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NEOFASCHISTEN in GRIECHENLAND DIE PARTEI CHRYSI AVGI Dimitris Psarras NEOFASCHISTEN in GRIECHENLAND DIE PARTEI CHRYSI AVGI

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NEOFASCHISTEN in GRIECHENLAND DIE PARTEI CHRYSI AVGI Dimitris Psarras NEOFASCHISTEN in GRIECHENLAND DIE PARTEI CHRYSI AVGI EDITION 10 PROVO NEOFASCHISTEN IN GRIECHENLAND IN NEOFASCHISTEN Dimitris Psarras NEOFASCHISTEN IN GRIECHENLAND DIE PARTEI CHRYSI AVGI EDITION PROVO EDITION LAIKA VERLAG NEOFASCHISTEN IN GRIECHENLAND DIE PARTEI CHRYSI AVGI Dimitris Psarras NEOFASCHISTEN IN GRIECHENLAND DIE PARTEI CHRYSI AVGI LAIKA VERLAG Dimitris Psarras, 1953 in Athen geboren, ist Mitglied der Recherchegruppe »Ios« (Virus), die viel zum Entstehen des Buches beigetragen hat. Von 1990 bis zum Juni 2012 war Dimitris Psarras als Journalist für die griechische linksliberale Tageszeitung Eleftheroty- pia (Pressefreiheit) tätig. Seit November 2013 schreibt er für die vom Zeitungskollektiv in einer Genossenschaft herausgegebene Efimerida ton Syntakton (Zeitung der Redak- teure). Neofaschisten in Griechenland – Die Partei Chrysi Avgi (Originaltitel I mavri vivlos tis Chrysis Avgis, 2012) ist bereits das zweite Werk, in dem sich Psarras mit den Aktivitäten ultrarechter Organisationen in Griechenland beschäftigt. 2010 gab der Athener Verlag Alexandria seine Studie »Die heimliche Hand von Karatzaferis. Die mediale Auferstehung des griechischen Rechtsextremismus« (Το κρυφό χέρι του Καρατζαφέρη. Η τηλεοπτική αναγέννηση της ελληνικής Ακροδεξιάς) heraus. Sein neuestes Buch, dass im November 2013 im Athener Verlag Polis erschien, trägt den Titel Der Bestseller des Hasses – »Die Pro- tokolle der Weisen von Zion« in Griechenland, 1920–2013 (Το μπεστ σέλερ του μίσους – Τα »Πρωτόκολλα των σοφών της Σιών« στην Ελλάδα, 1920–2013). Heike Schrader, geboren 1965 und aufgewachsen im hessischen Fritzlar, lebt seit Anfang des Jahrtausends in Athen, wo sie seit 2004 als freie Journalistin für verschiedene (linke) Zeitungen und Publikationen schreibt. In frühere Jahre fielen Abitur, eine Ausbildung und mehrjährige Arbeit als Hotelfachfrau, zwei nicht vollendete Studien in Wirtschaftsinformatik und Volks- wirtschaft sowie eine reichhaltige politische Tätigkeit in verschiedenen Zusammenhängen, die sich auch heute in ihrer journalistischen Arbeit bemerkbar macht. Fabian Virchow ist Professor für Theorien der Gesellschaft und Theorien politischen Handelns an der FH Düsseldorf. Dort leitet er auch den Forschungsschwerpunkt Rechtsextre- mismus/Neonazismus (www.forena.de). Impressum LAIKA-Verlag // EDITION PROVO // Dimitris Psarras: Neofaschisten in Grie- chenland – Die Partei Chrysi Avgi // 1. Auflage 2014 // © für die deutsch- sprachige Ausgabe by LAIKA-Verlag GmbH & Co KG // Hamburg // www.laika-verlag.de // Alle Rechte vorbehalten // Übersetzung aus dem Grie- chischen von Heike Schrader // Erschienen unter dem Originaltitel I mavri vi- vlos tis Chrysis Avgis bei Polis, Athen 2012 // Satz und Cover: Niels Pomplun // Druck: Freiburger Graphische Betriebe // ISBN: 978-3-944233-07-9 Inhaltsverzeichnis Fabian Virchow – Zum Geleit . 7 Literaturverzeichnis . 12 Vorwort zur deutschen Ausgabe . 15 Vom Kampfverband zur Partei – Heraufziehen eines Albtraums . 19 Die ersten Nostalgiker 21 Zwischen Hitler und Papadopoulos . 