lay far beyond the reach of most foreign invaders from the North. The political upheavals and the natural disasters that occur in the North from time to time caused numerous migrations to the South. Nanjing, as a hub of both water and land communications, was the greatest metropolis at the south bank of the Yangtze River in those days. The river functioned as a secure natural moat and Nanjing was both geographically and strategically significant. Since Nanjing was the stronghold of the Southeast — the richest region in China — 27 s it always attracted the relocated population and became the capital of regional governments. When it became the capital during the early period of the Ming dynasty in 1368 A.D., it had accumulated a long history as either the regional or national capital in the following periods: the Wu Kingdom of the Three Kingdoms period {222-280 A.D.); the Eastern Jin dynasty (317-420 A.D.); the four Southern dynasties during the South-North dynasties period (420-589 A.D.); namely Song (420-479 A.D.); Qi (479-;502 A.D.); Liang (502-557 A.D.) and Chen (557-589 A.D.). During the past two thousand years, there were two major migration waves and numerous minor migrations from the North, which had great impact on the social customs and the dialect of Nanjing, as well as on the other areas in the South. The first major migration wave came during the Wei-Jin periods (420-589 A.D.), and the second occurred during the Southern Song period (1127-1279 A.D.). The first major emigration wave brought to Nanjing not only the ruling families but also an overwhelming number of Northerners. More than one million people migrated to the South, and most of them settled in the areas along the south bank of the Yangtze River. As the great metropolis in the South and as a capital city, Nanjing and its environs were the most densely relocated areas for those immigrants.^ Due to the powerful political and social influence of people coming from the North, the imported Northern speech had a great impact on the indigenous dialect previously spoken in the area. ^ ®®Cf. Jinshu: Dilizhi % i'l! ,î- , Vol. 15 and Zhoujunzhi ^1 Vol. 35 and also Jiang Zangchu 1980:48. 2 7 6 The second migration wave occurred at the beginning of the 12th century when the Chinese government was forced to confine itself to the Southern half of China by the Tartar invaders. Though the ruler of the Southern Song dynasty located his capital in Hangzhou, a coastal metropolis southeast of Nanjing, Nanjing was still politically and strategically important and influenced by the overwhelming number of immigrants from the North. These tremendous social changes had, doubtless, a great impact on the Southern Mandarin dialects and accelerated their assimilation to the Mandarin of the North. This newly infused dialect eventually exerted a great impact on the Standardization of Mandarin Chinese. 7.3.2. Shifts of the cultural center and the base of the speech norm The relocation of the government and migration from the North had great impact on the cultural and economic development of the South. Since the South has natural advantages over the North (see previous section), it developed quickly and exceeded the North in cultural and economic significance. Starting from the Southern Song period, there was an obvious shift of the cultural center from North to South, as is partially witnessed by the overwhelming and growing number of high ranking officials and advanced scholars from the area.^^*^ On top of its political and social influence, this Chen Zhengxiang 1982 includes a set of data demonstrating that the number of high ranking officials and advanced scholars as growing in .the South and decreasing in the North during a long span from the Tang dynasty of the seventh century to the late Ming dynasty of the seventeenth century. According to his data, the contrast reached its peak in the Ming period. Ill overwheming influx of scholars and high-ranking officials from the South — especially the coastal areas including the S.M spoken area — must have had a great impact on the shift of the speech norm. By 1368, when Emperor Hongwu established the Ming dynasty, the Emperor himself and the royal house were from the S.M. speaking area. All these factors together prepared a proper situation for the promotion of the new speech norm, based heavily on Southern Mandarin, which had long been used by the majority of the high- ranking officials and advanced scholars in the South and by the new royal house. This Southern influence later became a new infusion into the then Peking dialect, through the relocation of the capital and large-scale migrations from the South to the area, and therefore had a great influence on the development of Modem Stemdard Pekinese.