29 Vom Bürgersteig auf die Plätze . 39 Der Angriff des »Stoßtruppführers« . 59 Die tiefschwarze Blaue Armee . 75 Allianz mit sich selbst. 81 Unsichtbare Taten auf der Anklagebank . 87 Auserwählte Verwandte . 93 Der diskrete Charme des Nazismus. 101 Im Zeichen des neofaschistischen und des orthodoxen Kreuzes . 107 Beharrlicher Nazismus . 117 Das Versteckspiel mit dem Hakenkreuz . 139 Schufte, Verräter, Kollegen . 153 Sieger gegen alle . 165 Pogrom und Lynchjustiz. 187 Das Zaudern der Demokratie . 195 Wird sich der Neofaschismus durchsetzen?. 205 Quellenverzeichnis. 209 Literaturverzeichnis . 211 Dem unbekannten Migranten gewidmet Zum Geleit Im Laufe der letzten Jahrzehnte stellten UrlauberInnen aus Deutschland wohl die größte Gruppe der BesucherInnen des südosteuropäischen Landes dar. Sie genossen Sonne, Strand und warmes Wasser, besuchten die Akropolis, bestaunten den Kanal von Korinth – und beneideten die griechische Bevölkerung häufig für ihre – so jeden- falls die hegemoniale Wahrnehmung – lockere Lebensweise. Seit einiger Zeit ist die Bewertung solcher Art von Lebensführung in Deutschland schroff umgeschlagen: An der wirkmächtigen Denunziation »der Griechen« als Müßiggänger bzw. als »dreiste« Profiteure der Europäischen Union und der Mobilisierung nationalistischer Empö- rung hat nicht zuletzt die Berichterstattung auflagenstarker deutscher Medien ihren Anteil.1 Trotz der großen Zahl jener, die Griechenland in der Vergangenheit bereisten, haben sich wohl nur relativ wenige für die gesellschaftlichen Verhältnisse in Griechen- land intensiver interessiert: Ältere mögen sich noch daran erinnert haben, dass das Land zwischen 1967 und 1974 der Herrschaft einer Militärjunta unterworfen war; anderen ist der Gewinn der Fußball-Europameisterschaft im Jahre 2004 im Gedächt- nis geblieben; die damit verbundenen fußballnationalistischen Gewaltakte gegen MigrantInnen, die es auch in Deutschland vier Jahre zuvor gegeben hatte, dürften in Deutschland hingegen kaum bekannt sein. Das nun vorliegende Buch von Dimitris Psarras verweist nicht nur auf solche Aspekte, sondern präsentiert in großer Materialfülle wichtige Daten und Einschät- zungen über die Organisationsgeschichte und Aktivitäten der extremen Rechten Grie- chenlands im Allgemeinen und der Partei Chrysi Avgi (Goldene Morgendämmerung) im Besonderen. Das Interesse daran ist auch in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland ge- stiegen, nachdem letztere bei den Parlamentswahlen in Griechenland im Frühsom- mer 2012 knapp sieben Prozent der Stimmen erhielt und daraufhin zunächst 21 Abge- ordnete ins Parlament entsandte. Die nun in deutscher Sprache vorliegende faktengesättigte Darstellung verdeut- licht nicht nur die langjährige Gewaltpraxis der Chrysi Avgi,2 die ihre Entsprechung in zahlreichen anderen faschistischen Gruppen in den europäischen Nachkriegs- 1 Vgl. Hans-Jürgen Arlt, Wolfgang Storz: Drucksache »Bild« – eine Marke und ihre Mägde. Die »Bild«-Darstel- lung der Griechenland- und Eurokrise 2010, OBS-Arbeitsheft 67, Frankfurt/Main 2011 und Hans Bickes et al.: Die Dynamik der Konstruktion von Differenz und Feindseligkeit am Beispiel der Finanzkrise Griechenlands. Hört beim Geld die Freundschaft auf?, München 2012. 2 Vgl. Sappho Xenakis, Leonidas K. Cheliotis: »Spaces of Contestation. Challenges, Actors and Expertise in the Management of urban Security in Greece«, in: European Journal of Criminology 10 (3) 2013, S. 297–313. 7 Dimitris Psarras · Neofaschisten in Griechenland – Die Partei Chrysi Avgi gesellschaften findet, sondern zeigt auch auf, dass es im griechischen Staatsapparat auch nach dem Ende der Militärjunta Fraktionen gibt, die entsprechenden Kräften der extremen Rechten Handlungsfreiheit gewähren, weil es mindestens weltanschau- liche Überschneidungen bezüglich der zu bekämpfenden oder einzuschüchternden politischen bzw. sozialen Gruppen gibt. So findet sich insbesondere bei jüngeren Poli- zistInnen häufig die Ansicht, dass der Anstieg der Kriminalität von MigrantInnen zu verantworten sei.3 So werden auch in Griechenland Menschen, die aufgrund habituel- ler oder physiognomischer Merkmale als »migrantisch« markiert werden, bevorzugt zum Ziel polizeilicher Kontrollen (racial profiling) oder Opfer von Misshandlungen in Verhörsituationen. Dimitris Psarras führt denn auch an, dass in Athen bei den Wah- len im Mai und Juni 2012 die Stimmenanteile für Chrysi Avgi in den Wahllokalen, in denen die Angehörigen der Polizei wählen, mit 17,2 Prozent bzw. 23,04 Prozent weit über dem Durchschnitt lagen. Gleichwohl hat Chrysi Avgi wiederholt das Ziel formu- liert, eigene stehende bewaffnete Formationen aufzustellen. Dabei ist die Gruppe offen nationalsozialistisch in der Programmatik und zahlrei- chen historischen Bezügen und erinnert selbst in Details – etwa der Sprachverwen- dung des Wortes »fanatisch« – an die Praxis des Nationalsozialismus in Deutschland. Der Wahlerfolg im Jahr 2012 und die außerparlamentarischen Aktionen und Gewalt- taten der Partei haben zur Zuspitzung der politischen und gesellschaftlichen Krise in Griechenland beigetragen, ohne dass diese – so zeigt es Dimitris Psarras in seinen Ausführungen – zur politischen Isolierung der Organisation und ihres Personals ge- führt hätten. Im Gegenteil: In größerem Umfang als zuvor konnten die faschistischen Agitatoren ihre Deutung aktueller Entwicklungen auch massenmedial verbreiten. Bei einem meiner jüngsten Besuche in Athen kurz nach dem Mord an dem antifa- schistischen Hip-Hop-Künstler Pavlos Fyssas wurde in einem Kreis von Gewerkschaf- terInnen aus mehreren europäischen Ländern die Frage aufgeworfen, ob die von einem Kollegen einer Athener Universität geäußerte These plausibel sei, die deutliche Reakti- on der griechischen Gesellschaft auf diesen Mord sei damit zu erklären, dass erstmals ein griechischer Staatsbürger ermordet worden ist. Die von den griechischen Kollegen gegebene Antwort, dass vielmehr die Tatsache ausschlaggebend gewesen sei, dass es sich um einen gezielten politischen Mord handelte, hat nur halb überzeugt. Tatsächlich durchzieht auch die griechische Gesellschaft ein tiefsitzender Rassismus gegenüber be- stimmten Gruppen, der zu Nichtachtung, Diskriminierung und Ausgrenzung führt – und dazu, dass die gesellschaftliche Reaktion auf damit verbundene Gewalttaten gegen MigrantInnen und Flüchtlinge weit weniger massiv und eindeutig ist. 3 Vgl. Adriana Mardaki, Samsideen Iddrisu: ENAR Shadow Report 2005. Racism in Greece, Brüssel 2005. 8 Fabian Virchow · Zum Geleit Zu erinnern ist an dieser Stelle nicht nur an die gegenwärtige restriktive Politik der griechischen Regierung
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