^ ^ ^ Both the first and the second Emperors of the Ming dynasty had ordered several interregional migrations between Nanjing and other areas. These all had a certain impact on the dialect and customs of Nanjing, and also created a perfect situation for the Nanjing Mandarin to penetrate into the other dialects. Descendants of those relocated Nanjing populations during the Ming dynasty are found in Kunming of Yunnan and Xining of Qinghai, the Kunming dialect still shows its connention with Nanjing dialect (cf. Bao 1986, M'mgshi: Taizu benji X ® , Vol. 3 and Zhao, Yi Nianersi zhaji. Vol. 32.) An investigation on the speech of those populations may be benifical for the reconstruction of the Ming speech norm. 7.3.3. Conclusion We have good reason to believe that the Ming speech norm represented by HWZY is a continuation of the speech norm in the previous periods. It takes shape on the base of the Type B pronunciation represented by the dialect of the first capital city — Nanjing in the early Ming period. This Southern influence later became a new infusion into the then Peking dialect, through the relocation of the capital and large-scale migrations from the South to the area, and therefore had a great influence on the development of Modern Standard Mandarin, Some readings adopted by the Ming speech norm from Nanjing dialect in the early years were no longer in use in the late Ming period, a few hundred years after the government's relocation to the Beijing area (see 7.1.6.). The establishment of the speech norm based on the then Nanjing dialect in the early Ming period and the shift of that norm to the Peking dialect in later Ming is not an accident but an expected result of historical and social factors. The influence of the Type B pronunciation represented by Nanjing Mandarin has a great impact on the development of Standard Mandarin, and that impact can be seen in the late Ming speech norm and even in the present speech norm — Modem Pekinese.^ ^ ^ The evidence in the late Ming speech norm is observed in HT, as we have shown and in Matteo Ricci's documents, including his Portuguese-Chinese Dictionary and Xizi Qiji, according to Lu 1985 and Yang 1986. CHAPTER VIII CONCLUSION In the previous chapters, we have used our knowledge of AC, MC, OM and Modem Mandarin dialects to read the signals of the sound system and sound changes implied by the arrangement of HWZY, HW ZY is an official dictionary compiled to replace the old official rhyme books, such as Jiyun which could no longer represent the standard norm of the new era. It intends to mirror the current standard pronunciation of its time which relies heavily on the Type-B-line pronunciation represented by the dialect of the capital city of that time — Nanjing. However, it is not a consistent and systematical record of Nanjing Mandarin. First, it is still arranged in the format of the traditional dictionaries. The pronunciations of many items are defined by relying on the spellings of the old dictionaries. Second, since it is a collective work, the different viewpoints of its compilers towards language development and the influence of the other regional dialects may prevent this dictionary from being presented as objectively and consistently as it should be. The eleven compilers (see Table 28 in 4.1.) may hold different views towards the current pronunciation of a certain item and finally compromised each other by keeping the old status unchanged or including more than one readings. Through detailed analysis, our study of HWZY 279 28 0 clarifies the uncertainties about the degree to which HWZY represents the speech norm of the early Ming period. As we mentioned in Chapter One, uncertainties result mainly from the discrepancies between HWZY and ZYYY: the voiced initials and the entering tone disappear in the latter, while the format of the former shows that it still preserves them. Our research on HWZY in Chapter Five proves that the voicing in the fricative, affricate and stop initials is disappearing — they are in their last phase. Preserving the entering tone by no means disqualifies it as a Mandarin dialect since in some Type B dialects, the entering tone is retained even up to the present, as the Mandarin variant ND shows. 8.1. The standardization of Mandarin Chinese As the history of Mandarin Chinese is concerned, the dialect of the ZYYY has been regarded as its oldest stage and as the direct source of MP. Many research works have tried to draw a direct line between the dialect of the ZYYY and MP, and regard the phonological records such as HWZ Y which do not fit in this line as "archaic," "Southern" or "non-stardard." In this situation, we fail to explain some phenomena in MP —such as the partial de-retroflexion of Pr(1) (the AC retroflexed initials), the irregular readings of the MC "G ^/k"-type words (Gengshe). the "Bywiw"-type words of the MC Liushe and the other exceptions.^ Our research proves that the Mandarin speech norm did not develop along a direct line from the Yuan (represented 11S See 2.2. and 7.1. for detailed discussion on these cases. 281 by the ZYYY) to the modem period. The norm shifts from one Mandarin variant to another as a result of social and political influence. When this new norm becomes prestigious in the formal situation, the old norm is by no means completely forgotten but still coexists and may be borrowed to different degrees into the new norm. Since this shift occurs between two closely-related Mandarin variants — Type A and B — the regional or dialectal divergences are not even too obvious and this has created very limited disruption to Mandarin standardization. 3.2. The so-called "literary and colloquial pronunciations" in Mandarin The terms "colloquial pronunciation" (Kouyuyin) and "literary pronunciation" (Dushuyin) have long been used but not uniformly defined. For most scholars, the former means the pronunciation of casual speech, while the latter refers to the pronunciation of formal speech or reading. Some scholars use these two terms to refer to two closely-related variants in MP or two coexisting speech strata within one dialect— differentiated by the criteria we have discussed so far for Types A and B.^ Their "colloquial pronunciation" (Kouyuyin) corresponds to my "Type A" and their "literary pronunciation" (Dushuyin) to my "Type B."^^® However, when we refer to "Type A" and "Type B" Mandarin variants or dialectal strata, the terms “^Cf. Luo 1959:575-81 ; Hsueh 1975 & 1978; Pulleyblank 1984:.4. ^^®See 2.2.5., 2.2.8 for our definition of Type A and Type B. Also see 3.5.1., 6.3.3. for more detailed evidence. 202 "colloquial pronunciation" (Kouyuyin) and "literary pronunciation" (Dushuyin) usually cause misunderstanding and are easily confused with the ordinary definition for these two terms: casual speech and formal reading or speech. Every dialect has distinctions between its casual and formal speech (or reading), but not every dialect contains two coexisting strata of pronunciation as MP does. Some Mandarin variants belong to Type A while others belongs to Type B. Taking ND as an example, we can see that it corresponds to the literary strata in MP and arises obviously from a Type B (or literary type if we follow the convention) Mandarin variant. However, these so-called "literary pronunciations" are by no means the pronunciations for formal speech in ND; they are, indeed, the pronunciations of everyday speech in ND. The formal speech nowadays for the natives in Nanking is, of course, the MP pronunciation, which is actually a mixture of the pronunciations of both "literary"— Type A — and "colloquial" —Type B — strata. 8.3. Nanjing dialect, Hongwuzhengyun and Standard Mandarin We can now use the criteria of the three stages in Mandarin period we have postulated in 2.3. to test: (1) the relationship between ND, HWZY and Ming speech norm; (2) If HWZY can stand for the early stage of Mandarin as ZYYY does; (3) the influence of the early Ming speech norm on the standard Mandarin. The answer for (1) is positive. HWZY stands for the Type B early Mandarin, while ZYYY represents Type A. ND is definitely a Type B Mandarin variant which derives from what the Ming speech norm — reflected by HWZY and HT-- is based on. Though it has connections to both Type A and Type B development, MP "is derived from the literary system [Type B] but with heavy borrowing from the colloquial [Type A] ' (Hsueh 1975:134). 20 4 Table 87 Criteria for the three stages of the Mandarin period OM MM ND MP ZYYY HWZY HT i 1. Initials I a. Bf—>f yes yes y es yes yes b. Pr(1),Pi,D|-->Pr(3) yes yes yes yes yes yes yes y es yes yes 2. Medials a. <6—> y/G _^/k Type A Types T y p e s T y p e s TypeS(major) Type A(limited) b. wo# and o# neutralization Type A Types T y p e s T y p e s Type A(major) Type B( limited) 3. vowels 4-way 4-w ay 4-way 4-way 3-way a. 0 —> a/w — n no no yes yes yes b. 0, e —> 9 no no no no yes 5. endings a. -m —> -n no no yes yes yes b. -p, -t, -k, -k Type A T y p e s T y p e s T y p e s TypeB(major) merge Type A(limited) major = major tendency of change; limited = limited cases adopted from the regular change of other dialects. 285 8.4. Conclusion With the above remarks on the evolution of Mandarin in mind, we can now summarize the rules presented in the discussion to show the major changes in the following stages: {1 ) before the HWZY; (2) from the HWZY to ND. Some of the changes (nos. 1-5) formulated in the second stage can be observed from MM, reflected by the HT. Nos. 6 and 7 are shared by all the Mandarin dialects, while 9-14 only occur regionally. A cross-reference indicating where each rule is first discussed is attached after each rule: Stage One: from MC to HWZY 1. syllable = (C)(M)V(E) (see 1.2.2. & 2.1.) 2. C = Initial (see 1.2.2. & 2.1.) The initials of AC (see 2.1. Table 3) S Fv R Bilabials P ph pH m Dentals t th tH n 1 Palatalized dentals t] tjri tjh Retroflex sibilants cr crh crH sr srH Palatalized sibilants cj cjh cjH s] s]H n| Dental sibilants c ch ch s sh Gutturals k kh kH X xH V q 4> 2 3 6 The initials of MC (see 2.1. Table 4) S Fv R Bilabials P ph pH m labiodentals P f pfh pfh mv Dentals t th tH n 1 Palatalized dentals tr trH trh Retroflex sibilants cr crh crh sr srh r Dental sibilants c ch ch s sh Gutturals k kh kH X xH n q 4> “Notes: = "zero" initial, no actual consonant in initial position but syllables with this initial behave like those with R or G initials diachronically. f = labiodentalization; Fv = fricatives; h = aspiration; H = used as a symbol standing for voicing in this dissertation; j = palatalization; r = retroflex; R = resonants; S = stops and affricates. Phonemically these two types of initials behave in an identical manner when they are combined with / h / or /H /; 4. (M)V(E)= final (se e 2.1.) 2 8 7 The design of the rhyme tables (see 2.2. Table 1) Inner-A Inner-B Division Tonqshe Guoshe Zhishe Zengshe Yushe Dangshe Liushe Shenshe 1 -wi(E) -(w)o(E) II ------III -ywi(E) -y(w)o(E) IV Outer-A Outer-B Genqshe Jianqshe Xieshe Xiaoshe Shanshe Xianshe Division Jiashe Zhenshe 1 -(w)o(E) -(w)i(E) II -(w)a(E) [-(w) a (E)- III -y(w)a(E) -y(w)i(E) IV -y(w )e(E) Source: Hsueh 1982:14; Hsueh & Chou 1983 Syllable finals of Rhyme-classes (She) (see 2.1 Table 2) (a)lnner-A: Division Tong Zhi Yu Liu Shan ji -A'i^/k ------w i # -iw III -ywij?/k -y{w)iy -ywi# -yiw -yim /p — — — — " (b) Inner-B: Division Guo Zeng Dang I -(w)o# -(w)oji/R -(w)o?;/k II ------— — III -ywo# -y(w)op/k -y(w)o%/k (c) Outer-A: Division Geng Jiang Xie Xiao Shan Xian Jia ^ ------(w)oy -ow -(w)on/t -om/p ------(w)^/k^ -aj?/k -(w)ay -aw -(w)an/t -am/p -(w)a# -y(w)^/k -y(w)ay-yaw-y(w)an/t -yam/p -y(w)a# IV “V(w)eji/i< -(w)ey -ew -(w)en/t -yem/p—— (d) Outer-B: Division Zhen -(w )in/t II [-(w) e n/t] III -y(w )in/t IV Source: Hsueh 1985:147-48 28 0 5. M = medials: /-y-, -w-, -yw-, -ÿ-/ (see 1.2.2. & 2.1.) 6. V = vowel (see 1.2.2. & 2.1.) front central back high i low e a o 7. E=endings: /-w, -y, -n, -m, -n, -p, -t, -k/ 8. B —> Bf / yw (see rule [î] in 2.2.1.) 9. y —> ^ / B f _w(E) (see rule [ii] in 2.2.1.) 10. F'-*' - > (see rule [III] in 2.2,2.) 11. FTlsina - > { (see rule [Iv] In 2.2.2.) pHSing f elsewhere 12. y —>(^/Pr(1)___ (seerule[vi] in 2.2.3.) 13. j ” > r (see rule [vii] in 2.2.3.) (AC Pr, Pj > MC Pr; AC Dj > MC Dr ) 14. o —> a /y (E) (E=[-velar]) (see rule [xvij in 2.2.6., 6.3.2., 6.5.1.) 15. a —>e/y(w)__ (see rule [xvii] in 2.2.6., 6.2.3., 6.3.2., 6.5.2.) 16. Type - inge (see 1.5.1.. 6.3.3., 7.1.2., Tables 59,60 & 83) a, o —> t _ ji/k (see [xix] in 2.2.6., 6.3.3.) >y/ — a (see[xxi] in2.2.8., 6.3.2.,6.5.1.) 17. o —> a / C E (E = [-b ack ]; if C = G, then E f p, t) (see rule [xviii] in 2.2.6., 6.2.2., 6.4.2., 6.7.1.) 2 9 0 18. a —> o I E (E =[+back]) {see rule [xx] in 2.2.7., 6.3.2., 6.5.1.) 19. y —>f / { iy (seerule[x,xi]in2.2.4.,6.7.3.) 20. y —> 4> / Ci (see rule [xii] in 2.2.4., 6.7.3.) 21. e, o —> i / — y (see rule [xxii] in 2.2.S., 6.7.3.) 22. y --> 4> / — wiy (see rule [xxiii] in 2.2.9., 6.7.2.) 23. î —> c (see rule [viii] in 2.2.3.) (MO Dr > OM Pr; AC Pj, Dj, Pr > OM Pr) 24. H —> — (M)V(E) (see [v] in 2.2.2., 5.7.) 4 > /S __ (M)V(E)°'^''Q"® (V=[-low]) 25. y —> 4> / Pr(y)i ___ (see 6.7.3.) 26. w —> ^ / {Os,D — o#'®''®' ( s e e 6.6.) G ___ 27. y —> 4>/B — wiw ( s e e 6.8.) 28. Type-ll-line development w —> ÿ/By — iw (see 6.8.) 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